Chapter 2 - Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation: from idea to 2020 vision
The concept of Asia Pacific
cooperation
2.1
The idea of an Asia Pacific community that would
encourage economic development in the region had been taking shape for many
years prior to 1989. The concept emerged in the mid-1960s and slowly gained
acceptance, mainly in the academic and business world, throughout the 1970s. By
the late 1980s, it had taken hold and was waiting to be put into action.
2.2
In this introductory chapter, the Committee looks
at the evolution of the notion of Asia Pacific economic cooperation and its
gradual transformation from a broad, ill-defined concept into an active and
ambitious organisation striving to promote the interests of economies in the
Asia Pacific region.
2.3
In 1967, the Japanese Foreign Minister, Mr Takeo
Miki, put forward an idea for a Pacific free trade area. The interest generated
by this proposal led to the inauguration of the Pacific Trade and Development
(PAFTAD) Conference which comprised academic economists and government
officials in their private capacity. Although they rejected the notion of a
free trade zone, they nonetheless could see the need for ‘institutional
innovation and policy initiatives directed towards the broad objectives of
extending and securing Asian-Pacific economic cooperation’.[1] The PAFTAD conference series
kept the debate on a Pacific economic community alive and continued to involve
a wider group of policy-oriented economists in developing the theme of Pacific
economic cooperation.
2.4
Also in 1967, a group of Japanese and Australian
business leaders founded the Pacific Basin Economic Council (PBEC). A
non-governmental organisation of senior business executives, PBEC was the first
multilateral group established in the region ‘at a time when there were no
formal structures in place to coordinate and promote economic cooperation
between economies in the Pacific region’. The Council sought to foster
cooperation and to facilitate social progress throughout the Pacific.[2] Since that time, PBEC has
consistently and effectively worked throughout the Asia Pacific area to promote
closer cooperation among governments of the region so they can better manage,
through the creation of open markets, the regulation and control of trade and
investment.[3]
2.5
In 1973, the Australian Senate Standing
Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence, in its report on Japan, commended the
activities of PBEC but wanted established ‘a more formal association between
governments—but not exclusively so—with a broader scope of activities and one
which embraces the developed and less developed countries of the Pacific’.[4]
2.6
Sir John Crawford and Dr Saburo Okita presented
a report in 1976 to the Governments of Australia and Japan. In their report,
based on research undertaken by the Australia, Japan, and Western Pacific
Economic Relations Project, they recommended that:
Japan and Australia should co-operate with developing nations in
the region to promote economic development, consistent with their long term
aspirations, and to work for the upgrading and diversification of the economic
structures of neighbouring economies in the Western Pacific Region including
the establishment of an efficient network of intra-industry specialisation and
trade throughout the region.[5]
2.7
The call for inter-governmental cooperation
among Pacific countries on economic matters grew louder and more persistent as
the 1980s approached. Peter Drysdale and Hugh Patrick, in a paper prepared for
the Committee on Foreign Relations for the United States Senate, detailed the
strengthening of Japan’s industrial power, the significant trade and industrial
growth achieved by the developing economies of North East and South East Asia
and the trend toward slower growth in Western Europe.
2.8
In noting the emergence of Pacific economic
interdependence and the shift of world economic power towards Asia and the
Pacific, Drysdale and Patrick suggested that the United States should consider
a new focus in their economic policy and a new framework for dealing with
Pacific economies.[6]
2.9
In January 1980, the Japanese Prime Minister, Mr
Masayoshi Ohira, and the Australian Prime Minister, Mr Malcolm Fraser, agreed
to the convening of a non-governmental seminar to examine the idea of a Pacific
community. Representatives from the business community and government
officials, acting in a private capacity, attended from the five ASEAN countries
(Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand) and Australia,
Canada, Japan, New Zealand, South Korea and the United States.[7]
2.10
The conference noted that the vigorous economic
growth in the region together with the trend towards greater economic
interdependence and the increasing significance of the region in global terms
supported the idea of a Pacific community. It feared, however, that this
emerging sense of community could be undermined in the 1980s by the growing
tendency toward protectionist pressures in many countries; increased
competition in international trade; a trend towards regionalism in other parts
of the world; and problems with access to resources. Participants agreed that
the concept of Pacific Basin cooperation held sufficient promise of substantial
and mutual advantages to the countries of the Pacific region that efforts
should be made to ‘translate this concept into practical realities’.[8]
2.11
The Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (PECC),
an institution bringing together in a tripartite partnership academics,
businessmen and governmental officials in their private capacities, grew out of
this conference. Since its inception, PECC has assumed a major role in
fostering regional awareness and in cultivating an appreciation of the region’s
economic interdependence.
2.12
During the 1980s, the multilateral trading
system came under sustained pressure:
- there had been an increase in the use of non-tariff measures and
domestic trade distorting practices;
- doubts were mounting about the prospects of continued global
trade liberalisation; and
- there were serious concerns about the drift toward protectionist
sentiments and trading blocs.
2.13
Tensions were rising between the United States
and Japan over bilateral trade and payments imbalances and the region needed
‘to meet the challenge of managing the emergence of China with its partially
reformed centrally planned system, and uncertainties related to the possibility
of a “fortress Europe” after 1992’.[9]
2.14
The idea of a Pacific cooperation forum, which
had been maturing for decades, was ready for serious consideration. Countries
in the region began to realise that they had common interests that could be better
served through greater consultation and cooperation. Developed and developing
economies within the region recognised that the formulation and development of
a more formal framework of international economic policy with an
outward-looking focus would improve their opportunities for growth that would
reap benefits for all in the region. They also began to appreciate that
together they could raise a stronger voice in global forums, such as the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), to achieve their shared
objectives.
2.15
In 1988, the then United States Secretary of
State, Mr George Shultz, advocated the establishment of an inter-governmental
forum for enhanced cooperation in the areas of education, communications and
energy. In December of that year, United States Senator Bradley proposed a
meeting of eight Pacific nations for joint action to promote common economic
benefits, such as the success of the Uruguay Round negotiations. But it was the
initiative taken by the Australian Prime Minister, Mr Bob Hawke, which was the
main impetus for APEC’s formation.
The idea of Asia Pacific
cooperation takes form
2.16
At this time, the Australian Government had
decided that the pursuit of Australia’s international commercial interests was
‘now a major foreign policy objective’.[10]
It recognised that the prosperity of the country would be best preserved and
enhanced through the greater enmeshment of ‘a diversified, productive,
efficient competitive Australia’ in the Asia Pacific region.[11]
2.17
In an address to the Korean Business Association
on 31 January 1989, Mr Hawke observed that the growth of all the dynamically
performing nations of the region depended, in a large measure, on their
capacity to take advantage of a relatively open and non-discriminatory
international trading system. But he warned of serious cracks appearing in the
global trading system that would influence the future health of the region and
the world, such as:
- the bilateral trade pressures associated with the significant
trade imbalances between a number of regional countries and the United States;
- the trend towards the formation of bilateral or regional trading
arrangements which could undermine a multilateral trading system; and
- fundamental tensions within the GATT framework of multilateral
trade.
2.18
Mr Hawke proposed a meeting of regional
countries that would explore the possibility of creating a more formal
inter-governmental forum for regional cooperation. In doing so, he stressed
that his support for such an institution must not be seen as an attempt to
establish a Pacific trading bloc but rather as a means to reinforce the GATT
system. The Australian Government did not intend the proposed conference to be
a ‘talk-shop’; it was to provide an opportunity for constructive discussions
that would identify common interests and help develop strategies based on
shared assessment.[12]
2.19
An intense period of diplomatic activity
followed. Mr Richard Woolcott, as Australia’s special envoy, conducted
extensive consultations in his visits to the various capitals in the region to
lobby support for an inter-governmental forum for the Asia Pacific region. One
of his more sensitive and successful tasks was to reassure ASEAN members that
the establishment of a wider regional organisation would not undermine the
effectiveness or weaken the cohesion of their association. This exercise of
‘niche diplomacy’ culminated in an agreement by twelve countries in the Asia
Pacific region to meet in Canberra.
2.20
Within Australia this proposal for an economic
regional forum had political bipartisan support. The then Opposition
acknowledged that the strengthening of Australian ties with the open economies
of the Pacific Basin was of great importance to Australia’s future and it
publicly endorsed Mr Hawke’s initiative.[13]
Canberra, 1989—APEC is born
2.21
On 6 and 7 November 1989, 26 Ministers from
twelve regional economies namely: Australia, Brunei Darussalam, Canada,
Indonesia, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, the
Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and the United States gathered in Canberra to
discuss how to advance Asia Pacific economic cooperation. This was the first
time that countries from the Pacific Basin had met as a regional group to
discuss their shared economic future. By participating in the meeting, these
countries, despite the diversity in language, culture, creed, history and
economic development, demonstrated a willingness to come together in pursuit of
common objectives and to take steps to promote the interests of their region.
2.22
The meeting recognised that a strong and open
multilateral trading system was essential to the economic growth and
development in the Asia-Pacific region. Ministers acknowledged that the GATT
Uruguay Round offered the principal and most immediate and practical
opportunity for them to reinforce and further liberalise the global trading
system. Finally, Ministers agreed that they should maintain close consultation
within the region to help bring about a positive outcome to the Round.
2.23
As part of the consensus-building process,
Ministers accepted that the fundamental principles underpinning Asia Pacific
economic cooperation should:
- recognise the diversity of the region, including the differing
social and economic systems and current levels of development;
- involve a commitment to open dialogue and consensus, with equal
respect for the views of all partners;
- strive to strengthen the open multilateral trading system—it
should not involve the formation of a trading bloc; and
- complement and draw upon organisations in the region, including
formal inter-governmental bodies such as ASEAN and less formal consultative
bodies such as the Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (PECC).[14]
2.24
Ministers appreciated that, if cooperation were
to produce tangible benefits, they needed to move beyond general agreement on
broad principles. They identified four areas where specific programs could be
implemented—economic studies; trade liberalisation; investment, technology
transfer and human resource development; and sectoral cooperation. Work in
these areas would allow a more systematic assessment of common interests. Their
intention was to put in place viable short to medium-term work programs that
would be reviewed at the next Ministerial-level meeting.[15]
2.25
Ministers agreed that it was too early to decide
on any particular structure either for a Ministerial-level forum or its support
mechanism but that further consultative meetings should be held and work should
proceed on matters of common concern. They welcomed Singapore’s offer to host a
second ministerial-level consultative meeting in mid-1990.
1990—Reaffirmation of APEC’s
general principles and objectives
2.26
At the second Ministers’ Meeting, held in
Singapore in July 1990, Ministers reiterated the general principles adopted in
Canberra.
2.27
In their clearest statement of objectives, they
announced that their primary goal for the year was to ensure a successful
conclusion to the Uruguay Round. They maintained that, following the completion
of this Round, an on-going central theme of APEC would be the promotion of a
more open trading system. While acknowledging the importance of reducing trade
barriers in goods and services in the region, Ministers agreed that any such
liberalisation should be consistent with GATT principles.
2.28
In reviewing the progress of the work projects,
Ministers formally endorsed them as concrete areas for closer cooperation and
expressed satisfaction with their progress. Each work project was managed by a
group of APEC members, or a single member, called a shepherd. A number of
shepherds’ meetings and work group meetings had already been held in various
APEC countries. The seven projects were:
- Review of Trade and Investment Data
- Trade Promotion: Programmes and Mechanisms for Cooperation
- Expansion of Investment and Technology Transfer in the Asia
Pacific Region
- Asia Pacific Multilateral Resource Development Initiative
- Region Energy Cooperation
- Marine Resource Conservation: Problem of Marine Pollution in the
APEC Region
- Telecommunications.
2.29
Finally, Ministers accepted that APEC should be
made up of economies with substantial economic linkages in the Asia Pacific
region but decided to keep the question of additional members under review.
They agreed that is was desirable for the three economies of the People’s
Republic of China, Taiwan and Hong Kong to participate in future meetings.
1991—APEC: ‘an international
personality’
2.30
From APEC’s inception, most participants shared
the basic understanding that it would be an informal consensus-building forum,
sensitive to the cultural, political and economic diversity among its members.
They appreciated that APEC needed to cultivate a spirit of cooperation: that
people in the region had to become accustomed to the idea of a Pacific
community before major advances in cooperation could be made. Since 1989, APEC
had been proceeding step by slow but steady step to build Asia Pacific economic
cooperation.
2.31
The Ministers’ Meeting in Seoul in November 1991
represented a major stride forward. The People’s Republic of China, Hong Kong
and Chinese Taipei, through the brokerage of Korea, had reached an
understanding enabling them to participate in APEC. This was the first
international meeting at which Taiwanese representatives using Ministerial
titles had sat at the same table as Ministers from China. The admission of the
three Chinese economies, increased APEC’s economic significance substantially.
APEC now accounted for half of the world’s GDP and 40 per cent of world trade.
2.32
At this meeting, Ministers endorsed the
recommendation of the Senior Officials to establish three additional work
projects covering fisheries, transportation and tourism and directed them to
pursue vigorously their development. They reiterated forcefully their resolve
to see a successful conclusion of the Uruguay Round pledging to instruct their
representatives to the Round ‘to return to the negotiating table with renewed
vigour, and to work with each other and their trading partners outside the
region to produce a bold and forward-looking result’.[16]
2.33
APEC Ministers, who had for two years been
deliberating on the principles that should underpin their organisation and the
direction it should take, issued a strong declaration of objectives. The
objectives as set out in the Seoul Declaration were:
- to sustain the growth and development of the
region for the common good of its people and, in this way, to contribute to the
growth and development of the world economy;
- to enhance the positive gains, both for the
region and the world economy, resulting from increasing economic
interdependence, including by encouraging the flow of goods, services, capital
and technology;
- to develop and strengthen the open multilateral
trading system in the interest of Asia-Pacific and all other economies; and
- to reduce barriers to trade in goods and
services and investment among participants in a manner consistent with GATT
principles, where applicable, and without detriment to other economies.
2.34
Moreover, Ministers reaffirmed their commitment
to open dialogue and consensus-building, with equal respect for the views of
all participants.[17]
This meeting defined APEC’s purpose and ‘endowed it with a clear international
personality’.[18]
1992—in search of a vision
2.35
In early 1992, the Australian Prime Minister, Mr
Bob Hawke, observed: ‘APEC is now a healthy, practically-orientated body whose
substantial work program is building a wide-ranging network of official
co-operation on these important matters and a growing consensus on the
necessity for a small permanent secretariat.’[19]
2.36
This confidence in APEC’s development was also
evident at the Ministers’ Meeting in Bangkok in September 1992. As the work
projects continued to make progress, Ministers were able to consider in greater
detail the practical implementation of the various projects. For example, they
directed their Senior Officials to implement proposals to establish, subject to
a feasibility study, an electronic tariff data base for APEC members to
facilitate regional trade through better information flows.
2.37
The Ministers also restated their determination
to pursue the objectives of APEC as detailed in the Seoul Declaration issued
the previous year. In regard to the Uruguay Round, they renewed APEC’s
‘unwavering commitment’ to achieving a successful conclusion of the Round in
order to strengthen the international trading system.
2.38
Ministers agreed that it was timely and appropriate
to set up a small secretariat as an effective support mechanism to facilitate
and coordinate APEC activities. The secretariat would provide logistical and
technical services as well as administer APEC’s financial affairs under the
direction of the APEC Senior Officials. A fund was to be established to cover
APEC administrative and operational costs. APEC members were to contribute to
this fund on a proportional basis to be determined by Ministers. The opening of
the permanent secretariat in Singapore in February 1993 marked a significant
step toward the institutionalisation of APEC and signalled a very definite
commitment by its members to ensure its effectiveness as an organisation.[20]
2.39
In addition, Ministers agreed that a small
Eminent Persons Group (EPG) should be established to articulate a vision for
trade in the Asia Pacific region to the year 2000. This group would also
identify constraints and issues that APEC should consider and would report
initially to the next ministerial-level meeting in 1993.
2.40
Aware of the benefits to be gained from private
sector involvement in APEC, Ministers requested Senior Officials to determine
how to include the private sector more effectively in the activities of the
work projects. The establishment of the permanent secretariat would facilitate
communication and help coordination between APEC and the business community.
Indeed, establishing closer ties between business and APEC groups would build
on a relationship that had already produced results—for example, the detailed
discussions on the possible advantages of a region-wide investment code by
PECC’s Trade Policy Forum had helped to place investment matters firmly on
APEC’s agenda. PECC welcomed APEC’s approach to involving business in APEC and
suggested that the sharing of information and practical knowledge about trade
and investment allows for ‘private sector inputs to regional cooperation at a
substantive, rather than rhetorical, level’.[21]
2.41
The establishment of the EPG was also likely to
attract greater input from the private sector. The majority of members of the
EPG had been associated closely with the development of PECC and they could
draw on this experience and their network in the business community to develop
a series of pragmatic steps to achieve trade liberalisation objectives. PECC
was one of the three observer organisations at APEC meetings and the only
non-governmental body to have that status.[22]
1993—the Leaders’ Summit and
political horsepower
2.42
The EPG presented their report to APEC Ministers
in October 1993. They urged APEC members to accelerate and expand cooperation
to counter the forces that threatened the region’s continued vitality. The EPG
identified three main dangers to the region’s economic growth:
- the erosion of the multilateral global trading system;
- the trend toward inward-looking regionalism; and
- the risk of fragmentation in the region.
To enhance economic activity in the region, the EPG
recommended that APEC:
- set a goal of free trade in the Asia Pacific to help realise the
full economic potential of the region;
- pursue an active program of regional trade liberalisation;
- reach an agreement in 1996 on a target date and timetable for the
achievement of free trade in the region; and
- commence immediately an extensive series of APEC trade and
investment facilitation programs, such as the adoption of an Asia Pacific
Investment Code, an effective dispute settlement mechanism and mutual
recognition of product standards that would be reviewed at the annual
Ministerial meetings.
2.43
In placing APEC in the broader economic system,
the EPG recognised that APEC members had a vital interest in the well being and
openness of the global economy. They recommended that APEC’s goal of regional
free trade should be pursued to the greatest possible extent through
multilateral liberalisation and that APEC should work toward achieving the
successful conclusion of the Uruguay Round by 1993. Mr William Bodde, APEC’s
first executive director, wrote that the task of EPG ‘was to point out the
stars that APEC could use to navigate into the twenty-first century’. He
remarked, however, that in plotting the way forward the EPG had been a little
too daring for some of the Ministers.[23]
2.44
From 17 to 19 November 1993, APEC Ministers met
in Seattle. Since 1989, they had been calling for a successful conclusion to
the Uruguay Round. Year after year, Ministers had asserted their determination
to develop APEC’s global role as an outward-looking forum working through
consultation and by consensus to reinforce the multilateral trading system. A
stern note of resolve stamped their declaration on the Uruguay Round in which
they stated that the time for pledges and commitments had long past and they
called for urgent action to complete successfully the Uruguay Round. They
declared:
...as the most economically powerful and dynamic region in the
world representing nearly 40% of the world’s population and 40% of world trade,
we collectively are determined to assure that the Round succeeds by helping to
forge the necessary consensus in Geneva.
They challenged participants in the Uruguay Round to improve
their market access and announced that APEC members were prepared to take the
lead by offering to eliminate, reduce or harmonise tariff and non-tariff
barriers in particular sectors.
2.45
The Seattle meeting moved closer to establishing
a formal framework for trade and investment in the region with their approval
of the creation of the Committee on Trade and Investment (CTI) and its far
reaching work programme. The meeting also agreed to admit Mexico and Papua New
Guinea as members in 1993 and Chile the following year. It took the position,
however, to defer consideration of additional members for three years.[24]
2.46
At this time, the Ministerial-level meeting was
the highest level policy-making body of APEC. In April 1992, the Australian
Prime Minister, Mr Paul Keating, sought to change this arrangement. He wrote to
President Suharto of Indonesia about the possibility of holding periodic
Asia-Pacific heads of government meetings based on APEC membership. President
Suharto and later the American President, Mr George Bush, quietly endorsed the
proposal.[25]
Mr Keating believed that such high-level gatherings would inject some political
horsepower into APEC.[26]
He was convinced that unless APEC could draw on the executive authority of
national leaders it would ‘remain a modest and essentially peripheral
organisation’.[27]
Six months later, he explained to the Japanese Prime Minister, Mr Miyazawa,
that heads of government meetings would add political weight and status to the
APEC process.[28]
2.47
It was the newly-elected American President, Mr
Bill Clinton, however, who acted upon Mr Keating’s proposal when he invited
APEC leaders to attend an informal get together which was intended to promote a
free exchange of views on regional and world economic development. The meeting
was to be held at Blake Island immediately following the Ministers’ Meeting in
Seattle. The Malaysian Prime Minister, Dr Mahathir Mohamad, declined to attend.
2.48
At Blake Island, the Leaders, who met without
officials and without a formal agenda, took a number of initiatives which
endorsed the principles and objectives set down by their Ministers. This
meeting not only complemented the Ministers’ Meeting but, as predicted by Mr
Keating, it gave APEC greater international credibility and authority. At the
meeting the Leaders pledged:
- to bring the Uruguay Round to a successful conclusion by the
deadline of 15 December;
- to deepen and broaden the outcome of the Uruguay Round by
strengthening trade and investment liberalisation in the region and
facilitating regional cooperation;
-
to encourage the further development of business networks
throughout the region; and
-
to nurture APEC’s spirit of community.
2.49
As a more practical and concrete step toward
forging closer links with business, APEC Leaders agreed to the establishment of
a Pacific Business Forum (PBF). This forum would draw on the experience and
advice of business people in the region to determine ways in which APEC could
facilitate regional trade and investment and promote the further development of
business networks.[29]
It held its first meeting in Singapore in June 1994 and became the ‘major
business conduit into APEC’.[30]
Although the members came from diverse economies, they shared the same
philosophy, ‘of doing business better, faster and more effectively’.[31]
2.50
The united front conveyed in the Ministers’
report and the Leaders’ joint statement, masked underlying tensions in APEC.
The prolonged and unresolved Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations
created uncertainties in the region. The formation of regional arrangements
including the European Community and the North American Free Trade Agreement
warned of a drift toward preferential trading blocs centred on Europe, North
America and East Asia.[32]
The Malaysian Prime Minister, Dr Mahathir, in particular, was troubled by the
possibility of APEC transforming into a trading bloc. He maintained that the
Leaders’ Meeting at Blake Island would be counter-productive and that it had
been convened only to create trade blocs and to take on Europe.[33]
2.51
Indeed, in 1990, Dr Mahathir had proposed the
formation of an East Asian trade group to counter the single market concept of
the European Community and the North American Free Trade Area. He envisioned a
formal grouping of East Asian countries that would facilitate consultation and
consensus prior to negotiating with Europe or America or in multilateral fora
such as GATT. He maintained:
We in East Asia must not form a trading bloc of our own. But we
know that alone and singly we cannot stop the slide towards controlled and
regulated international commerce...To stop the slide and to preserve free trade
the countries of East Asia, which contain some of the most dynamic economies in
the world today, must at least speak with one voice.[34]
2.52
Australia and the United States strongly opposed
the formation of an East Asian Economic Group or Caucus because of concerns
that such an association might undercut the effectiveness of APEC. The
likelihood of being excluded from such a regional economic grouping also
worried Australia.[35]
2.53
One of the central underlying fears of some APEC
members—that the less developed economies would be overshadowed by the more
dominant members—also came to the surface at this time. From APEC’s inception,
participants had agreed that APEC should be an informal consultative forum that
would nurture the concept of an Asia Pacific community. For some, it seemed
that APEC was now drawing away from its fundamental commitment to
consensus-building. The Malaysian Minister for Trade and Industry maintained
that ‘APEC is slowly turning out to be what it wasn’t supposed to be, meaning
that APEC was constituted as a loose consultative forum’.[36] The leadership role taken by
Mr Clinton in calling APEC leaders together at Blake Island heightened the
anxieties of some of the less developed economies. Dr Mahathir insisted that;
‘A true Pacific community cannot be built on the basis of hegemony and imperial
command.’[37]
Despite underlying anxieties, the Leaders’ Meeting proceeded to quicken the
pace of progress in APEC.
1994—the 2020 Vision: the Bogor
Declaration
2.54
The EPG presented its second report in August
1994, which recommended that APEC implement a trade liberalisation program
which should be completed by 2020. The Group again urged APEC to pursue a trade
facilitation and technical cooperation program and to create a dispute
mediation service.
2.55
The newly-formed Pacific Business Forum (PBF)
brought forward a number of recommendations designed to promote free trade. It
recognised the importance of maintaining forward momentum and urged APEC to
prove its worth by making substantive and practical progress towards a
predictable trade and investment environment in the Asia Pacific region. It
emphasised:
businesses will not, and cannot, wait for governments.
Businesses will go where bureaucracy is minimal and procedures straightforward
and transparent.[38]
It emphasised that APEC must be pragmatic and achieve
concrete results. Ambitiously, it recommended that:
- APEC economies should achieve free trade and investment
liberalisation by 2002 for developed economies and no later than 2010 for all
APEC members;
- APEC Leaders should as soon as possible adopt a policy of
standstill on the introduction of new trade and investment barriers and
incorporate the principles of a non-binding Asia Pacific Investment Code into
domestic laws; and
- APEC economies should implement the Uruguay Round commitments,
accelerate the fulfilment of these commitments and undertake further market
opening measures beyond those of the Uruguay Round.
2.56
To facilitate business, it suggested, inter
alia, that transparency in administrative systems, rules and regulations
should be a priority; adoption of a common APEC customs code should be an
important goal; and government practices and product standards that affect
cross-border trade and investment should be harmonised.[39] The PBF also suggested that
APEC continue to give priority to human resources development and to take
measures to improve the government-business sector partnership.
2.57
Both the PBF and the EPG, with their close
networks into the business community, were pushing for the implementation of
practical, achievable measures that would bring about free and open trade and
investment in the region and beyond.
2.58
At their meeting in Jakarta in November 1994,
Ministers reaffirmed the important role of the private sector in APEC and noted
that the reports of the EPG and PBF would serve as valuable reference documents
for future deliberations. They restated their commitment to achieve full
implementation of the results of the Uruguay Round, which had finally
concluded, and to continue to provide leadership for the early ratification of
the agreement establishing the World Trade Organization (WTO), GATT’s
successor, so that it would come into operation as of 1 January 1995.[40] They also endorsed a set of
non-binding investment principles.[41]
2.59
The Economic Leaders met in Bogor on 15 November
1994. In their Declaration of Common Resolve, they issued a forthright mission
statement which spoke of an organisation with a clear understanding of its
objectives; confident of its ability to work toward those goals and determined
to realise them.
2.60
The Leaders noted the conclusion of the Uruguay
Round and APEC’s contribution to its success. They now agreed to carry out the
Uruguay Round commitments fully and without delay and called on all
participants in the Round to do the same. To place trade reform firmly on
track, they decided to hasten the implementation of these commitments and to
undertake work aimed at deepening and broadening the outcome of the Uruguay
Round negotiations. Further, they agreed that they would try not to use
measures that would result in increasing levels of protection. They called for
the inauguration of the WTO and pledged to support it. Once again, they
reaffirmed their commitment to achieving free and open trade and investment by
further reducing barriers to trade and investment and by promoting the free
flow of goods, services and capital among the region’s economies.
2.61
In a bold move, the Leaders agreed to reach
their objective of free and open trade in the Asia Pacific region by no later
than the year 2020. The rate of implementation was to take account of the
differing levels of economic development among the APEC members. The
industrialised economies were to achieve free and open trade and investment no
later than 2010 while developing economies were set a deadline of no later that
2020. Furthermore, the Leaders expressed their determination to pursue these
goals in a way that would encourage and strengthen trade and investment in the
world as a whole.
2.62
The Leaders also decided to complement and
support the process of trade liberalisation by expanding and accelerating
APEC’s trade and investment facilitation programs. In particular, they asked
Ministers and Officials to submit proposals on APEC arrangements on customs,
standards, investment principles and administrative obstacles to market access.
They invited their members to show leadership by agreeing that economies ready
to initiate and implement a cooperative arrangement could proceed to do so,
while those not yet prepared to participate might join at a later date. With
less conviction, they agreed to examine the possibility of a voluntary
consultative dispute mediation service.
2.63
To encourage APEC members to move decidedly
toward the stated objectives of free and open trade by 2010/2020, the Leaders
commissioned their Ministers and Officials to start immediately to prepare
detailed plans for the implementation of these goals. Leaders directed that
‘the proposals are to be submitted soon to the APEC economic leaders for their
consideration and subsequent decisions’. Proposals were to address all
impediments to achieving their goal. They asked Ministers and Officials to
consider seriously the recommendations contained in the reports of the EPG and
PBF.
2.64
APEC had rolled up its sleeves. In this
declaration, known as the Bogor Declaration, Leaders had fixed their focus on
the goal of free trade; they had clearly defined their purpose; and set down a
timetable for meeting their goals. They had moved from ‘a vision to a practical
blueprint for action’.[42]
The Leaders concluded:
...we are determined to demonstrate APEC’s leadership in fostering
further global trade and investment liberalisation...We will start our concerted
liberalisation process from the very date of this statement.[43]
2.65
The Bogor Declaration had set an ambitious
agenda that challenged all APEC members to reduce trade barriers. Ministers in
devising an action plan were also to address the less visible impediments to
trade and investment such as the lack of international product standards and
different customs procedures. APEC leaders wanted to see the elimination of
procedures that waste time and resources and which generate uncertainties in
business.
2.66
Participants in APEC realised that much detailed
work on the trade liberalisation agenda remained to be done before they could
settle on an agreed plan of action. The Bogor Declaration left unanswered
questions as to whether free trade would apply to all products and to services
and whether it meant zero or merely negligible tariffs. Some members baulked at
the hard and fast deadlines and the meaning of ‘open regionalism’ still awaited
clarification. There was uncertainty about whether the action plans would
impose any obligations.[44]
The Malaysian Trade and Industry Minister, Rafidah Aziz, noted that ‘Anything
that happens in APEC is non-binding’.[45]
Clearly, there would be problems in building a durable consensus especially on
these difficult matters.
1995—Drawing up the template:
the Osaka Action Agenda
2.67
The challenge now confronting APEC members was
to translate commitment into action. The Bogor Declaration had taken APEC from
a forum for consultation and cooperation to one charged with the task of
overseeing the implementation of programs with clearly defined gaols and set
timetables. The next step was to draw up a comprehensive action plan that would
see APEC economies realise the Bogor goals.
2.68
The Australian Government acknowledged that the
fundamental challenge confronting APEC was for each member to develop an action
agenda that would demonstrate its commitment to eliminating trade and
investment barriers.[46]
It understood that, while APEC members would move toward the Bogor goals, they
would not necessarily take the same path. Each member had its own starting
point and its particular capability for reform. It would set its own pace and
priorities and, within the broader APEC framework, map out, in an Individual
Action Plan, its own strategy for meeting the Bogor commitments of free trade
and investment. The Australian Government intended its plan to address not only
tariff reduction, but areas such as investment, non-tariff barriers, export
subsidies and services.
2.69
In August 1995, the EPG presented its third, and
what was to be its last, report to APEC. Again, it was a document rich in ideas
and suggestions but its central proposal urged APEC to move promptly and
decisively toward the implementation of measures that would see the Bogor
Declaration realised.
2.70
In a similar vein, the PBF, in its 1995, report
stated that the stage had been set for action. It stressed that APEC leaders
must reach consensus in Osaka on how to proceed to 2010/2020 and that the
implementation of their decisions must begin immediately thereafter.[47] It also recommended the
establishment of a permanent business advisory forum to forge a successful
partnership between APEC and the business community. The two main advisory
bodies to APEC were insistent that APEC must give substance to the Bogor
Declaration.
2.71
In November 1995, Press Secretary of the
Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Mr Hiroshi Hashimoto, echoed the same
sentiment. He announced that ‘APEC is now moving on from a stage of “visions”
and “concepts” to that of “actual implementation of measures.” The APEC Osaka
Meeting marks the start of the first Year of Action.’[48]
2.72
But as the time for the Osaka meeting drew
closer, a number of prickly issues came to the fore. The matter of
comprehensiveness—of whether some sectors, such as agriculture, should be
excluded from the Bogor liberalisation objective—was of particular concern to
Australia. The Minister for Trade, Senator Bob McMullan, made plain Australia’s
position when he insisted that, ‘it is vitally important that the action agenda
we are currently developing to implement the APEC leaders’ commitment to free
trade and investment endorse the principle that there be no exceptions to the
free trade and investment undertaking’.[49]
Some APEC members, notably China, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan, were looking
to dilute the general principle of comprehensiveness sought by Australia and
the United States by excluding agriculture from the action agenda.[50] The second issue to be
clarified was whether APEC liberalisation would be on a discriminatory and
preferential basis or whether it would be on a non-discriminatory and open
basis.
2.73
Indeed, Mr Hashimoto told journalists in Osaka
that the principles of comprehensiveness, comparability and non-discrimination
were the most difficult issues confronting APEC and he hoped they would be
settled before the Ministerial Meeting.[51]
On the question of whether the action agenda would be binding on member
economies, he offered the view that, while the action agenda, legally speaking,
was not binding, it was binding politically.[52]
2.74
During APEC’s formative years, its primary focus
had always been on trade and economics. Some people, however, now saw it as an
ideal vehicle to advance other causes. In October 1995, the issue of the
inclusion of social clauses on the APEC agenda and the establishment of an APEC
body to address labour conditions, environmental safeguards and the social
consequences of APEC agreements was raised. The then Australian Minister for
Trade, Senator McMullan, reminded the Senate that APEC worked on the basis of
shared commitment and coordinated voluntary actions by its members.
Nevertheless, he stated that issues such as labour standards and environment
were being considered by a number of committees in various working groups in
APEC.[53]
2.75
The main focus of APEC activities throughout
1995 had centred on the formulation of an action agenda based on intensive and
wide-ranging deliberations. In preparing this draft action agenda, APEC Senior
Officials incorporated contributions from all relevant APEC fora and took
account of the voluntary commitments made by each member economy. At the
Seventh Ministerial Meeting, held in Osaka on 16 and 17 November 1995,
Ministers discussed the draft action agenda prepared by the Senior Officials
and agreed to place it before the Economic Leaders for their consideration and
adoption.[54]
2.76
On 19 November 1995, APEC Leaders met at Osaka
and reaffirmed their target dates of 2010 for developed economies to remove
trade impediments and 2020 for developing economies. Each Leader submitted a
‘down payment’ toward 2010/2020 in the form of an outline of an initial
Individual Action Plan which sketched the measures that his economy would be
taking, and has taken, to contribute to a free and open trade and investment
system. The Leaders stated that these voluntary actions demonstrated their
‘firm commitment toward realising the goals identified at Bogor...’[55] They hoped that this
initiative together with complementary APEC measures, such as the early
implementation of WTO agreements, would encourage non-APEC members to follow
suit and help forward global trade and investment liberalisation.
2.77
In turning to the draft action agenda, Leaders
maintained that this was the template for future APEC work toward their shared
goals. They adopted the draft as the Osaka Action Agenda. It mapped out the
overall strategy for realising the Bogor Declaration. The Action Agenda went
beyond tariff reduction to encompass a broad area of technical cooperation and
the transfer of technology. Part One of the Agenda covered the areas of trade
and investment liberalisation and trade and investment facilitation; Part Two
dealt with economic and technical cooperation. These three areas—trade and
investment liberalisation; trade and investment facilitation, and economic and
technical cooperation—formed the three pillars of APEC activities; they were to
be complementary and equally significant.
2.78
The Osaka Agenda instructed each APEC economy,
when drawing up its own Individual Action Plan, to observe the objectives and
guidelines set down for each of fifteen specific areas. These areas embraced a
broad and diverse range of issues which covered: tariffs; non-tariff measures;
services; investment; standards and conformance; customs procedures;
intellectual property rights; competition policy; government procurement;
deregulation; rules of origin; dispute mediation; mobility of business people;
implementation of the Uruguay Round outcomes; and information gathering and
analysis.
2.79
The Agenda set down the principles that were to
apply to the entire process of trade liberalisation and trade facilitation in
the region. The principles were:
- comprehensiveness—the liberalisation process to address
all impediments to the long-term goal of free and open trade and investment;
- WTO consistency—measures undertaken in the context of the
APEC Action Agenda to be WTO-consistent;
- comparability—APEC economies to try to ensure the overall
comparability of their trade and investment liberalisation and facilitation,
taking into account the general level of liberalisation and facilitation
already achieved by each APEC economy;
- non-discrimination—APEC economies to apply or try to apply
the principle of non-discrimination between and among them in the process of
liberalisation and facilitation of trade and investment;
- transparency—APEC economies to ensure transparency of
laws, regulations and administrative procedures that affect the flow of goods,
services and capital among APEC economies;
- standstill—APEC economies to try to avoid measures that
increase levels of protection;
- simultaneous start, continuous process and differentiated
timetables—APEC economies to begin simultaneously and without delay the
process of liberalisation, facilitation and cooperation, contributing
continuously to achieving the long-term goal of free and open trade and
investment;
- flexibility—APEC economies, in accommodating the varying
levels of economic development among APEC members, to show flexibility in
dealing with issues arising from such circumstances;
- cooperation—APEC economies to actively pursue economic and
technical cooperation.[56]
2.80
A schedule and format, contained in the Agenda,
directed Ministers and Officials to start immediately to prepare their own
concrete and substantive action plans to be submitted in 1996. Overall implementation
of the plans was to begin on 1 January 1997; they were to be reviewed
annually; and could be revised and improved in response to changing
circumstances. The formulation of the Individual Action Plans (IAPs) was to be
the first step in a long-term and on-going process leading to the achievement
of the Bogor objective of free trade and investment. It marked the beginning of
a determined effort by APEC members to embark on a definite course toward their
common objectives.
2.81
APEC also agreed on collective action in areas
where solutions and results could be best produced by a group. The Collective
Action Plan (CAP) identified the measures that APEC economies would take as a
whole to remove impediments to trade and investment. The APEC Committee on Trade
and Investment (CTI), established in 1994, was to coordinate the preparation of
these plans. CAPs were intended to advance activity in the first fourteen areas
listed in the Agenda and to provide the means to monitor and report on
progress. Overall, CAPs were designed to facilitate business and reduce the
cost of conducting business in the region.[57]
2.82
The objectives and principles in the Action
Agenda were clear; the template for the action plans complete. Individual APEC
members now had the task of drawing up their own plans. With determination, the
Leaders asserted:
We have, with Osaka, entered the action phase in translating
this vision and these goals into reality. Today we adopt the Osaka Action
Agenda, the embodiment of our political will, to carry through our commitment
at Bogor. We will implement the Action Agenda with unwavering resolve.[58]
2.83
Leaders agreed to establish an APEC Business
Advisory Council (ABAC) to provide advice on business views and priorities for
APEC activities. This Advisory Council would replace the Pacific Business Forum
and was to be APEC’s peak business advisory body—‘a channel for business to
present its views to leaders on what APEC should be doing to promote trade and
investment in the APEC region’.[59]
More specifically ABAC was to provide advice on the implementation of the Osaka
Action Agenda.
2.84
The then Australian Prime Minister, Mr Paul
Keating, stated that the plan of action and the Leaders’ Declaration met all of
Australia’s aims particularly in having the comprehensive coverage of all
sectors and issues placed firmly on the APEC agenda. He explained that this ‘is
a real win for Australian farmers because it enables them to plan confidently
for the opening of the vast market around us and brings closer our vision of
Australia as a global supplier of food’.[60]
The then Leader of the Opposition, Mr John Howard, made plain that the goals of
APEC were shared by both sides of the Commonwealth Parliament.[61]
1996—the Manila Action Plan:
APEC means business
2.85
All 18 members met the deadline in submitting
their draft Individual Action Plans to the APEC Senior Officials Meeting in
Cebu in May 1996. The plans were to undergo further review and fine-tuning
before being presented to the APEC Ministers and Leaders meetings in Manila and
Subic. The then Australian Minister for Trade, Mr Tim Fischer, explained that
in giving further consideration to the Australian draft, his department would
give priority to areas of most importance to Australian business including the
liberalisation of minerals, agriculture, and services trade; the reduction of
high tariffs on industrial products; and progress on harmonisation or mutual
recognition of standards. He stated that Australia’s plan was fully consistent
with the general principles of the Osaka Action Agenda, including
comprehensiveness, WTO consistency, comparability and transparency.[62]
2.86
The CTI, which would come to be acknowledged as
‘the engine of trade liberalisation in APEC’, gave priority during 1996 to the
development of Collective Action Plans (CAPs).[63]
It met five times in 1996 and reported that ‘although APEC members have adopted
a careful and measured approach to the initial year of the CAP process, the
content of CAP formats reveals an encouraging level of APEC “tangible outputs”
in the short term’.
2.87
As the time for the APEC Leaders’ meeting
approached, doubts were expressed about the depth of commitment for the Bogor
Declaration. Mr Fred Bergsten, the former chairman of the APEC Eminent Persons
Group, looked back on the Osaka meeting as ‘largely procedural’ and cautioned
that a second year of inaction would seriously undermine APEC’s credibility.[64] He believed that the IAPs and
the CAPs were unlikely to demonstrate that APEC was moving ahead. Nevertheless,
he could see useful progress being made towards harmonising and modernising
customs practices throughout the region and the adoption of a ‘business visa’
to speed commercial travel.
2.88
In their report submitted to the Economic
Leaders on 26 October 1996, ABAC emphasised that, if the Blake Island vision
and the Bogor goals were to be realised, APEC’s trade and investment
liberalisation and facilitation agenda must be accompanied by concerted
economic and technical cooperation.[65]
The emphasis was on achievable initiatives. The chairman of ABAC, Mr Roberto
Romulo, stressed that APEC had reached a critical stage, ‘where everyone must
get down to business and be more practical’.[66]
2.89
Ministers, at their meeting in Manila on 22 and
23 November 1996, adopted the Manila Action Plan for APEC (MAPA) for
endorsement by the APEC Economic Leaders. This plan integrated the IAPs, CAPs
and Progress Reports on Joint Activities of APEC members and the various APEC
fora. They welcomed the submission by member economies of their Individual
Action Plans, which they agreed generally conformed to the principles and
guidelines contained in the Osaka Action Agenda.
2.90
On 25 November, APEC Economic Leaders met in
Subic, the Philippines. In their Declaration, they pledged to implement the
initiatives contained in their Individual Action Plans from 1 January 1997.
They acknowledged that the MAPA contained only the first step of an
‘evolutionary process of progressive and comprehensive trade and investment
liberalization toward achieving our Bogor goals by 2010/2020, in accordance
with the Osaka Agenda’.[67]
The Leaders expressed their determination to sustain the dynamism of their
plans through an on-going process of review and consultations. They remained
committed to build on the MAPA and to improve their action plans. As a means to
push further ahead with the agenda, the Leaders instructed their Ministers to
identify sectors where early voluntary liberalization would have a positive
impact on trade, investment and economic growth in the individual APEC
economies as well as in the region, and to formulate recommendations on how
this could be achieved.[68]
2.91
The Leaders praised the results of APEC’s CAP
work, which they believed would facilitate the conduct of business in and
between APEC economies by increasing competitiveness and reducing transaction
costs. They announced that they had agreed to harmonise tariff nomenclature by
the end of 1996 and customs clearance procedures by 1998. Further, they had
directed their Ministers to intensify their efforts in 1997 on the
simplification of customs clearance procedures, effective implementation of
intellectual property rights commitments, harmonisation of customs valuation,
facilitation of comprehensive trade in services, and enhancing the environment
for investments.[69]
Ministers welcomed the decision of Australia, Korea and the Philippines to
proceed with a trial of an APEC Travel Card in 1997. Business leaders hoped
that by filling in one form a business traveller would be pre-cleared for
travel to all APEC economies participating in the scheme.
2.92
The Malaysian Prime Minister, Dr Mahathir,
concerned about the way in which the market liberalisation measures were being
pursued by APEC, again questioned APEC’s ambitious free trade schedule. He
maintained that it ‘would be unrealistic and grossly unfair to coerce particularly
the less advanced member economies to undertake liberalization measures at a
pace and manner beyond their capacity.’[70]
He stated:
The greatest challenge facing APEC business leaders, and some
governments too, is to have enough patience to nurture the region’s immense
potential for co-operation and for development’.[71]
2.93
The Australian Prime Minister, Mr John Howard,
accepted that not every economy would move at the same pace in the same area.
But, while conceding that APEC did not require mathematically precise
reciprocity, he argued that for APEC to work there would have to be ‘continual
movement across all sectors’.[72]
2.94
The President of the Republic of the
Philippines, Fidel V. Ramos wanted people to remember that APEC’s way is ‘open
regionalism, which is non-exclusive and non-collusive’. He added, ‘Our method
of cooperation allows each member economy to march at its own pace—moving
gradually toward greater economic cooperation and mutual benefit.’[73] Timothy Ong, an EPG member,
had earlier described this situation:
There are many trains in APEC, fast and slow, primitive and
advanced. Some are enthusiastic, some are cautious.
He suggested that, although the trains are coming from
different places and moving at different speeds, they are all heading for the
same destination.[74]
2.95
For some, the IAPs matched the ambitions of the
Bogor Declaration. In brief, PECC noted that the individual APEC economies are
‘all well on track towards the Bogor goal and the tariff reductions are mostly
faster and deeper than their Uruguay Round commitments’. In the area of
non-tariff barriers, PECC reported that a start had been made but progress was
less evident. On the other hand, for some the gap between APEC rhetoric and
deeds was noticeable. Mr C. Fred Bergsten was critical of the IAPs. He
maintained that the results were disappointing and added:
The United States and Japan, the two largest economies in APEC
(and the world) faced nationwide elections and have thus resisted significant
new liberalization. Indonesia, whose leadership was pivotal in forging the
Bogor Declaration in 1994, adopted illiberal policies in several key sectors. A
few of the smaller countries have taken constructive first steps. But the IAPs
seem unlikely to provide convincing evidence that APEC is moving ahead and
could instead trigger widespread scepticism about the seriousness of the
exercise.[75]
2.96
Indeed the test for APEC would be:
- whether the mechanism of consultation, review and revision would
deliver tangible outcomes;
- whether such a mechanism could effectively prod each member
economy to progressively deepen and widen commitments, and to proceed from
identifying specific immediate term actions to outlining the medium and longer
term actions more specifically; and
- whether economic and technical cooperation programs would produce
tangible results.[76]
2.97
The MAPA revealed that APEC had a distance to
travel before the Bogor goals could be met. APEC had mapped out the route and
all members were showing a preparedness to stay on course, though some were
wary and resented the sense of being hurried. Clearly the process of monitoring
progress and reviewing plans remains an important means of maintaining the
momentum toward 2010/2020.
1997—Vancouver: attempts to
achieve Early Voluntary Sectoral Liberalisation (EVSL)
2.98
APEC now had the task of overseeing MAPA’s
implementation and improvement. In ABAC’s opinion, the Ministers’ and Leaders’
meetings in Vancouver, would ‘set the pace for APEC’s advance from vision to
action’.[77]
During the year, APEC members had been buoyed by their successful contribution
in bringing the Information Technology Agreement (ITA) to fruition. APEC had
nurtured the agreement during its early stages before it was taken up and
endorsed by the WTO. In May 1997, the United States Trade Representative,
Charlene Barshefsky, maintained that there had been a sea-change in APEC over
the last year. She stated:
After our success in bringing the ITA on line, there is now a
recognition of APEC’s ability to set an agenda for trade expansion initiatives
using a sectoral market-opening strategy. These initiatives are the ‘building
blocks’ in opening up global markets on reciprocal terms.[78]
2.99
In the meantime, however, the economic situation
in some Asian economies had begun to deteriorate and attention turned to how the
APEC Ministers and Leaders would deal with the unfolding financial crisis.
2.100
This climate of economic uncertainty gave an
edge to the Vancouver meetings. Ministers recognised the effect that the
currency and financial market instability was having on the economies of the
region. In the face of growing economic turbulence, however, they did not veer
from their stated conviction that continued trade and investment liberalisation
and facilitation remained fundamental to economic growth and equitable development
in the Asia Pacific region.
2.101
In turning to the APEC agenda, and in response
to the directive given by leaders 12 months earlier, Ministers at the
ministerial meeting in Vancouver named 15 sectors where they expected early
voluntary liberalization to have a positive influence on trade, investment and
economic growth in APEC economies and throughout the region. In refining this
list further, the Ministers called for the development of appropriate
agreements or arrangements for market-opening and facilitation and economic and
technical cooperation measures, based on existing proposals in the following
nine sectors:
- environmental goods and services;
- energy sector;
- fish and fish products;
- toys;
- forest products;
- gems and jewellery;
- medical equipment and instruments;
- chemicals; and
- telecommunications mutual recognition arrangement.[79]
Ministers wanted preliminary work on these sectors, such as
determining the scope of coverage, flexible phasing, measures covered and
implementation schedule, to be concluded in the first half of 1998 with a view
to implementation in 1999.
2.102
The Leaders, who gathered immediately after the
Ministers’ meeting, also devoted substantial attention to the financial
troubles in Asia. They felt that the international dimensions of the regional
currency crisis required ‘a global response, with regional initiatives to
complement and support these efforts’. They concluded:
We believe it is critically important that we move quickly to
enhance the capacity of the international system to prevent or, if necessary,
to respond to financial crises of this kind. On a global level, the role of the
IMF remains central. Therefore, we welcome and strongly endorse the framework
agreed to in Manila as a constructive step to enhance cooperation to promote
financial stability...
We recognize that as the region’s most comprehensive economic
forum, APEC is particularly well suited to play a pivotal role in fostering the
kind of dialogue and cooperation on a range of policies and develop initiatives
to support and supplement these efforts.[80]
2.103
At the time of the Vancouver meetings, there
were concerns that the financial turmoil would delay APEC’s trade and
investment liberalisation agenda. Leaders, however, did not step back from
their commitment to achieve the Bogor goals and rejected outright any idea of
softening their approach to free and open trade. They declared:
We remain convinced that open markets bring significant benefits
and we will continue to pursue trade and investment liberalization that fosters
further growth.
2.104
As a measure of their determination to force the
pace of liberalisation, Leaders endorsed the recommendation of their Ministers
for EVSL. They directed that action be taken toward early liberalisation in the
15 designated sectors, with the nominated nine to be advanced throughout 1998
and to commence implementation in 1999.
2.105
The then Australian Minister for Trade, Mr Tim
Fischer, announced that the APEC agreement to accelerate liberalisation in 15
trade sectors was ‘the most significant positive trade outcome of the year’. He
added:
This marked the coming of age of APEC from an organisation
focused on intentions, to one focused on outcomes. It is now absolutely vital
that liberalisation timetables set for these 15 sectors are progressed with
vigour and determination.[81]
2.106
The EVSL proposal was not, however, without its
critics. The Australian Productivity Commission subsequently published a report
on the issue which concluded that:
It remains a real question, therefore, whether EVSL initiatives
are likely to guarantee real income gains to a majority of APEC members.[82]
2.107
The EVSL proposals were also criticised by
independent commentators and the Shadow Minister for Trade, Senator Peter Cook.[83]
2.108
In turning to the IAPs, Leaders recognised the
efforts made by members to strengthen their commitments. A report by ABAC,
however, highlighted the need for further work. It pointed out that, while half
of APEC’s members announced tariff reductions beyond their Uruguay Round
commitments, real progress on lowering non-tariff barriers was difficult to
discern. ABAC called for a higher level of transparency in the IAPs and for
greater clarity by giving more detailed specifications of the intended path to
the Bogor goals.[84]
2.109
Although, to some extent, the emphasis given to
the new area of EVSL shifted attention away from the IAPs, it also raised
expectations that APEC would deliver more immediate and tangible results. The
commitment to early sectoral liberalisation was clear, loud and very specific.
2.110
In regard to membership, APEC Leaders agreed to
admit Peru, Russia and Vietnam as new members of APEC. They were to become full
members at the APEC Ministerial Meeting in November 1998 in Kuala Lumpur. This
would increase APEC’s membership to 21 and would account for 55 per cent of
total world income and 46 per cent of global trade.[85] The Opposition was critical of
the admission of these new members, particularly Russia, on the grounds that
they would make APEC a more unwieldy and less cohesive forum.
2.111
Given the currency crisis and the unpromising
economic climate in some Asian countries, APEC appeared to be holding steady on
its course toward achieving the Bogor goals. The new initiative on EVSL had
given APEC members a sharper focus and a tighter schedule to meet the challenge
of achieving free and open trade in the region. It now stood prominently as a
milestone on the way to the Bogor goals.
2.112
When asked to give a designation to the year
ahead for APEC, the United States APEC Coordinator, Ambassador John Wolf,
replied that 1998 would be, ‘The year of opportunity—the opportunity that we
are back on the road and moving forward’.[86]
1998—year of opportunity
postponed
2.113
In May 1998, Finance Ministers met in Kananakis,
Canada, where their discussions focused on the then economic situation and
policies needed to restore financial stability and growth to the region and
also on the development and strengthening of financial markets. They identified
three priority areas in which they would intensify their efforts—capital market
development, capital account liberalisation and strengthening international
financial systems.
2.114
At this time, Ambassador Dato’ Noor Adlan,
Executive Director of the APEC Secretariat, conceded that APEC as a
multilateral organisation had not been in the forefront of the international
response to the economic crisis. But he argued that ‘APEC has never sought or
been given a role in financial-crisis management and it should not try to
duplicate the work of other institutions better constituted to play this role’.
Put simply, he stated ‘For APEC to seek to duplicate the IMF or World Bank’s
role would be wasteful at best and might have resulted in competitive “forum
shopping” at worst’.[87]
2.115
APEC Trade Ministers met a month later in
Kuching. Again, the financial and economic turbulence in the East Asian region
demanded attention. They acknowledged:
While individual APEC economies affected by the financial
turmoil must undertake domestic policy initiatives to effect economic recovery,
other APEC member economies could, where possible, assist in the process of
economic recovery. APEC may not be the mechanism for direct intervention, but
it is important that APEC supports initiatives to manage the financial
crisis—both in terms of causes and impacts.
2.116
In turning to the EVSL initiative, Trade
Ministers instructed their Senior Officials to continue work to finalise the
sectoral arrangements on the fast-track sectors and to further develop the
remaining six sectors.[88]
But a mood of hesitancy had crept into the meeting indicating that some APEC
economies were reassessing their commitment to EVSL. The Ministers noted that
‘In order to enable finalisation of the sectoral arrangements...flexibility would
be required to deal with product-specific concerns raised by individual
economies in each sector’.[89]
At their meeting in September, Senior Officials agreed with their Ministers and
added ‘such flexibility would generally be in the form of longer implementation
periods and, in principle, developing economies should be allowed greater
flexibility’.[90]
2.117
Before the Ministerial meetings in Kuala Lumpur,
ABAC urged APEC Leaders to reaffirm their commitment to continued trade and
investment liberalisation. It wanted APEC members to finalise a credible
program of early voluntary sectoral liberalisation at their November meeting.[91]
2.118
Some APEC members held fast to the plan for
EVSL. United States Ambassador to APEC, Mr John S. Wolfe, stressed that ‘An
important trade goal for the APEC region this year is successful conclusion of
the APEC early voluntary sectoral liberalisation initiative’. He maintained
that renewed growth and not bailouts was the key to recovery and that such
renewal was built on open markets.[92]
2.119
Despite encouragement from organisations such as
ABAC for APEC to keep pushing ahead with its EVSL process, Japan gave notice that
it would not adhere fully to this process. Before the Kuala Lumpur Ministerial
meetings, it announced that it was not in a position to take any further
measures in the tariff and non-tariff areas of the fish and forestry sectors
beyond undertakings given in the Uruguay Round. The United States urged Japan
to be a complete participant in the EVSL exercise.[93] Despite pressure from other
members to support unequivocally the EVSL initiative, Japan held its ground by
reasserting its basic stance that the EVSL process should be implemented in
accordance with the principles of voluntarism.[94]
It indicated, nonetheless, that it was willing to include these sectors in WTO
discussions.
2.120
An accommodation along these lines was reached
at the Ministerial Meeting in November. Ministers noted the participation of 16
economies (Mexico and Chile were non-participants) in the EVSL process. The 16
participating economies agreed to improve and build on this process by:
- broadening the participation in the tariff element beyond APEC—in
this regard, the WTO process would be initiated immediately with a view towards
improving their participation and to conclude agreement in the WTO in 1999; and
- working constructively to achieve critical mass in the WTO
necessary for concluding agreement in all 9 sectors.
2.121
The then Australian Trade Minister, Mr Tim
Fischer, described the compromise to transfer the nine sectors to the WTO as ‘a
second best option’ but insisted that APEC was still moving forward. The Thai
Foreign Minister, Surin Pitsuvan, conceded that the problem was
over-expectation because the crisis had undermined the capacity of economies to
deliver. He stated ‘Maybe the early voluntary sectoral liberalisation was a bit
too big of a bite to chew, but at least they made the attempt.[95] Helman Sohmen, PBEC Chairman,
was less conciliatory in his interpretation. He described the referral of the
nine sectors nominated for EVSL to the WTO as ‘a fig leaf to save embarrassment
all round’.[96]
2.122
This setback to accelerate the sectoral
liberalisation initiative in APEC was offset to a degree by the consensus
reached by APEC economies on dealing with the financial crisis.
2.123
The financial situation in Asia showed no signs
of improving as the second half of the year approached. By November 1998,
economic growth had slowed to the 1.5 per cent range down from 3.5 per cent in
1997 and the crisis had entered its sixth quarter in the economies that were
hit at the outset.[97]
Having evolved in a climate of economic growth and optimism, APEC now faced a
new challenge of adjusting to a period of economic turbulence and uncertainty.
2.124
Mr Roberto Romulo, the Chairman of PECC, urged
APEC members to find timely solutions to the economic difficulties in Asia by
identifying the appropriate regional response. He asserted: ‘APEC must squarely
face the challenge of developing a coherent regional response to the regional
crisis.[98]
He argued:
APEC is the ideal vehicle to drive a bold, new regional response
to the crisis, because it already implicitly recognises the importance of coherence
in its framework through its three pillars of trade and investment
liberalisation and facilitation, and economic and technical cooperation.[99]
2.125
PECC called on APEC leaders to adopt immediate
measures ‘to bolster investor confidence and restore capital flows to the
crisis-plagued economies in Asia’. It wanted APEC leaders to issue a statement
reaffirming their commitment to market-driven economic integration through free
and open trade and investment in the region.[100]
2.126
At the APEC Ministerial Meeting on 14–15
November 1998, Ministers agreed that the major challenge confronting APEC was
to advance policies and collaborative efforts directed at early recovery and
sustainable growth in the region. In their statement they:
- stressed the critical role of open markets in underpinning
economic recovery;
- supported the work programme of APEC finance ministers in
strengthening the international and domestic financial systems;
- concurred that capacity building initiatives were integral in
enhancing the resilience of domestic economies and their ability to withstand
future economic turbulence; and
- reaffirmed their commitment to achieve APEC’s trade and
investment liberalisation goals.[101]
2.127
The APEC Leaders also recognised the need to
deal promptly with the financial crisis. They were alert to the economic
difficulties facing a number of their members and acknowledged that they must
alleviate the adverse social effects of the crisis and restore financial
stability and economic growth. They realised that as members of APEC they must
be able to attract growth-enhancing stable capital flows into the region and
strengthen the international financial architecture so as to prevent future
financial instability.
2.128
Having identified the need for decisive action,
the Leaders announced a number of initiatives they hoped would help create a
sound and stable financial environment that would revitalise the regional
economy, rekindle confidence in the region, promote sustainable economic
growth, and attract investment.
2.129
They called for the establishment of a taskforce
to develop practical proposals that would strengthen the international
financial system. It would, among other things, examine the scope for
strengthened prudential regulation of financial institutions in industrialised
economies and also look at the matter of appropriate transparency and
disclosure standards for private sector financial institutions involved in
international capital flows.
2.130
In recognising the importance of developing
‘strong, resilient and well-regulated domestic financial markets within the
framework of a stable financial system’, they called for the adoption of
internationally recognised principles for improving supervision of the banking
and securities markets. They highlighted the importance of improving economic
transparency and predicability at the national and international level and
welcomed the Finance Ministers’ initiative to examine ways to strengthen
corporate governance in the region.
2.131
In looking to bolster the failing economies, the
Leaders welcomed the Australian initiative on Economic Governance Capacity
Building. Before the Leaders’ Meeting, the Australian Prime Minister had
actively promoted the need for APEC economies to strengthen economic and
financial sector management and to take action to improve the international
financial system. The Australian Government argued that strengthened economic
governance would be a key factor in rebuilding domestic and international
confidence in East Asian economies. It argued further that APEC was an ideal
vehicle to promote cooperation in economic governance and that APEC members
were well placed to work cooperatively to implement practical ways to
strengthen their financial institutions.[102]
2.132
To assist APEC economies improve economic
governance in the region, the Australian Prime Minister announced a $50
million, three-year package. Mr Howard intended this Economic and Financial
Management Initiative to help APEC members take practical measures to
strengthen their economic and financial management. In particular, he felt that
strong supervisory and prudential institutions were needed to help restore
sustainable growth. He pointed out that Australia’s aid would focus on priority
areas such as the training of central bank officials and technical assistance
for prudential supervision programmes.[103]
2.133
In turning to the social cost of the crisis,
Leaders directed their Ministers ‘to work with the World Bank, the ADB, the
Inter-American Development Bank and where appropriate, public and private
institutions to formulate strategies of concrete actions aimed at strengthening
social safety nets’.
2.134
On the difficult matter of EVSL, the Leaders,
without any explanation on the agreement reached in the Ministerial meeting,
simply welcomed progress on the package.
2.135
Although the financial crisis and the need to
compromise on the EVSL initiative dominated the concerns of the Leaders, they,
nonetheless, kept in sight the full range of APEC activities and their ultimate
goal of free and open trade and investment in the region. Three new members,
Peru, Russia and Vietnam officially joined the current 18 Members at this
Leaders’ Meeting. Leaders praised the work being done to facilitate the flow of
goods, resources, capital and technology amongst APEC economies and pledged to
improve this facilitation process to promote efficiency and cost reduction.
They welcomed the progress made in the key areas of human resources development
and harnessing technologies of the future and instructed Ministers to give
‘further focus to strengthening coordination in Ecotech activities and
intensify work in the priority areas’. Leaders endorsed the ‘1988 APEC Agenda
for Science and Technology Industry Cooperation into the 21st
Century’ and the ‘1998 Kuala Lumpur Action Programme on Skills Development in
APEC’. They also commended their Ministers for formulating the ‘APEC Blueprint
for Action on Electronic Commerce’.
2.136
APEC was now entering its tenth year of
cooperation and Leaders felt it was time for a review of APEC’s activities,
structure and mechanisms. They instructed their Ministers ‘to complete the
review of the APEC process by 1999 and for implementation of measures in 2000’.
2.137
Public assessment of the Kuala Lumpur APEC
meetings varied from dismal failure to moderate success. Helmut Sohmen, PBEC
chairman, felt that ‘the list of definitive measures coming out of the leaders’
summit was rather short’. He went on to state:
Despite the hype and the positive political spin that surrounds
the APEC process, little of real substance has been achieved in the ten years
of summiteering, except for the setting of targets in the fairly distant
future.
Even on those issues where agreement has been reached in
principle, specific follow-up measures and actual implementation are frequently
not proceeding as planned.[104]
2.138
This criticism of APEC as a political
‘talk-fest’ has dogged the organisation for many years. APEC emerged from Kuala
Lumpur with a damaged image, its credibility under question and its progress
toward free and open trade unsteady—indeed with its very leadership role under
a cloud. APEC had stumbled on EVSL exposing a gulf between words and actions;
it had failed to meet expectations in dealing with the financial crisis; and,
as 1999 progressed, there were mumblings about a resurgence of protectionism.
Nonetheless, while the spotlight focused on the cracks opening up in the
liberalisation pillar of APEC, the pillars of trade and investment facilitation
and Ecotech continued to grow in strength.
2.139
Clearly, APEC had not been able to manage
expectations or mould perceptions: it had got ahead of itself—ambition had
overtaken ability. Ambassador Timothy Hannah, Deputy Director, APEC
Secretariat, asked people to regard APEC as ‘in an implementation phase’
progressing through the necessary stages of establishing principles, setting
goals, drawing up a blueprint for the implementation of those goals, and
finally tackling the difficult implementation stage.
2.140
As a first step toward building a more realistic
appreciation of APEC, the New Zealand Prime Minister, Jenny Shipley, advised
‘we would be wise to temper our ambition with patience. APEC is an investment
in our future and like many investments it will take time to reach its full
potential’.[105]
1999—addressing practicalities
2.141
In 1999, this year of review, APEC clearly
sought to take stock—to assess its progress, review it objectives and determine
its course for the next century. New Zealand, as chair of APEC 99, set the tone
for the coming year in promoting three themes each with very real practical
application. The first theme ‘expanding the opportunities for business’
addressed the very pressing need for APEC to demonstrate it effectiveness in
removing obstacles to free trade and investment. The second theme,
‘strengthening markets’, was a concrete response to the recent economic crisis
and of direct relevance to the difficult economic situation being faced by some
member economies.[106]
The third theme, ‘broadening support for APEC’ clearly was concerned with
communicating the benefits of APEC to the broader community and with engendering
a more realistic expectation of APEC’s role.
2.142
Early signals in 1999 also indicated that some
APEC members, particularly the United States, would emphasise APEC’s role as a
‘very good launching pad’ for the new round of WTO negotiations. Having handed
on the task of EVSL to the WTO, it was expected that APEC would assume a major
role in shaping the WTO’s future agenda.[107]
In June 1999, the Shadow Minister for Trade, Senator Peter Cook, called on the
Australian Government to use APEC to spearhead a new round of WTO negotiations.
Senator Cook also called on the Government to work towards having APEC’s Bogor
Declaration goals endorsed by the WTO.[108]
Neither of these recommendations was adopted by the Government.
2.143
The APEC Ministers carried the three themes into
their meeting in Auckland in September 1999. In particular, they accorded high
priority to the need for more effective communication and engagement with
communities. They emphasised the importance of specific outreach activities to
build greater understanding of APEC’s goals and to ensure participation by APEC
communities in economic activities was as wide as possible.[109]
2.144
The Leaders in Auckland returned to APEC basics.
They returned to the fundamental principles of consensus-building and
cooperation, respect for diversity in the social and economic systems,
especially current levels of development, and support for the multilateral
trading system.
2.145
Leaders urged each member to shoulder its own
responsibility for moving APEC along. They stressed that ‘individual actions by
economies are the principal means by which APEC’s goal will be attained’. But
they also urged those better placed to help developing economies to participate
successfully in the global economy, through enhancing human and institutional
capacities and progressively opening markets. With far more modest ambitions
for achieving free trade, APEC members accepted responsibility for resisting
protectionism and pledged not to impose new or more restrictive trade measures
during the millennium round of the WTO trade negotiations.
2.146
Rather than spearhead trade liberalisation, APEC
would provide a solid platform on which the WTO could build. The Leaders agreed
that:
This year APEC has a unique opportunity to give impetus to
deliberations in the World Trade Organisation (WTO). We will give the strongest
possible support at Seattle to the launch of a new Round of multilateral
negotiations within the WTO...
2.147
The Asian financial situation by this time was
showing promising signs of a revival and APEC Leaders spoke of improved
competitiveness through ongoing reform as the road to recovery and sustainable
growth. Their intention was to expand opportunities for business and employment
growth and to build strong and open markets. Using now a familiar message, they
stated, ‘Open, transparent and well-governed markets, both domestic and
international, are the essential foundation of prosperity and enable
enterprises to innovate and create wealth’. To demonstrate their commitment to
free and open trade, they endorsed the APEC Principles to Enhance Competition
and Regulatory Reform.
2.148
In picking up the theme of Broadening Support
for APEC, the Leaders decided to focus on trade facilitation and the
‘substantial benefits’ already delivered to promote APEC’s image as an
effective and creditable forum.
2.149
The value of APEC, however, as a regional forum,
whose influence and understanding had spread beyond the boundaries of economics
and trade became evident in Auckland. Over the years, through dialogue and
cooperation, APEC had built up a reservoir of goodwill and understanding
between members and established a wide and deepening network of diplomatic
relations. In Auckland, this climate of cooperation helped to ease tensions
between various members and allowed APEC Leaders to discuss difficult political
and security issues such as the serious breakdown in law and order in East
Timor. Rather than unravel the friendly relationships, APEC members were able
to use this web of official and unofficial contacts to meet behind the scenes
and to find common ground on the problem of East Timor. The Japanese Prime
Minister, Mr Keizo Obuchi, observed, ‘APEC...is a forum to discuss economic
cooperation and not to discuss politics. However, I sense that the spirit of
cooperation now seems to be starting to expand in a natural way to the issues
of East Timor and others, matters of immediate concern to all leaders gathered
here’.[110]
It also provided China and the US with the opportunity to repair their damaged
relationship.
2.150
APEC can look back on ten years of
consolidation. Initially 12 economies gathered tentatively and cautiously to
exchange views and to discuss economic cooperation in the region. Since that
time this informal group has grown into an important regional forum of 21
members who share a solid and bold commitment to achieve free and open trade by
2010/2020. In working toward economic cooperation these members have
established strong links and developed a better understanding and appreciation
of the diversity among their members. Although tensions still exist between
members, APEC has nurtured a sense community in the region and has laid down a
substantial sub structure of economic cooperation.
2.151
In turning to the future, APEC still faces many
challenges, but it can do so with optimism. The Leaders in Auckland spoke with
anticipation and hope for the future that lay ahead for this young but
gradually maturing organisation when they declared:
We embark on APEC’s second decade confident that an enduring
spirit of openness, partnership and community is being built. The challenge we
collectively face is to maintain our momentum and deliver on our commitment. We
accept the challenge.[111]
Navigation: Previous Page | Contents | Next Page