Chapter 3
PARTICIPATION IN, AND PROVISION OF, ACE PROGRAMS
SIGNIFICANT CHANGES IN PATTERNS AND LEVELS OF PARTICIPATION
Data and research
One of the low-key, `backroom' but nonetheless critical developments
in adult and community education since 1991 is the flourishing of research
on participation in the sector. This development is acknowledged as a
response to the Committee's call in Come in Cinderella for high
quality, rigorous research in this area. [1]
Such research, the Committee noted in 1991, was conspicuous by its virtual
absence, [2] but there have since been
some encouraging developments. The significant improvements in the amount
and quality of data now available has assisted researchers in their analysis
of the ACE sector and its contribution to national goals.
Much of the data and analysis that informs this chapter is derived from
a survey conducted for the AAACE as part of the Australian Bureau of Statistics
(ABS) Population Survey Monitor in May 1995. [3]
Employing data gathered from 2400 households across Australia, the survey
was described by researchers in the field as the most authoritative to
date. [4] The results of this survey
largely mirror the aggregate patterns which have emerged from research
at the state level, mainly NSW and Victoria. Some of the parallels evident
between the national and state levels also surfaced in the evidence to
this inquiry.
Despite the quantity and quality of recent data and research, identifying
changes in participation since 1991 is problematic, mainly because of
the dearth of reliable data for the pre-1991 period. This means we do
not have accurate figures that provide a solid baseline from which comparisons
can be made. [5] It is therefore not
possible to measure precisely the extent to which changes in participation
have occurred, although the estimates that have appeared in various sources
provide some guidance. Not surprisingly, much of the evidence to the Committee
and the research available focuses on current patterns and levels
of participation, rather than changes since 1991.
As well as the ABS material, comprehensive sets of data are being collected
through the Australian Vocational Education and Training Management Information
and Statistical Standard (AVETMISS). This gathers enrolment and associated
data concerning participation by Australians in accredited training. Because
AVETMISS excludes non-accredited programs it does not present an adequate
account of ACE activity. AVETMISS captures only that proportion of ACE
activity which is devoted to acredited trainingestimated at around 8 per cent
nationally.
General levels and patterns of participation
The level of participation in ACE since 1991 reveals two general points.
First, the overall numbers of people participating in ACE have grown strongly.
Participation has increased by roughly 20 to 25 per cent over
this period, expanding from an estimated level of 750,000800,000 in 1991
to about 1 million in 1996. [6]
The second point to note is that this rate of growth has been steady
over the period. This suggests that structural trends and currents are
propelling participation more than cyclical changes in the economy. With
the impact also of demographic forces such as the `baby boom' generation
of employees reaching retirement age, the strong growth in participation
during the first half of the 1990s appears set to continue over the longer
term, although the composition of ACE participants may alter. [7]
In terms of the current composition of the ACE population, the following
key patterns have emerged from recent national and state (primarily NSW
and Victoria) surveys.
- The main participants in ACE are educated, qualified and employed.
A recent survey in NSW showed that 63 per cent of male participants
and 55 per cent of female participants were employed and had
post-school qualifications. [8] This
result appears to apply nationally. One of the key findings of the ABS
Population Survey Monitor of households across Australia was that those
most likely to participate in ACE represent the advantaged in terms of
education, employment and income. [9]
According to a leading researcher in the field, `[i]t is undeniable that
the better educated you are, the more qualified you are and the higher
your personal income decile, the more you will have participated in the
last 12 months'. [10] As a reflection
of this point, people with professional jobs participate in ACE more than
people from other occupations. [11]
The user-pays system is likely to bias participation further in favour
of this group of learners, those who can afford to pay, a trend that may
increase the representation of this group over time.
- Women participants outnumber men in ACE.
Women account for roughly three-quarters (75 per cent) of ACE participants.
This level of numerical dominance was consistent in evidence to the Committee.
[12] It appears to be generally the
level of female participation in ACE across Australia with little variation
regionally. Data on participation in NSW and Victoria supports this view.
Likewise, the estimate in Tasmania was that women comprise 75 per cent
of ACE participants. [13] In the Riverina
area, the level is thought to be closer to 70 per cent. [14]
Moreover, the identity of the main ACE participant is female, qualified
and employed, from an English speaking background and aged between 25
and 40. [15]
- Employment is the strongest factor associated with participation in
ACE
Employment is important not only because employed people participate
more than part-time employed and unemployed persons. It is also a vital
ingredient in access to ACE courses. Employers and bodies related to employment,
such as unions and professional associations, are the largest providers
of training courses for adults: [16]
it is claimed that they account for over half the educational participation
of adult Australians. [17]
- The socio-economic profile of ACE participants remains largely unchanged.
Despite the growth in overall enrolments since 1991, the ACE sector is
still mostly populated by the same groups of learners it has catered for
traditionally. As Dr Crombie of AAACE observed, `we are doing rather well
in getting more recruits of the same sort'. [18]
Groups traditionally under-represented in the ACE sector, on the other
hand, remain on the margins particularly in general education programs,
the core area of ACE. Recent developments in other areas of ACE, such
as special targeted programs, are, however, reaching some pockets of disadvantage.
Labour market training programs are taking in unemployed people, while
English language literacy schemes are targeting not only migrant groups
but also people from English speaking backgrounds with limited levels
of education (see the case study on WELL in Appendix 2). Despite these
moves, addressing disparities in access and equity are recognised as a
key challenge facing the sector.
The sum of ACE's participants
The overall picture of participation in ACE was summed up by Mr John
McIntyre of AAACE's Participation Research Committee:
...ACE participants actually reflect the skilled work force. They
do not, by and large, reflect the idea that people are out of the work
force and coming to ACE for second chance education. [19]
Unemployed people are not flocking to general education programs delivered
by ACE providers. This is borne out by participation data for NSW which
showed that only seven percent of women and two percent of male participants
in ACE programs were neither employed nor qualified. [20]
This thumbnail sketch helps portray the upper and lower ends of the scale
of ACE participation, but it does not do justice to the sector's attraction
to the diverse cross-section of society enrolled in its programs. A major
study by the NSW Board of Adult and Community Education concluded that
it is mistaken to see the ACE profile as unrepresentative of the community
or skewed towards a select group of occupations. On the contrary, participation
in the sector spans a broad social and occupational spectrum. In the view
of the NSW Board:
The great strength of ACE, reflected in its occupational and demographic
profile, is that a wide range of people use its services. They do so
because of the informality and accessibility of courses. This strength
now provides a basis for further formalising some courses as accredited
programs and extending those programs which target groups with special
needs. [21]
One of the weaknesses of the data on participation -whether measured
by AVETMISS or the ABS National Social Science Survey - is that the information
is not sufficiently disaggregated to provide an accurate picture of the
patterns of overall participation across target equity groups. AVETMISS
may capture data about disadvantaged groups participation to the extent
that such participation is in accredited courses (including literacy and
ESL programs), but it fails to capture participation in other programsfor
example basic adult education, personal development or pre-vocational
courses which may attract participants from disadvantaged groups.
The ABS survey data does not distinguish participation according to socio-economic
disadvantage, ethnicity, or Aboriginality for example, although it does
consider the previous educational attainment of those surveyed. This provides
little more than a crude indication of disadvantage. The need for more
sophisticated data and research on this issue is widely accepted amongst
researchers working on participation in ACE. It is discussed later in
the chapter.
The segmented ACE market
As the research data and analysis of participation in ACE has gradually
improved since 1991, a more sharply defined and detailed picture of the
ACE landscape has emerged. One important finding is that the ACE sector
is a `segmented market', rather than a homogenous one. What this means
is that particular groups of learners choose to take particular types
of courses. For example, the group most attracted to language and communication
courses is male professionals. Women, particularly professionals and clerical
workers, dominate health courses. Female clerical workers, followed by
male professionals, are the largest group participating in courses on
business and computing skills. [22]
By `mapping' the connections between groups of learners and fields of
study the ACE sector has acquired a clearer understanding of the reasons
why particular groups participate in particular courses. Professionals
enrol in communications courses in order to brush-up on written and oral
skills. Female clerical workers presumably enrol in business and computing
courses to not only expand their computer literacy but also to acquire
office management, accounting and related skills that will strengthen
their claims to senior office positions or assist them in self-employment.
The predominance of women in health-related courses suggests that these
careers still carry the stereotype of `women's work'.
A crucial dimension of the question of participation relates to identifying
those who are not participating. People with low levels of education,
older people, people with disabilities, the unemployed and Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander people are the main groups which have low participation
levels in education and training or are under-represented in proportion
to their position in the workforce or population at large. Less is known
about the reasons for these groups being under-represented than is the
case with explaining why other groups participate in ACE. While research
into the profiles and patterns of enrolment of participants is blossoming,
research into non-participation remains neglected, a deficiency acknowledged
by the ACE research community and marked for attention (see the later
section on Future Research).
The value of identifying non-participating groups is that it enables
providers to pinpoint and target areas of need. As Mr McIntyre stated,
`the heightened awareness of the `segmented' nature of the adult community
education `market' ... [has] encouraged providers to focus on the disparities
in participation by social groups and to target their provision moreparticularly
in general courses, the largest sector of ACE provision'. [23]
Women's participation in ACE
ACE has traditionally served the learning needs of women. The Committee
noted the `numerical ascendancy of women' in ACE in Cinderella
in 1991. [24] The current predominance
of women participants in ACE has a long history. According to a report
cited by ANTA, `women comprise 75 per cent of all participants
in ACE and this proportion has remained steady for 75 years or more'.
[25] A similar view was presented to
the Committee in Tasmania. [26]
The high numbers of womenin terms of both students and providersinvolved
in ACE is commonly seen as one of the sector's defining features. The
prevalence of women in the ACE workforce partly explains the sector's
attraction to women participants. [27]
The inherent flexibility of the ACE sector also means it is well placed
to cater to the particular learning needs of its various women participants.
As one witness in Tasmania stated:
women in particular access ACE programs, I think ... because they
are flexible, they can accommodate times when women are there and they
can actually move and deliver to where women need them to be delivered.
We do not have huge buildings where we have to keep classrooms full.
We are responsive in terms of how we provide the training and the education
to people. And, as I say, I think women as a group have particular demands
on them so that we need some flexible approaches to meet that.
[28]
The user-friendly nature of ACE for women is said to distinguish it from
other educational sectors. According to National VET Statistics, for instance,
women constituted 45 percent of vocational enrolments in 1994, [29]
compared with women's traditional 75 per cent level of enrolments
in ACE. A recent study in Victoria of participation in Stream 2000 and
above courses (ie, basic employment skills, operatives, trades, para-professional
streams) also revealed that in the community-based sector 67 per cent
of participants were women. In contrast, women accounted for 38 per cent
of participants in comparable courses in TAFE institutions. [30]
The recent report Think Local and Compete, produced for ANTA,
referred to data suggesting a disparity between the overall level of participation
by women in ACE and their presence in VET courses delivered through ACE.
[31] The reasons for this situation
are unclear and no doubt complex. The proportionately low number of women
enrolling in accredited vocational courses may be partly attributed to
the limited extent to which ACE providers currently offer vocational courses.
Only 8 per cent of ACE provision is accredited, and this in
turn is estimated to represent around 1.5 per cent of national
VET courses. [32] Women's low participation
in accredited programs may also have something to do with the fact that
the history of accredited training ties such courses very strongly to
industries which have traditionally been the province of a male workforce.
Women may comprise the majority of ACE participants, but their presence
is not spread evenly across fields or levels of study. Men are clearly
in the minority numerically, but they are represented strongly in ACE
in terms of credentialled or award courses and fields related to high-income
professions. Women, on the other hand, tend to be concentrated in non-credentialled
courses, often in `lower streams' and in fields traditionally seen as
`women's work' (eg, nursing, community services). The Network of Women
in Further Education situation saw this situation as raising questions
about equity:
We would not be doing justice to adult community education if we
talked only about the majority participants in the sector as being women.
We also need to talk about equity. We know that more women choose to
undertake courses in stream 2000 and above, and by stream 2000 and above
I am referring to both non-accredited and accredited vocational programs.
More women choose to do those programs in community education providers
than in TAFE institutes, for example. However, their participation remains
fixed in non-credential areas in comparison with the participation rates
of men who are more equally spread across the streams that offer credential
certification with the courses that they undertake. ...
What becomes clear as we look at the profile of participation by
gender across the fields of study is that women do predominate in the
areas of stream 1000, which is the non-credential programs, and relatively
fewer are spread through streams 2000 to 4000, which would be offering
them a credential or certificate at the end of their participation in
those courses. ....
What becomes clear too is that patterns of participation by women
in further education and beyond remain fixed along gender segmented
lines. Women predominate in traditional fields such as health and community
services, and education. Not only do they predominate along those traditional
gender segmented lines but at that same point they still remain fixed
more heavily in the non-credential streams of those subject areas.
[33]
On this account, inequities in women's participation found in workplace
training and formal vocational education are also apparent in the ACE
sector. [34] On the face of it, this
view would seem to be contradicted by the highly feminised nature of ACE,
its traditional role in addressing the educational needs of women and
its widely-accepted reputation as a sector that is highly flexible and
responsive to the interests of its clients.
There are grounds for suggesting that the ACE sector mirrors quite closely
the social and economic stratification of Australian society in general.
This is apparent from the occupational status of ACE participants. Women
in clerical jobs comprise the largest group (almost 25 per cent)
of women participants in ACE; clerical work also accounts for the largest
group of women workers (29 per cent, based on NSW figures).
The second largest group of female participants in ACE is from professional
occupations: almost 20 per cent of females in ACE are professionals,
whereas they comprise only 13.5 per cent of the female workforce
in NSW. [35] Both female and
male professionals have a level of participation in ACE higher than their
presence in the workforce, a point that reinforces the general pattern
that those who are already relatively highly qualified and in higher-income
jobs are more likely to participate in ACE.
In contrast, unemployed people with limited educational attainment are
decidedly in the minority in ACE. Women who are unemployed and unqualified
accounted for between seven and ten percent of women in ACE according
to different surveys. Unemployed men without qualifications participate
even less: only 2 per cent of male participants in one survey
were out of work and lacking qualifications. [36]
On the basis of these figures, access and targeting for equity groups
regardless of gender remain issues for the ACE sector. Much more research
needs to be done on this aspect of participationor rather non-participation.
Given the sensitivity of the ACE sector to the learning needs of women,
the concentration of women in non-accredited, lower level courses may
say more about the constraints some groups of women face in participating
in education than it does about the sector itself. As one witness pointed
out, higher levels of education maybe beyond the horizon for many women:
Lifestyle demands, poor levels of confidence, family responsibilities,
limited and fragmented career opportunities, social and geographic isolation,
little personal income and time and limited mobility make enrolment
in a three year accredited vocational course totally unappealing, irrelevant
or impractical. [37]
The relatively large number of women at the `lower' end of ACE tends
to undermine claims that such students can use ACE as a pathway for accessing
other sectors of education. The Network of Women in Further Education
claimed:
There is no solid evidence of an increasing take up rate by women
(comparative to the percentage of their overall participation) in accredited
vocational provision as community providers have diversified their provision
in response to national training reform imperatives. Such trends challenge
the existence of the much touted notion of pathways within, and among,
educational sectors. [38]
There is another dimension to the analysis of women's participation in
ACE which looks beyond numbers and percentages. It concerns what some
have claimed to be the `silence' about women in reports dealing with ACEincluding
Cinderella and statements such as the National ACE Policy. These
reports have been accused of `paint[ing] a picture of adult learning as
a gender neutral activity'. [39] On
this account it is a silence which persists, notwithstanding the acknowledgment
of the high levels of participation of women in ACE
The policy suggests that `ACE gives women access to educational opportunities
which are shaped in content, method and style by women' (1992 p 5) and
implicitly suggests that these opportunities will therefore be appropriate
for other women learners. There is no analysis of how particular groups
of women may get to determine the `content, method and style', what limits
are set to their own practice as educators or how it is determined that
these activities are naturally appropriate for women learners. In the
rest of the document women are submerged under the category `special needs'
and the gendered construction of learning and provision, as well as the
`interlocking effects' (Tidsell 1993) of race and class differences, are
rendered invisible. [40]
The Committee is alert to the difficulties of ensuring that the concerns
described above are properly taken into account in the description of
ACE and in the development of relevant policy. It is appropriate that,
in the process of revising the National ACE Policy, the MCEETYA Taskforce
should explicitly attend to such concerns.
The Committee RECOMMENDS that the Commonwealth seek a formal response
to a draft of the revised National ACE Policy from key women's organisations
such as the Network of Women in Further Education and from independent
assessors with expertise in the analysis of gender issues.
Childcare
The Come in Cinderella report noted the inadequacy of childcare
arrangements to be a major barrier to participation in ACE by women. [41]
While significant improvements have been made in childcare provision generally
over the past few years, this has largely benefited women in the workforce.
For women involved in ACE programs, the childcare situation has improved
little since 1991.
Women are still participating in large numbers, however child care
continues to be an issue, [and] is a major barrier to participation.
Many Houses & Centres offer limited childcare dependent on resources
and links with community networks. Often the child care is limited and
relies heavily on volunteers. [42]
Child care is an issue which has not been addressed by governments.
It is still a major barrier to participation in ACE. [43]
The availability of child care is a critical determinant of women's
ability to participate in TAFE. It stands out as one of the most significant
barriers (perhaps THE most significant) affecting women students. [44]
Conventional child care centres are not entirely suitable for the purpose
of releasing carers of children to engage in adult and community education
due to two main reasons. The most obvious is cost. Carers of children
often do not have a large disposable income and tend to eliminate such
`luxuries' for themselves from the budget in times of economic hardship
[45]. Secondly, the spasmodic patterns
of childcare required by ACE studentsfor only 40 weeks of the year, or
for short courses even less, and over a variety of time slotsusually preclude
the use of conventional child care centres. As one would expect, this
problem is exacerbated in rural areas where the distance between, and
lack of availability of, suitable facilities is more pronounced. [46]
On the other hand, the Neighbourhood Houses and Learning Centres in Victoria
have seen a notable increase of mothers of young children using child
rearing years to acquire new vocational skills in recent years. [47]
They attribute subsidised childcare as an important factor facilitating
this increased participation. [48] In
Armadale Western Australia, the Learning Centre Link found that the range
of women reached and the learning outcomes were improved by providing
`affordable and appropriate on-site child care'. [49]
Several submissions reported similar findings. In the Committee's view,
access to child care facilities is a key to increasing the participation
rates of women in ACE. This is an area in which collaboration and sharing
of facilities at the local level must be encouraged.
Men in ACE
The picture above of male ACE participants being heavily outnumbered
by females only tells half the story of male involvement in ACE. Some
groups of men are strongly represented in particular areas of the ACE
sector. As noted already, the over-representation of female professionals
in ACE is even more strongly the case for male professionals: `ACE has
almost twice the proportion of male professionals found in the workforce'.
[50] Men are more likely to take courses
run by employers, unions or industry bodies than women, [51]
a point which may be related to a perception embedded amongst men that
ACE courses run by community-based bodies or neighbourhood centres are
the preserve of women.
At the other end of the scale, unemployed men account for only about
10 percent male participants in ACE. Men in a more acutely disadvantaged
positionunemployed and unqualifiedamount for a mere two percent of male
participants. [52] The under-presentation
of this group of men is the reverse of their over-representation amongst
the long-term unemployed of Australia. [53]
This reinforces the bleak conclusion cited above that the ACE sector is
not playing as significant a role as it might for unemployed people looking
for `second chance' education in their bid to return to work. [54]
The exact reasons for this situation are not revealed in current research
on ACEa deficiency that is symptomatic of the poverty of research on non-participation
in ACE generally. Clearly it is an issue warranting deeper probing by
ACE researchers if the sector hopes to play a stronger part in assisting
the unemployed.
Footnotes
[1] Submission no 34, vol 3, p 95 (AAACE)
[2] Senate Employment, Education and Training
Committee. Come in Cinderella: the emergence of adult and community
education, pp 154-157
[3] The results of this survey are reproduced
in a refined form in AAACE, Who are Australia's adult learners?
September 1995
[4] Submission no 82, vol, 6 p 37 (Mr McIntyre)
[5] Transcript of evidence, Canberra,
1 August 1996, pp 10-11 (Dr Crombie)
[6] Transcript of evidence, Canberra,
1 August 1996, pp 10-11 (Dr Crombie)
[7] Transcript of evidence, Canberra,
1 August 1996, pp 10-11 (Dr Crombie)
[8] Submission no 82, vol 6, p 41 (Mr McIntyre),
citing ACE Works: The Vocational Outcomes of Adult and Community Education
Courses in New South Wales, NSW Board of ACE, 1995
[9] Submission no 82, vol 6, p 41 (Mr McIntyre)
[10] Transcript of evidence, Canberra,
1 August 1996, p 58 (Mr McIntyre)
[11] Submission no 82, vol 6, p 37 (Mr McIntyre)
[12] Transcript of Evidence, Canberra,
1 August 1996, p 12 (Ms Thomas); Transcript of evidence, Canberra,
1 August 1996, p 58 (Mr McIntyre)
[13] Transcript of evidence, Hobart,
p 160 (Ms Bloomfield)
[14] Transcript of evidence, Albury,
p 245 (Mr Jones)
[15] Transcript of evidence, Canberra,
1 August 1996, p 10 (Ms Thomas)
[16] Submission no 82, vol 6, p 37 (Mr McIntyre)
[17] AAACE. Who are Australia's adult learners?
September 1995, p 1
[18] Transcript of evidence, Canberra,
1 August 1996, p 11 (Dr Crombie)
[19] Transcript of evidence, Canberra,
1 August 1996, p 59 (Mr McIntyre)
[20] Submission no 82, vol 6, p 41 (Mr McIntyre)
[21] John McIntyre et al. ACE Works: The
Vocational Outcomes of Adult and Community Education Courses in New South
Wales, 1995, p 155
[22] Submission no 82, vol 6, pp 44-45 (Mr
McIntyre); Transcript of evidence, Canberra, 1 August 1996, p 59
(Mr McIntyre)
[23] Submission no 82, vol 6, p 44 (Mr McIntyre)
[24] SCEET. Come in Cinderella, p 172
[25] Submission no 67, vol 5, p 38 (ANTA)
[26] Transcript of evidence, Hobart,
p 160 (Ms Bloomfield)
[27] Submission no 94, vol 8, p 1 (Network
of Women in Further Education) (Supplement to submission no 30)
[28] Transcript of evidence, Hobart,
pp 172-173 (Ms Taylor)
[29] Submission no 67, vol 5, p 38 (ANTA)
[30] Submission no 94, vol 8, p 1 (Network
of Women in Further Education Educationdata from ACFEB) (Supplement
to submission no 30)
[31] Kaye Schofield and Robyn Dryen. Think
local and compete, An analysis of the role of Adult and Community
Education in the implementation of a national system for Vocational and
Education and Training, ANTA, August 1996, p 25
[32] Schofield and Dryen. Think local and
compete, p vi
[33] Transcript of evidence, Melbourne,
pp 195-196 (Ms Clemens)
[34] Submission no 94, vol 8, p 1 (Network
of Women in Further Education Education) (Supplement to submission
no 30)
[35] Submission no 82, vol 6, p 43 (Mr McIntyre)
[36] Submission no 82, vol 6, p 41 (Mr McIntyre)
[37] Submission no 62, vol 4, p 178 (Ms Madsen)
[38] Submission no 94, vol 8, p 1 (Network
of Women in Further Education Education) (Supplement to submission
no 30)
[39] Submission no 88, vol 7, pp 8-9 (Ms Shore)
[40] Submission no 88, vol 7, p 10 (Ms Shore)
[41] SCEET. Come in Cinderella, pp 120,
121
[42] Submission no 64, vol 4, p 189 (Community
and Neighbourhood Houses and Centres Association Inc)
[43] Submission no 35, vol 3, p 109 (NSW Association
of Community Adult Education Centres Inc)
[44] Kate Barnett. Swings and roundabouts:
the open training market and women's participation in TAFE. National
Centre for Vocational Education Research Ltd, 1993, p 27
[45] Submission no 54, vol 4, p 113 (Association
of Neighbourhood Houses Learning Centres of Vic Inc)
[46] Submission no 35, vol 3, p 111 (NSW ACAEC
Inc); Barnett. Swings and roundabouts, pp 26, 27
[47] Submission no 54, vol 4, p 111 (ANHLC
of Vic Inc)
[48] Submission no 54, vol 4, pp 109-110 (ANHLC
of Vic Inc)
[49] Submission no 15, vol 1, p 117 (Learning
Centre Link)
[50] Submission no 82, vol 6, p 43 (Mr McIntyre)
[51] AAACE. Who are Australia's adult learners?
p 4
[52] Submission no 82, vol 6, pp 41-42 (Mr
McIntyre)
[53] See this Committee's report on the inquiry
into long term unemployment, October 1995, pp 19, 41
[54] See also Transcript of evidence,
Canberra, 1 August 1996, p 59 (Mr McIntyre)