Chapter 7
Opportunities for commercial development
7.1
For many Pacific island countries increased and sustainable production
from the land and sea offers not only the hope of improved self-sufficiency and
food security but also the potential to boost economic development through new
and expanded markets. In this chapter, the committee moves beyond sustainable
development and self-sufficiency to consider opportunities for greater
commercial activity.
Cash crops
7.2
For Pacific islanders engaged in subsistence agriculture, cash cropping
on the side is important because it provides the smaller sums of money needed
to purchase a range of goods and services, including education. Dr Vladimir
Pacheco, Foundation for Development Cooperation, noted that people in the
country or remote areas can survive without money but sometimes need cash to
pay for things outside their economy such as visits to the doctor, medical
treatment, medicine, school fees or travel.[1]
He explained that people in remote areas do not require cash as much but, 'when
they do, it is because they actually need it'.[2]
The Australian High Commissioner to PNG also mentioned the importance of cash
crops to subsistence farmers. He noted it is one thing to grow your own food so
that no-one goes hungry, but there is nothing to generate cash to send children
to school.[3]
7.3
The development of cash crops is also an important catalyst for economic
growth. Professor Helen Hughes argued that economic development in Pacific
island countries will come from local investment and agricultural development.
She suggested that farmers who develop cash crops will save, which then
triggers a chain reaction of further economic activity:
Houses will improve so people will start to go into building;
bus routes will develop, truck routes will develop; markets will develop. They
will invest in all sorts of little businesses.[4]
7.4
A number of key factors, however, influence the capacity of Pacific
island countries to boost production for cash income or for more ambitious
commercial purposes.
Impediments to commercial production
7.5
Mr Andrew McGregor, Managing Director of the Trade and Development
Office, Fiji, stated that a revolution was 'occurring in the export of
horticultural and other high value agricultural products from developing
countries'.[5]
He was concerned that Pacific island countries were not part of this export
revolution.
7.6
While the atoll countries, with their poor agronomic conditions, offer
little prospect for developing a notable export market for food produce, some
of the larger islands have potential. The Australia Fiji Business Council was
of the view that Fiji has great opportunities 'to diversify its agricultural
sector and become a regional agricultural powerhouse by growing agricultural
exports and becoming more self-sufficient in agricultural production,
especially for its voracious tourism industry'.[6]
Its continuing reliance on sugar as its main agricultural product and falling
receipts for sugar exports to the European Union hampers its economic
development.[7]
According to Dr Hearn, ACIAR, Fiji, with its fertile land and good rainfall,
could produce alternative crops that suit the Fijian conditions.[8]
7.7
Tonga also has a 'good growing climate' and the scope to improve its
agriculture and boost income in rural areas.[9]
It is 'well-placed geographically to serve winter markets in both southern and
northern hemispheres'. Tonga's earlier success in exporting squash to Japan
demonstrates the opportunities for Pacific island countries to develop an
overseas market for their agricultural products.[10]
Recently, Tongan farmers began to export baby squash to Korea and butter nut to
the United Kingdom. Producers are working with the private sector to develop
further export diversification, including the production of maize for stock
feed and conducting trials with sweet potato in the hope of securing markets in
Japan.[11]
PNG and Solomon Islands are also well suited to develop their agricultural
export industries.
Quality of produce and reliability of supply
7.8
The prospect of profitable and sustainable markets will encourage new or
expanded business activities. Even so, producers in Pacific island countries
are in competition with businesses throughout the world and securing markets is
no easy task. If producers from Pacific island countries are to take advantage
of opportunities to develop a successful export industry, they need to satisfy
the tastes and requirements of overseas markets—they have to ensure consistent
quality of produce and reliability of supply.[12]
For example, in building up its squash export industry, Tonga had to satisfy
the requirements of the overseas market. To be considered of exportable
quality, squash had to 'be between 1.2–2.7 kg per fruit, free from blemishes
and skin distortions and at the right stage of maturity'.[13]
7.9
But a number of commentators and witnesses were of the view that Pacific
island countries lack the necessary capacity at the individual and
institutional level in key areas of production, including value adding to their
agricultural products and in marketing.[14]
At the recent meeting of the Heads of Agriculture and Forestry Services in
September 2008, Kiribati recognised that capacity building was needed in areas
such as food processing, and business and marketing. Vanuatu also noted that
the potential benefits of local food production were not being realised due, in
part, to the lack of technical skills required for value-added production.[15]
Dr Hearn, ACIAR, stated that one way to help farmers get their produce to
market was 'to try to enhance the quality and the marketability of produce'.[16]
Mr Jim Redden, Institute for International Trade, also cited the importance of
improved marketing as a means of securing export markets.[17]
Quarantine restrictions
7.10
Producers in Pacific island countries must also meet international
sanitary and phytosanitary standards.[18]
Quarantine restrictions, however, appear to be one of the major barriers to
trade for Pacific island countries. Mr McGregor stated that quarantine is 'the
weak link' in their horticultural export marketing chain. He gave the example
of improving quarantine procedures for taro, an important Pacific island
country fresh export, which could increase export earnings by 'some A$15
million annually and benefit at least 25,000 small farmers in at least three
Pacific island countries'.[19]
As another example, he noted that 'a most unfavourable fruit fly status for
exporting fruit and vegetables' hampers progress in PNG and Solomon Islands.[20]
He argued that it is possible to 'ameliorate a significant number of the
phytosanitary constraints that adversely affect' the export trade from the
region.[21]
Professor Ron Duncan also noted that quarantine and other restrictions by
importing countries on agricultural products that raise the costs of exporting
are an important issue for developing Pacific agriculture.[22]
He supported the findings of Mr McGregor that Pacific countries have not been
able to participate in the virtual revolution in exports of high-value
agricultural products that has occurred in recent years. He also noted the need
for them to:
...overcome the quarantine and quality barriers to their
development of niche agricultural export markets in Australia, New Zealand, and
the United States. Potential also exists elsewhere for these exports as in Japan and the EU.[23]
7.11
In Mr McGregor's view, Pacific island countries require 'timely export
protocol development'. But he cited Fiji, the most successful exporter of
horticultural products in the region, which, in his view, 'is making
agonisingly slow progress in meeting quarantine requirements'.[24]
Mr Paul Ross, DAFF, similarly noted that a major challenge for Pacific island
countries was being able to meet the requirements of importing countries,
including compliance with 'any conditions for import that might be imposed on
their products'.[25]
An ACIAR officer testing
fruit fly methods as part of the South Pacific Regional Fruit Fly Program in
Tonga (image courtesy of ACIAR).
Research and development for export
7.12
Research and development is important not only for boosting agricultural
productivity in Pacific island countries, but also for helping them to secure
export markets for their agricultural products. It could be directed at
enhancing the quality, marketability and reliability of supply and ensuring
that produce satisfies international sanitary and phytosanitary standards. It
follows that any research and development project should take account of the
export potential of agricultural products. Again, the importance of ensuring
that the results of this research reach a wide audience is critical.
7.13
Evidence suggested that Pacific island countries require assistance to
help them build a solid reputation for the quality and safety of their products
and to market their produce effectively. In this regard, the SPC was of the view that national and international support for research and development in the
agriculture and forestry sectors in the Pacific had been inadequate for a number
of decades. It argued that this lack of attention needed to be addressed if
countries were 'to capitalise on the opportunities represented by high global
food prices'.[26]
Business management skills
7.14
The fishing industry in the region also highlights the potential for
Pacific island countries to obtain greater economic advantage from their
resources from value-adding. According to a study published by the Australian
Centre for Ocean Resources and Security, fisheries 'have long been viewed as
the primary development opportunity for many of the region’s developing island
states'.[27]
A report on fisheries published by the Pacific
Islands Forum Secretariat observed that almost without exception, the Pacific Islanders consulted during the project
'indicated a strong motivation towards capturing more of the wealth
generated by regional tuna resources in the domestic economies of Pacific
island countries'.[28]
But, while the region is home to the largest tuna fishery in the world, evidence
shows that DWFNs are the major beneficiaries of the resources in the EEZs of
Pacific island countries. Mr Theofanes Isamu, Chair of the Forum Fisheries
Committee, noted recently that Pacific island countries and territories catch
just $200 million worth of tuna from their fisheries 'while foreign nations
fishing in the same waters catch over $1 billion'.[29]
Along similar lines, a recent study by the Australian Centre for Ocean
Resources and Security found that fishing vessels from distant water fishing
nations continue to catch approximately 90 per cent of tuna from FFA members' EEZs.[30]
7.15
The extent to which Pacific island countries use their marine resources
for their own commercial purposes varies greatly. Many Pacific island countries
are not engaged directly in commercial fishing. On the other hand, PNG has
successfully used its rich tuna resources to its advantage. Mr Kalish noted
that PNG has dramatically increased its catch of tuna species within its zone
by vessels flying its flag. Since 1996, when the catch was about 20,000 tonnes,
it has risen tenfold to more than 200,000 tonnes. In addition, the catch of
tuna and tuna-like species, including billfish, in their zone is in excess of
400,000 tonnes.[31]
He said:
They have also increased the capacity of their processing
sector, so they have canneries, loining facilities and adequate facilities for
shipping the product to other ports. They have been very effective in taking advantage
of their resources in the ocean, but also using the capacity they have on land
to further value add to the product.[32]
7.16
PNG's potential to develop its fisheries industry contrasts with that of
many of the smaller Pacific island countries which face 'very basic impediments'
to developing the sector, for example access to water.[33]
Mr Kalish explained further that it would be difficult for a small operation
in a Pacific island country to compete with some established canneries:
The biggest canneries in the world used to be...in Bangkok. Now the cannery in Ecuador at Guayaquil is destined to become the world’s largest
cannery, and there are vessels from Latin America that are now fishing in the
western and central Pacific Ocean and carrying product back to those canneries.[34]
7.17
While most Pacific island countries may not have the economic
infrastructure and, in the case of water, the natural resources to establish
processing plants for fish, there are opportunities to extract greater benefit
from commercial fishing. ACIAR suggested that Pacific island countries could
expand their involvement in the industry by even fairly rudimentary value
adding by the owners of the fish stocks before they are exported.[35]
7.18
The lack of skills and experience in the management and ownership of
businesses, however, constrains development in the fisheries sector in Pacific
island countries. A recent report concluded that it was a mistake to assume
that, because small-scale fishers are skilled at fishing, they can 'upscale to
medium and larger scale fishing enterprises'. It cited the findings of another
study that 'fishing was different to managing fishing and medium and
larger-scale fisheries businesses, and small-scale fishers were unlikely to
have management skills'.[36]
Marketing and negotiation skills
7.19
The ability of Pacific island countries to promote and protect their
trading interests through qualified personnel, including skilled trade
negotiators, is particularly important. Many commentators, however, refer to a
lack of capacity among Pacific island countries to negotiate market access and
to resolve access issues.[37]
They point to countries that are chronically under resourced and without the
necessary human and physical capabilities to conduct bilateral and multilateral
negotiations that are commonplace for most nations.[38]
For example, the cost of maintaining overseas diplomatic and trade missions on
a per capita basis for Pacific island countries is greater than that of more
populous countries. Thus, without the resources and skilled personnel, Pacific
island countries have a weak voice in international trade negotiations and may
find themselves marginalised in a fiercely competitive world market.[39]
A number of unions argued that it 'is essential that regional negotiating
capacity be built alongside the negotiating capacity of individual states and
the key stakeholders at all levels of involvement'.[40]
7.20
The returns obtained from DWFNs operating in the EEZ of Pacific island
countries illustrate this weakness. To operate in the EEZ of Pacific island
countries, DWFNs pay a licence fee to the relevant country. These access and
licence fees are a major source of revenue for some Pacific island governments.
For example, they contribute between 40 to 60 per cent of government revenues
in Kiribati and Tuvalu which rely heavily on this income to deliver basic
services for their people.[41]
The findings of a number of studies, however, indicate that access fees are
well below the 'true resource rents'.[42]
A recent study by the Australian Centre for Ocean Resources and Security noted
that despite their critical dependence on the region’s fisheries, 'island FFA members struggle to earn a reasonable return' from the fisheries resources within their EEZs.
It argued that historically, the access agreements and other arrangements allowing
DWFNs to operate in the region have 'returned more economic benefits to the
DWFNs and their vessels than to the island States which own the rights to the
fisheries in question'.[43]
DFAT noted that licence fees paid by the DWFNs amount to a modest US$60 million
per annum, or 4–6 per cent of the total landed value of the fish catch.[44]
Mr Smith, ACIAR, informed the committee:
There is a push by the coastal states to get a greater
proportion of that margin, and equally a pushback from the distant water
fishing countries to actually hold the line. That tension is really being
managed through the Western and Central Pacific Fisheries Commission.[45]
7.21
In some cases, the payment for the rights to fish in a country's EEZ
takes the form of development aid or funding for projects. A recent study by
the Australian Centre for Ocean Resources and Security stated:
Fisheries resources have also, to a degree, motivated some
distant water fishing States to build and maintain relationships throughout the
region that include significant aid budgets. These complicated relationships
can bring a pandora’s box of development, governance and foreign policy
ramifications.[46]
7.22
DAFF's submission also noted that DWFNs 'often tie their access
arrangements with contributions to other activities such as building and road
infrastructure and are proactive about protecting their interests in their
continued access to the waters of Pacific island countries'.[47]
Mr Kalish explained:
In many cases the payment is not necessarily in the form of
cash. It could be the building of a hospital, the development of freezer facilities
or ice production facilities and the like. Some of these activities do not
necessarily contribute to the development of the fishing industry in those
countries and they also limit the way in which the money can be used.[48]
7.23
If Pacific island countries are to bargain effectively in reaching
fishing agreements with DWFNs, they need skilled advocates. As noted by Dr Ben
Saul, 'If you have two or three international lawyers in the relevant
department in PNG then you simply cannot match the level of analysis of and the
amount of resources that you can contribute to international treaty
negotiations or free trade deals or whatever'.[49]
The lack of capacity to negotiate means that Pacific island countries are at a
disadvantage, compared to the larger DWFNs, when seeking agreement on licensing
arrangements.
7.24
Clearly, to ensure that Pacific island countries are able to represent
their economic interests effectively in trade negotiations, they need qualified
and skilled personnel who can match those they are dealing with. This lack of
skilled and trained personnel, mentioned in chapter 2 and again here, is also
raised in different contexts throughout later chapters and is one of the
dominant themes in this report.
7.25
As the Pacific islands’ major trading partner, Australia is in an ideal
position to assist these countries to participate more fully and effectively in
the region and, more broadly, in world markets.
Mining—expanding export earnings
7.26
A 2007 Pacific Islands Forum paper also recognised the potential for
expanding the mining sector in some Pacific island countries. It cited the
major mining and energy discoveries and developments in PNG over the recent
past and suggested that 'geologically, this potential exists throughout
Melanesia, in Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and Fiji'.[50]
Along similar lines, evidence before the committee drew attention to the
prospects for expanding mining operations in some Pacific island countries. The
Australia Papua New Guinea Business Council noted the potential developments in
the commercialisation of Papua New Guinea's energy reserves. In its view, they
'offer export earnings and the opportunity to develop in-country value adding
industries'. Furthermore, it argued that 'the need to develop PNG's oil and gas is urgent'.[51]
7.27
Solomon Islands is another Pacific island country that has much scope to
build a mining industry, thereby boosting local employment and associated
economic activity and adding to government revenue.[52]
7.28
Many international companies from Australia, South Africa and Canada are
engaged in mining and exploration activities in the region.[53]
There is also increasing interest in mineral prospecting from companies with
origins in China and India.[54]
These large mining and petroleum companies are well equipped to market their
products and to negotiate business deals. Apart from environmental concerns,
one of the main challenges for Pacific island countries is, therefore, not
necessarily generating demand for, or securing access to, markets for their
mineral and energy resources. Their main task is to attract foreign investors
to help develop their mining sector and to ensure that government revenue
derived from mining activities is well managed. In this regard, the mining
industry presents another set of problems for countries endeavouring to develop
their export markets. These difficulties relate closely to the business and
investment environment in Pacific island countries, including economic
infrastructure, the skills base, quality and delivery of essential services,
the regulatory environment and issues such as law and order and political
stability. These challenges in attracting private investors are not confined to
the mining sector and are considered in relevant sections in following
chapters.
Tourism
7.29
The natural beauty of the region is one of its strongest assets and
offers great prospects for economic growth through the tourist industry.
Tourism is already an important industry in the region and makes a major
contribution to the economies of the Pacific islands. It appears that this
niche market offers considerable promise as a way to boost economic
development.[55]
For example, the expanding tourism industry in Fiji and Samoa now accounts for
about 25 per cent of GDP and some 50 per cent of GDP for the Cook Islands and
Palau.[56]
According to DFAT, Tonga's tourist industry is 'modest but with potential for
expansion', while 'continuing growth in Vanuatu's tourism sector will be crucial
to providing employment opportunities for its young and rapidly growing
population'.[57]
7.30
According to Mr Steven Noakes, Pacific Asia Tourism Pty Ltd, tourism can
generate 'the biggest multiplier impact from export dollars'.[58]
Among other things, tourism:
-
is consumed at the point of production;
-
has the potential to support other economic activities;
-
is labour intensive and provides a wide range of different
employment opportunities for both skilled and unskilled workers;
-
creates opportunities for many small and micro entrepreneurs;
-
is a source of community pride, promotes local culture and
creates a greater awareness of the natural environment and its economic value.[59]
7.31
Tourism provides government with a source of revenue that can be used to
promote further economic development.[60]
It also operates as a powerful incentive for countries to create an attractive
business environment by investing in infrastructure such as electricity, water
reticulation, sewerage and surface transport.[61]
7.32
There are, however, some key impediments to developing this industry,
including a lack of appropriate skills and training, such as in hospitality
(considered in chapter 10). According to an ESCAP study, if the skills shortage
does not improve in the near future, 'this could be the major bottleneck for
development of the industry'.[62]
Poor economic infrastructure, an unwelcoming investment environment, political
instability and uncertain access to land also adversely affect the development
of tourism and are discussed in greater detail in later chapters.
Conclusion
7.33
The committee notes the commercial opportunities that exist for Pacific
island countries to develop and expand their agricultural and fisheries
sectors. In some cases, donor countries such as Australia could assist Pacific
island countries to become more internationally competitive. They would benefit
from research and development designed to improve the quality and reliability
of products suitable for export. The committee also notes that Pacific island
countries face difficulties meeting the import requirements of overseas
markets. There is potential for Australia to assist these countries in this
regard through helping them to understand the requirements of importing
countries and to build the technical capacity needed to be able to satisfy
international standards. Pacific Island countries would also benefit from
capacity building in the areas of business management, marketing, trade
negotiation and industry specific skills such as hospitality.
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