3. Civics education and participation beyond the classroom
   1. This chapter considers the effectiveness and limitations of the methods beyond the classroom through which Australians seek and receive education and information about Australia’s democracy, electoral events and voting.
   2. These methods include:

• educational resources and programs from federal, state and territory electoral commissions and media organisations
• cultural and civic institutions including parliaments, museums and libraries
• support from and participation in grassroots communities, community organisations and community leaders
• alternative forms of civic and political engagement through social media, online platforms, activism, consumer and lifestyle choices, and in conversation with friends and family
• community programs like youth parliament and the young mayors program.
  3. Socio-economic status, age, geography and other factors influence the ways that people interact with and access these informal sources. Some current programs and resources support rural and remote communities, culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) communities, First Nations people, people with a disability and young people.

Reaching populations outside of formal education

3.4There is a range of civic and cultural institutions and media organisations in Australia that provide educational information and experiences about democracy and electoral processes outside of formal schooling.

3.5For example, the Museum of Australian Democracy (MoAD) receives over 200,000 visitors each year ‘to participate in a range of programs, events, innovative tours and experiences which promote active citizenship and contribute to building social inclusion’.[1]

3.6Additionally, federal, state and territory parliaments and legislative assemblies provide tours, events, seminars, education programs and online resources.[2]

3.7The Australian Electoral Commission (AEC) and some state and territory electoral commissions gave examples of initiatives to support understanding of Australia’s electoral system, the importance of voting, enrolment and turnout.[3]

3.8The AEC undertakes initiatives concentrated in the lead up to and during electoral events, that include:

• informational advertising campaigns for traditional and social media
• distribution of an official voting guide to households
• educational and how-to videos on the AEC TV YouTube channel
• information, a practice voting tool, and community education resources on the AEC website
• education sessions in some communities
• direct enrolment of voters to the electoral roll
• support for a variety of ways to vote including early voting and postal voting.[4]
  9. Australia’s public broadcasters also provide news and analysis about Australia’s political system across television, radio and online platforms. The Australian Broadcasting Corporation provides ‘special broadcast coverage of elections and referendums’, and tailored Politics Explained articles and videos ‘aimed at strengthening and informing participation’.[5]
  10. Some stakeholders highlighted that these sources of informal learning are limited in how effectively they reach some Australians. The Australian Public Service Commission’s Trust and Satisfaction in Australian Democracy Survey 2023 found that 49 per cent of respondents reported not receiving any form of civics education, including informal civics education.[6]
  11. The AEC and NSW Electoral Commission (NSWEC) both said that resourcing levels restrict education, awareness and community engagement activities, particularly outside of electoral events.[7] The AEC highlighted that while it conducts community engagement, it ‘can only be achieved as much as resourcing will allow’.[8] The NSWEC said it is ‘limited’ to conducting these activities during election periods due to its ‘event-based funding model’.[9]
  12. The Northern Territory Legislative Assembly said resources for the public ‘may not align with best practice for cultural/traditional learning’.[10] For example, the resources about parliament can be ‘more formal than the language of most confident English speakers let alone Indigenous Australians and multicultural communities’.[11]
  13. Chapter 2 discussed ways that students living in rural, regional and remote communities in Australia can have equitable access to civics educational programs, including through outreach by some cultural and civic institutions. MoAD said that it also supports diverse and remote communities beyond formal education by offering online collections, and touring exhibitions on democracy and changemakers.[12]
  14. However, opportunities like these for the broader adult population who live in these areas are limited. As a result, those that miss out on civics education at school can feel disconnected or distanced from democratic institutions.[13]
  15. The Australian Lawyers Alliance and Australians for Native Title and Reconciliation (ANTaR) emphasised the importance of ‘generous allocations of time and resources’ when raising public awareness of electoral events in remote areas.[14] It added that approaches such as prioritising local involvement, face-to-face education sessions, hands-on activities and tailored materials that include local content and targeted approaches are important ‘for best results’.[15]
  16. The Victorian Trades Hall Council (VTHC) said that voting booths in rural, regional and remote areas often face closures and are understaffed, leading to some workers ‘working a 14-and-a-half-hour day due to hiring issues and/or lack of training given late recruitment’.[16] It recommended that the AEC ‘adequately staff booths to prevent oppressive queues and/or the potential of booth closures’.[17]

Barriers to civics education and electoral participation for vulnerable groups

3.17Some groups face greater barriers preventing them from receiving civics education and engaging in political participation, including CALD communities, First Nations people, and people with disability.

3.18This section considers the accessibility and effectiveness of current support available, and how government can better assist these groups outside of formal education.

Culturally and linguistically diverse communities

3.19CALD communities face several barriers to political participation and effectively engaging with civics education materials, including:

• low English proficiency and literacy, which makes accessing English resources and participation more challenging
• a lack of familiarity with Australia’s complex political system, which is often different to migrants’ and refugees’ previous experiences of government
• trauma from political engagement in their country of origin or a hesitancy to speak out due to different cultural expectations, political ideologies or experiences
• economic instability, including unemployment and a lack of housing
• logistical barriers, such as a lack of transport, inconsistent access to digital devices and the internet, and lack of time due to multiple jobs or family responsibilities.[18]
  20. Although CALD populations contribute to Australia’s ‘national strength and vitality’[19] and make significant contributions to civic life and their communities,[20] they tend to record the highest rates of informal votes.[21]

Civics education in grassroots CALD communities

3.21There are a range of federal government programs delivered through community organisations that support migrants and refugees, including for immediate settlement needs, to learn English, and to find employment. Some of these programs include the Humanitarian Settlement Program, the Settlement Engagement and Transition Support program, the Adult Migrant English Program, and Australia’s citizenship program.[22]

3.22However, feedback from stakeholders suggests these programs do not deliver focused or consistent civics education or reach all new arrivals.[23] The Settlement Council of Australia (SCOA) emphasised that settlement services are mostly funded to support individuals with early settlement needs.[24]

3.23SCOA, the Federation of Ethnic Communities’ Councils of Australia (FECCA) and Multicultural Council of the Northern Territory agreed that the citizenship test is not the right way to provide civics education in meaningful depth as participants are preoccupied with passing the test.[25] FECCA argued that the ideal time for civics education is after participants have been granted citizenship, when they feel inspired and have more capacity to engage.[26]

3.24Stakeholders called for ongoing and more in-depth civics education for CALD communities, delivered outside of settlement and election time.[27] For example, the Chinese Australian Forum described a series of six grant-funded civics education workshops for Chinese migrants.[28]

3.25There was support for further civics education to be delivered in partnership with CALD community hubs.[29] For example, AMES Australia recommended providing information and education in places where communities are ‘already engaged’, such as multicultural centres and existing services due to ‘established trust and understanding of the needs of communities’.[30]

3.26Similarly, when asked who would be best placed to deliver civics education to communities, Wyndham Community and Education Centre (CEC) said:

It would be good to have a partnership with the AEC, but the delivery by trusted local, place-based organisations is going to cut through better.[31]

3.27The Parliament of Victoria said that working in partnership with community organisations is often more effective because it can leverage established networks and spread resources ‘across a range of activities’.[32]

3.28SCOA told the Committee that information sessions and workshops about civic participation hosted by community and ethic organisations ‘can be more effective than written materials’ as they allow ‘opportunities for face-to-face learning and discussion’.[33]

Providing accessible and culturally suitable information to CALD communities

3.29To support informed participation in electoral processes by CALD communities, civic institutions and public broadcasters provide a range of targeted information and initiatives. For example, the AEC provides ‘information, advertising, and videos in up to 34 international languages’ and in-language community education sessions.[34]

3.30The Special Broadcasting Service (SBS) said it provides news and educational content in over 60 languages, such as the Australia Explained settlement guide that includes weekly articles, podcasts and videos containing advice about life in Australia, including some civics content.[35]

3.31However, access to appropriate information and education is still a barrier to CALD communities’ civic understanding and engagement.[36] A focus group of 32 community leaders from 20 key migrant communities by AMES Australia found that more than 80 per cent believed there are not enough accessible information and education resources about Australia’s electoral system.[37]

3.32Research by Dr Fan Yang and Associate Professor Sukhmani Khorana on political participation of Chinese and South Asian communities found that information from the AEC is not always ‘linguistically or culturally accessible to new migrants’.[38] The academics noted that the ‘primary issue’ with existing information seems to be that it is ‘translated and presented in a formal and rigid manner by authoritative personnel or sources’ that lack familiarity with ‘cultural and linguistic norms’.[39]

3.33To demonstrate this point, Dr Yang and Associate Professor Khorana described the following example:

… research on the coverage of the 2023 Voice referendum on WeChat revealed that informational text-based content from the AEC and the Australian Government received low engagement from Chinese-speaking voters despite being available in Chinese translation. The interview with Carina Garland, MP for Chisholm, and Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus published on WeChat’s short video feature through the Victorian Labor Party’s account garnered only 25 shares despite having Chinese subtitles. In contrast, a pro-No campaign video in the form of casual conversation produced by a Chinese migrant received 10,000 reposts within 24 hours of publication.[40]

3.34Other barriers faced by some CALD communities include a lack of awareness of resources, difficulties accessing online resources, and shortages of translated materials in-language for smaller or newer migrant groups.[41]

3.35Stakeholders recommended the government develop more accessible and culturally appropriate civic resources and distribute them through grassroots community networks and in places where CALD communities are already engaged.[42]

3.36AMES Australia recommended developing translated materials that can be easily sharedon ‘multiple media outlets including social media, WhatsApp, ethnic or community radio and newspapers’.[43] Materials should be provided in simple audio, visual and infographic formats with less focus placed on written resources.[44]

3.37Similarly, SCOA recommended expanding translated materials for smaller migrant groups, and learning from how governments and communities provided COVID-19 materials in a wider variety of formats: text, image, audio and video.[45]

3.38Dr Yang and Associate Professor Khorana highlighted that government agencies’ communication strategies should ‘go beyond simple information translation and tokenism’.[46] Materials should be ‘embedded’ within the unique and diverse ‘social and cultural norms of migrant communities’.[47]

3.39NSWEC provided an example of how it partnered with the Ethnic Communities’ Council of NSW for the 2023 NSW State Election. The Vote Talk program consisted of community-led in-language engagement and communication initiatives to increase awareness and strengthen electoral participation of CALD language groups across Western Sydney. It included in-language podcasts, community engagement sessions run by bilingual facilitators and in-language messages on community radio.[48]

3.40Following engagement with the program, NSWEC said that confidence in and knowledge of voting options at the state election increased from 28.6 per cent to 86.7 per cent.[49] Of 13 targeted districts with high CALD populations, voter turnout was improved or maintained in seven districts.[50]

3.41NSWEC emphasised the importance of community-led engagement ‘in addressing the barriers CALD voters face during election periods’.[51] It undertook another community partnership for the 2024 NSW Local Government elections.[52]

The role of grassroots leaders in the community

3.42For members of many CALD communities, particularly new arrivals, their community leaders and networks are trusted sources of information and avenues to participate in civic life.[53]

3.43The AEC said it engages with and upskills multicultural community leaders in electoral processes, with 95 per cent of community leaders it engaged with then sharing materials with their communities.[54]

3.44As a result of this success, the AEC said it will pilot deploying Multicultural Community Electoral Participation Officers (CEPOs) to deliver culturally suitable education and outreach to CALD communities with persistently low formality and low voter turnout for the 2025 Federal Election.[55]

3.45While stakeholders welcomed AEC’s pilot of Multicultural CEPOs, they also emphasised the importance of co-designing resources with community leaders to produce culturally appropriate materials.[56] FECCA said that involving trusted community leaders will ensure that programs ‘fully understand, reflect and serve the diverse needs of multicultural communities’.[57]

3.46In October 2024, the Committee visited multicultural groups in Melton, Victoria to learn more about political participation of CALD communities. These groups similarly reported that working with grassroots community leaders and organisations is an effective way to build the knowledge of CALD communities.

3.47AMES Australia recommended an ‘Ambassador or Champion’ model to provide first language support to CALD community members prior to voting time as the model has previously been successful in ‘other sensitive settings’.[58] It also suggested:

Building the capacity of community and religious leaders to be a conduit to provide culturally diverse communities with accurate and impartial information, or ways to access sources of information about democracy, electoral events, and voting.[59]

3.48Wyndham CEC said that it has an ambassador-style program for leaders from local multicultural communities ‘to learn through experience how to navigate civic systems’ in partnership with government agencies and services.[60] Wyndham CEC added:

… this idea of experiential learning, identifying spokespeople, community leaders, and giving them an opportunity to experience the mainstream services and then forming a community of practice to actually take those learnings back to their own communities is, I think, a very powerful way to actually engage with Australian mainstream services, whether it's civics and the electoral system or it's around justice, health and education.[61]

First Nations communities

3.49Poor educational outcomes can significantly impact political engagement and lead to feelings of disenfranchisement. This is especially significant for First Nations people, particularly those living in remote communities.[62]

3.50Stakeholders to the inquiry identified several barriers that limit First Nations people’s access to adequate civics education and participation in electoral events. These barriers include:

• historical disadvantage
• culturally inappropriate education
• language barriers
• socio-economic barriers such as poverty, job insecurity, poor housing and stability
• ongoing systemic discrimination
• negative experiences with and distrust of government
• feelings of exclusion from the political system.[63]
  51. During the inquiry, the Committee travelled to Northern Australia to hear directly from First Nations communities in remote areas such as Maningrida in the Northern Territory (NT). Formal education in the NT was discussed in Chapter 2 of this report.
  52. In contrast to many other Australian jurisdictions, most First Nations people in the NT live in remote or very remote areas.[64] Stakeholders in Maningrida raised that the distance and isolation of these communities as well as language barriers, can make it challenging for First Nations people to feel a meaningful connection to government and parliament.
  53. For example, when asked about awareness of Canberra and our democratic system, Bawinanga Aboriginal Corporation said that ‘they're just not concepts that make any sense here’:

And the culture—people are speaking language; they don't speak a lot of English. The older age group does, but the younger age group doesn't. And it's very difficult for them to understand concepts—or what happens outside of Maningrida. There's very little knowledge of what the rest of the real world is.[65]

3.54Nja-Marleya Cultural Leaders and Justice Group said that across Arnhem Land there are 280 languages, and for some First Nations people, English is their fifth language, making cultural liaison and translating ‘a big job’.[66]

3.55The Australian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) emphasised that information key to decision-making should not only be made physically accessible ‘but also in an appropriate language and format’.[67]

3.56Young adult residents in Maningrida also face barriers receiving information and education on civics if they miss out on those subjects at school. Bawinanga Aboriginal Corporation said that more assistance is needed to educate the broader community:

… there are no registered training providers in Maningrida. If we're going to tackle young adults and help educate them or give them information, we really need more assistance in the community to provide some community awareness and education, because there's only a small group that go to school regularly and get that information, and if they miss those subjects then that's it. For the rest of their lives they're not going to get that information.[68]

3.57When it comes time to vote in electoral events, First Nations living in remote communities face additional barriers to participating. There is a disproportionately high number of people who are ‘highly mobile’, meaning that they do not have access to a fixed address, reliable internet or mobile connectivity. Cultural obligations, such as funerals and not being able to leave the house, often take priority. This means that many people may often miss out on voting during elections.[69]

3.58The Central Land Council (CLC) said that to ensure that voter turnout is higher, there needs to be ‘a considered approach to supporting remote communities to learn and engage with civics education, political processes and community engagement activities’.[70] CLC pointed to some examples:

… studies that have drawn a correlation between when the federal government abolished the Aboriginal electoral engagement program in 1996 and the steady decline that occurred in voter turnout in remote communities from that point in time. Another example was when ATSIC undertook their 2002 elections. They ran an educational campaign in parallel with that, called 'The Right to Be Heard', and voter turnout in Central Australia increased by 11.1 per cent. Also, CLC ran an education and advocacy campaign regarding the 2023 Voice referendum, and voter turnout improved to 73 per cent, compared to 66.8 per cent at the 2022 federal election. So we know that, when those things are run in parallel—an education campaign—voter turnout increases.[71]

3.59Many stakeholders, including the Mala'la Health Service Aboriginal Corporation and Nja-Marleya Cultural Leaders and Justice Group, agreed that the AEC should visit earlier and invest time in remote communities to talk to community leaders and local grassroots organisations about upcoming elections.[72]

3.60VTHC said that AEC funding cuts has meant that staff are sometimes ‘only present for as little as two hours during an entire election period’ in Lingiari.[73] It emphasised that this ‘would never occur in an urban or regional setting where voters have weeks to cast their vote’.[74]

3.61AEC said that in remote polling places it provides a short explanatory video in 22 First Nations languages and ‘temporary election workers at polling places that reflect the diversity of the local community’.[75] The AEC also described its targeted education initiatives including local electoral education sessions, the employment of local Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander CEPOs, and plans to deliver a new research-informed electoral education program for the 2025 Federal Election.[76]

3.62The NT Electoral Commission (NTEC) said that engagement for the election runs over a 19-week period and is delivered in over 70 remote communities. NTEC added that:

While in community, our teams check and update voter enrolments. We provide information about the election and voting processes. We are meeting with local organisations and stakeholders to seek their assistance in engaging voters at election time when we return to the community and we are consulting with the community members to improve the delivery of voting services, including the best location for voting centres and how best to communicate election information. We also try to recruit local election assistants to work with remote voting teams when they return, particularly for in-language support.[77]

3.63CLC praised the NTEC for its ‘commitment to producing online resources in Aboriginal people’s first languages’,[78] stating that ‘these are important steps in a range of measures that need to be pursued to enhance engagement with electoral processes’.[79]

3.64However, the Committee is aware that the responsibility for this work in remote communities shouldn’t rest solely on local organisations. For example, Bawinanga Aboriginal Corporation said that it was disappointed that the expectation was ‘back on the corporation that somehow it's our responsibility to go out and tell people and get everyone to vote, when we've got enough to do’.[80]

3.65Many stakeholders emphasised the importance of tailored voting assistance for First Nations people.[81] VTHC recommended ‘more stringent practices for remote polling booths to ensure the most vulnerable electorates, especially in the NT, are receiving ample time, notice and resources to be able to vote’.[82]

3.66The Australian Lawyers Alliance and ANTaR similarly recommended the establishment of ‘“roaming” mobile polling booths in remote and very remote areas that are available for longer periods during the day to ensure maximum accessibility’.[83]

3.67First Nations people may often feel reluctant to vote because they feel that parliament and government do not truly address or represent the needs of their communities.[84] First Nations people may also feel that their influence within the electoral system is limited.[85]

3.68CLC, among others, emphasised that a holistic approach to addressing system problems needs to be taken, as committed to in the National Agreement on Closing the Gap.[86] CLC said:

There exists a role for government not only to work alongside land councils and other Aboriginal community controlled organisations to support civics education but also to work in genuine partnership that fosters shared decision-making, as per the government's commitment to closing the gap.[87]

3.69Stakeholders to the inquiry also discussed pathways to better encourage civic engagement among First Nations youth. The Australian Youth Affairs Coalition (AYAC) said that it is important to consider the context that young people from First Nations backgrounds are facing:

Research indicates that young people from CALD and First Nations backgrounds continue to face frequent racism and discrimination, impacting experiences of belonging and citizenship.[88]

3.70AYAC said that multicultural youth leadership programs are a positive way to engage diverse young people as they are ‘more likely to possess a sense of responsibility and civic involvement in their immediate communities and family networks’.[89] It recommended funding should be increased to youth leadership programs for diverse youth, particularly in areas with low voter turnout.[90]

3.71The Australian Lawyers Alliance and ANTaR also noted the importance of community-based civics education delivered through ‘community hubs, youth organisations, festivals, sporting events, community events and other relevant locations that young people frequent’.[91]

People with disability

3.72People with disability face many barriers preventing them from engaging with and participating in the electoral process such as the assumption they do not have capacity, a lack of support to vote, low expectations from family or disability organisation staff, transport issues and a lack of accessible information to support their decision making.[92]

3.73Removal from the electoral roll also continues to be a barrier for some people with disability. Section 93 of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 (Electoral Act) prevents the enrolment or right to vote to ‘a person who, by reason of being of unsound mind, is incapable of understanding the nature and significance of enrolment and voting’.[93]

3.74The Australian Federation of Disability Organisations (AFDO) said that due to this provision, many people with disability, particularly those with intellectual disability or cognitive impairments, may be ‘unjustly [denied] the fundamental right to vote’.[94]

3.75Down Syndrome Australia said that once removed, ‘it can be complicated to return to the electoral roll’.[95]

3.76Data from the AEC revealed that in the five years from 2019 to 2024, almost 81,000 people were removed from the electoral roll under the ‘unsound mind’ provision.[96] It added that 91 per cent of those people were aged 70 and over.[97]

3.77The Committee’s Inquiry into the conduct of the 2022 federal election and other matters considered this issue and made a recommendation to repeal the relevant sections in the Electoral Act accordingly.[98] The Committee also made a number of recommendations to better support people with disability to vote.[99]

3.78The AEC and NSWEC told the Committee about ways that they make enrolling and voting more accessible for people with disability. For example, the AEC said it offers the following support:

• Easy Read guides on how to enrol and vote
• ReadSpeaker on the AEC website, which allows people to listen to information including information on how to vote
• videos which focus on oral explanation of topics such as what to expect at a polling place, how to access a postal vote, and ballot paper formality
• an education program for people who have a learning disability
• flipbooks at polling places
• Auslan video on the importance of enrolling to vote
• telephone voting for people who are blind or have low vision
• an Official Guide sent to every household prior to a referendum or election, which is available in large print, e-text, MP3 audio files/CD, DAISY and Braille.[100]
  79. The NSWEC provides resources including an Auslan election video series, audio description opening messages for awareness videos, easy-read guides and a ‘Your right to vote’ video.[101]
  80. AFDO said that the Victorian Electoral Commission (VEC) implemented a capacity building initiative to upskill staff in two disability organisations to increase their awareness of voting and assist them to support people with an intellectual disability to vote. The initiative led to an increase in the number of people who had enrolled and voted.[102]

Young people

3.81Young people in Australia are increasingly disengaged and distrustful of formal political institutions.[103] While their enrolment rates remain lower than the average enrolment rate across all age groups, young people demonstrate strong motivation to engage with political issues that resonate with them personally.[104]

3.82Young peoples’ civic participation often takes place through informal and non-traditional avenues which are frequently overlooked or undervalued. This is despite serving as important alternative pathways to engage with civic issues and ultimately driving their electoral participation.[105]

3.83This section examines how young people can be better supported to develop not just the knowledge for informed civic participation, but an appreciation for democratic values and institutions.

Political participation and learning

3.84While showing signs of disengagement and distrust, young people remain motivated about political issues that are relevant or important to them by taking part in, and learning through, alternative forms of civic and political engagement.[106] These expressions of civic engagement include discussions through social media or with friends and family, participating in protests and campaigns such as boycotts or petitions, or joining interest groups.[107]

3.85The Australian Council for Student Voice highlighted an example of recent civic participation by young people:

Young people have both an interest in, and a commitment to participatory democracy. You only have to look at collective actions such as the School Strike 4 Climate to see evidence of students mobilising in civic action.[108]

3.86Results from the National Assessment Program – Civics and Citizenship (NAP-CC) assessment cycle in 2019 also found that Year 10 students place importance on social-movement citizenship actions.[109]

3.87Many stakeholders emphasised it is important to value young people’s different forms of and motivations for civic engagement, and that government should seek to engage them through these methods.[110] The Monash University Centre for Youth Policy and Education Practice (CYPEP) argued:

Young people are not apathetic nor disengaged. Rather, their particular relationships with civic and political participation should be acknowledged. For example, rather than asking why young people are not enrolling to vote, we should be asking what young people do care about. Such an understanding can be used to better communicate with and engage young people, by connecting civic processes to the issues that matter to them.[111]

3.88There was strong support for approaches that encouraged active participation among diverse young people, extending opportunities beyond the usual groups who are typically engaged in these initiatives.[112]

3.89Dr Sarah Moulds called for ‘accessible, inclusive and empowering’ engagement strategies that ‘go beyond the ‘usual suspects’, and that experiment with new ways of presenting information’.[113] Examples include facilitating youth access to public inquiries, and a ‘Parliament Week’ event series that brings the parliament to the people by holding local events.[114]

3.90Both CYPEP and the South Australian (SA) Commissioner for Children and Young People (CCYP) emphasised that young people are more likely to value project-based, active citizenship,[115] with the South Australian CCYP recommending engagement outside of ‘existing governance structures of councils, advisory groups and committees’.[116]

3.91Curtin Youth recommended providing ‘more appropriate and appealing opportunities’ for young people to engage in civics like participatory budgeting, citizens’ juries and government-led youth volunteer projects.[117]

3.92Dr Moulds and the Law Council of Australia also called for evidence-based programs that are driven by research about how to better reach young people whose perspectives are not being heard.[118] Dr Moulds highlighted the consequences of not doing this:

… it remains unclear whether these systems are addressing or entrenching the social divides that are contributing to marginalisation and exclusion. Without this knowledge, we risk misallocating resources towards privileged voices, whilst distancing those who are losing trust in our public institutions. This is why further research is needed to explore whether current democratic engagement systems address or entrench existing social divides.[119]

3.93Stakeholders emphasised the effectiveness of programs that develop young people’s understanding of democracy and active citizenship through practical civic engagement, leadership and advocacy on issues important to them.[120] A variety of these programs exist in Australia.

3.94For example, The Y’s Youth Parliament is a long-standing program that engages young people aged 15 to 25 in the development and debate of bills, followed by the sharing of these bills with decision-makers. To date, 10,000 young people have participated in the program, which currently operates in all jurisdictions except the ACT.[121]

3.95Similarly, the Foundation for Young Australians’ Young Mayors program provides an opportunity for young people aged 11 to 17 to participate in democratically elected youth councils and implement strategies and projects for their communities. Youth council members are elected by young people in their local government areas in formal elections modelled on council election processes, with polling places set up in schools and community spaces. The program has been piloted across four councils, where 7,000 young people turned out to cast their vote.[122]

3.96Participants reported gaining understanding, confidence and increased ability to engage in civic life and democracy from participating in these programs.[123] There were calls from stakeholders to expand these youth programs, with general additional funding, funding dedicated to reaching new diverse youth, or by increasing participation of young people.[124]

3.97However, activities outside the classroom tend to attract students who are already interested enough to get involved.[125] One young person said:

I have been involved in Youth Parliament and UN Youth, wonderful programs which have provided me with greater civic knowledge. However, only young people already engaged in the political process attend these events, and they do not engage or inform those without existing knowledge.[126]

Considering youth perspectives in policy development

3.98One reason why young people are increasingly disengaging from formal political involvement is that they believe that their perspectives and the issues they care about are ignored and devalued.[127] The UN Youth Australia annual Listening Tour found that 53 per cent of young participants did not feel represented in politics and 47 per cent felt their needs were not reflected in the decision-making process.[128]

3.99In the same way that understanding young people’s political engagement often fails to appreciate their preferred means of being involved, the consensus among inquiry participants was that current government approaches to consulting young people and considering their interests in policy development are inadequate.[129]

3.100Young people face many barriers preventing them from engaging with formal politics and policy making, such as feeling that their input would not be welcomed or would have no impact; lack of awareness about options to be involved; programs not designed for young people or utilising outdated platforms; and logistical barriers including a shortage of time, transport or resources to participate.[130]

3.101Many young people reported that they would like to have additional opportunities to contribute their views on public policy,[131] with The Y arguing that this is ‘vital to see a cultural shift’.[132] Stakeholders also highlighted that as a signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, governments have a duty to actively engage and consider the views of Australia’s young people when developing legislation and policy that will affect their lives.[133]

3.102The Committee heard about efforts to engage young people in policy making through youth advisory groups, representative councils, online platforms, surveys or forums.[134] Stakeholders advocated for more genuine, empowering, accessible, innovative and inclusive opportunities for youth to influence policy.[135]

3.103The Y said that current programs across government are inconsistent and inaccessible:

Commitment to youth participation in policymaking across Federal, state and local governments remains haphazard, inconsistent across portfolios and settings, and generally in the form of formal, structured consultative measure[s] that reinforce existing power relations and limits the possibilities of youth involvement.[136]

3.104Similarly, Mr Joshua Patrick summarised many inquiry participants’ views on the sometimes ‘tokenistic’ nature of youth advisory groups and other consultative initiatives:

The increase in the number and scope of Minister-led youth advisory groups, youth parliaments and other consultative initiatives is an extremely positive shift. However, many such groups are largely tokenistic, and serve to make state and federal Ministers and governments be seen to be responding to the repeated pleas by young people to be empowered and consulted on political youth-related priorities. These youth councils far too often stop at the ‘talking’ stage, and, even then, frequently are facilitated by individuals with pre-determined topics and goals around which agendas and meeting discussions are centred, thus limiting the communication of original ideas or the full potential impact of participants’ reference to their unique lived experience. Furthermore, often these advisory councils have only a one- or two-year term, during which appropriate actions are not yet implemented or even planned.[137]

3.105Tasmania’s Commissioner for Children and Young People emphasised the need to better support young people to participate through ‘information, support and an environment that enables participation’.[138]

3.106Some stakeholders commended the Australian Government’s Office for Youth’s initiatives to improve methods of engaging with young people.[139] However, The Y recommended that the Office should work alongside the youth sector to ensure engagement of diverse young people, otherwise initiatives may only reach ‘an existing, captured audience’.[140]

Cultural and civic institutions beyond the classroom

3.107In addition to supporting young people to learn about civics within formal schooling, cultural and civic institutions also play a role in engaging young people through exhibitions, tours and other creative experiences. For example, MoAD has a range of interactive exhibitions and programs aimed at youth, young children and families.[141]

3.108Parliament of Victoria runs youth engagement programs for 18- to 30-year-olds, co-designed with young people. The programs aim to engage youth in the work of parliament through materials and events created by young people such as forums, social media and digital content, a podcast and other community engagement projects.[142]

3.109The AEC and some state and territory electoral commissions also have initiatives to encourage young people to participate in electoral events. VEC, NSWEC and NTEC provided examples of previous election advertising awareness campaigns targeted towards priority groups including young people.[143]

3.110NTEC explained their approach to engage young voters for the 2024 NT elections:

We’re advertising on social media platforms like YouTube, Facebook, Instagram and TikTok. We’re advertising on Spotify. We’re advertising on TV streaming services like Kayo Sports and 9Now. We’re engaging with schools and youth organisations to distribute tailored communication resources. We’ve got different stakeholder packs for different cohorts of voters, including young voters. We’re attending youth events. We’ve got pop-up stalls at shopping centres on the weekends. And we’re including young people in our advertising designs.[144]

Committee comment

3.111Barriers to accessing adequate civics education and electoral information prevent many Australians from fully participating in our democratic processes. This is particularly true for people from CALD communities, First Nations people, people with disability, those living in regional, rural and remote areas, and young people. These barriers leave them feeling disempowered and disengaged, and can result in underrepresentation in political decision-making and policy development.

3.112Electoral commissions, the media, cultural institutions, and community organisations all play key roles in providing educational resources and programs about Australia’s democracy, electoral events and voting. However, there are limitations in how effectively these informal mechanisms reach wide audiences and resonate with some groups. Many Australians report having never received any form of civics education and having low engagement with news and current affairs.

3.113There are opportunities to improve methods of both informal education and information dissemination for vulnerable groups. CALD communities often face linguistic, cultural and socioeconomic barriers that limit their access to civic information and hinder their participation in Australia’s complex system of democracy. Further, there is a significant lack of accessible information and education resources tailored to CALD communities.

3.114While the Committee acknowledges the work of electoral commissions and other organisations to provide in-language information, simply translating information is not enough to effectively reach or resonate with Australia’s diverse CALD audiences.

3.115CALD communities should be provided information in formats suitable for sharing on social and ethnic media; moving beyond rigid, text-heavy official materials, and offered in a wider range of languages. The Committee considers that the AEC should work more closely with grassroots organisations and community leaders to co-design civics education workshops and electoral participation materials that can offer more meaningful engagement.

3.116While there is a range of government-supported, community-run programs focused on settlement and citizenship, in-depth and ongoing civics education should be provided to CALD communities outside of electoral events and after initial settlement. The Committee accepts evidence that suggests that during this period, some participants are primarily occupied with passing the citizenship test and that the ideal time for civics education is after citizenship has been granted, when they feel inspired and have more capacity to engage. Civics education should also be delivered in spaces where CALD communities are already engaged, and where they feel culturally safe.

3.117The Committee recommends that the Australian Government work more closely with culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) grassroots community organisations to develop and deliver civics education programs in community centres across Australia. These programs should be provided in accessible and culturally appropriate formats. The relevant Minister should report annually to Parliament on the progress of key actions.

3.118The Committee recommends that the Australian Electoral Commission (AEC) specifically report on an annual basis on its work with CALD community organisations to co-design and disseminate culturally appropriate and accessible materials to support enrolling and voting at future federal elections. These materials should:

• use a range of formats, including audio, visual, infographic and simple text that can be easily shared across social and ethnic media platforms
• be translated into languages for smaller and emerging migrant groups.
  119. In the development of culturally appropriate electoral materials, the AEC should look to successful models of community engagement that can be adapted to enhance engagement of CALD voters, particularly in areas of low voter turnout and high vote informality. The NSWEC’s Vote Talk program is an example of a community-led, partnership approach to better engage CALD communities and distribute educational information that reaches target populations.

3.120The Committee recommends that the AEC draw on successful models of community engagement conducted by its state and territory counterparts in engaging with CALD communities during the 2025 Federal Election, such as the NSW Electoral Commission’s Vote Talk program. The AEC should develop and implement such programs nationally for future elections.

3.121Leveraging grassroot communities and increasing the capacity of trusted and embedded members of CALD communities can create important pathways to share official and civic information.

3.122Following the 2025 Federal Election, the AEC should report on the outcomes of its pilot of Multicultural Community Electoral Participation Officers. The Australian Government should support the capacity building of appropriate CALD community members in the lead up to future electoral events, informed by learnings from the pilot.

3.123The Committee recommends that the Australian Government work with CALD grassroots community organisations to train trusted members of the community as impartial ‘ambassadors’ or ‘champions’ to disseminate information about Australia’s democracy, electoral events, and voting.

3.124First Nations people, particularly those living in remote communities, experience unique challenges significantly impacting their civic and political engagement. These communities need to be better supported to learn and engage with civics education, political processes and community engagement activities.

3.125Remote electorates must also receive sufficient time, advance notice and culturally appropriate resources to be able to participate fully in elections. While there is no one solution to improving civics engagement and electoral outcomes for First Nations people, the Committee considers that this must start with closer engagement with community leaders and local grassroots organisations. Further, a holistic approach to addressing system problems needs to be taken, as committed to in the National Agreement on Closing the Gap.

3.126Resources available to the AEC can disproportionately impact rural and remote communities, affecting many First Nations people. The Committee is concerned that changes in funding have had serious negative impacts in those communities. The reductions of availability of permanent staff, for example, has resulted in some voters in remote areas having small windows to cast their vote, compared to weeks for those living in urban or regional settings. Funding for the AEC must be sufficient to ensure that full participation in elections is possible in regional and remote communities; to limit that access effectively risks removing the franchise to those citizens.

3.127The Committee recommends that, in order to improve enfranchisement, the AEC be appropriately funded to ensure that polling stations in regional and remote communities provide sufficient time, advance notice and culturally appropriate resources for voters; and specifically report on an annual basis on these measures.

3.128The AEC and NTEC work hard to deliver one of Australia’s biggest logistical events where there may be significant costs involved. To improve voter education through culturally appropriate and translated materials, closer collaboration should be explored.

3.129The Committee recommends that, in order to deliver culturally appropriate and translated voter education materials for federal elections, the AEC is appropriately funded to work more closely with the Northern Territory Electoral Commission to leverage its relationships with local First Nations organisations; and specifically report on an annual basis on these measures.

3.130While many young people are politically engaged in a range of ways, they increasingly report distrust in and disengagement from formal political processes and institutions.

3.131The Committee acknowledges that while the Australian Government has made recent efforts to better consult with young people through the establishment of the Office for Youth, these approaches tend to involve young people who are already engaged, or they don’t result in implementation of ideas and policy changes.

3.132There is a need for methods that engage young people outside of formal consultation processes and youth advisory groups. These methods should involve innovative, active and project-based participation about issues important to young people, delivered through platforms and networks where they already interact. In delivering these initiatives, consideration and support should be given to common barriers to youth engagement, ensuring young people feel welcomed, and are provided with information and support to engage.

3.133Further, the Committee sees merit in the Australian Government’s Office for Youth to identify ways to increase young people’s involvement with Parliament. This should include leveraging existing pathways to ensure diverse youth input into political policy and processes. The Office for Youth should report annually to Parliament on progress and key actions.

3.134The Committee recommends that the Australian Government work with youth organisations to explore more appropriate and appealing opportunities to engage a wider community of diverse young people in leadership programs that build understanding of democracy and active citizenship, outside of youth advisory groups.

3.135The Committee recommends that, in recognition of the need to prioritise engagement with diverse youth, the Australian Government’s Office for Youth should identify ways to increase engagement with the Australian Parliament and to support methods for incorporating diverse youth input into political policy and processes. The Office for Youth should report annually to Parliament on its progress.

Footnotes

[1]Museum of Australian Democracy (MoAD), Submission 102, p. 4.

[2]Northern Territory Legislative Assembly (NTLA), Submission 20, pages 5-9; NSW Parliamentary Education and Engagement, Submission 21, pages 2-3; Department of Parliamentary Services, Submission 51, p. 4; Parliament of South Australia, Submission 103, pages 8-10; Clerks of the Legislative Assembly and Council at the Parliament of Victoria, Submission 115, p. 2.

[3]Australian Electoral Commission (AEC), Submission 15, pages 5-15; Victorian Electoral Commission (VEC), Submission 74, Attachment A, pages 8-9, 13-15 and 28-40; Ms Karen Parker, Manager Corporate Information and Training, Northern Territory Electoral Commission, Committee Hansard, Darwin, 24 July 2024, pages 1-2, 5-6 and 9-11; NSW Electoral Commission (NSWEC), Submission 100, pages 4 and 7-9.

[4]AEC, Submission 15, pages 5-15.

[5]Australian Broadcasting Corporation, Submission 76, p. 3.

[6]Australian Public Service Commission (2023), Trust and Satisfaction in Australian Democracy 2023, accessed 1 November 2024, https://www.aspreform.gov.au/resources/trust-and-satisfaction-australian-democracy-survey-report.

[7]AEC, Submission 15, p. 19; NSWEC, Submission 100,p. 3.

[8]AEC, Submission 15, p. 19.

[9]NSWEC, Submission 100,p. 3.

[10]NTLA, Submission 20, p. 4.

[11]NTLA, Submission 20, p. 4.

[12]MoAD, Submission 102, p. 7.

[13]Dr Sarah Moulds, Submission 116, p. 11.

[14]Australian Lawyers Alliance and Australians for Native Title and Reconciliation (ANTaR), Submission 24, p. 17.

[15]Australian Lawyers Alliance and ANTaR, Submission 24, p. 17.

[16]Victorian Trades Hall Council (VTHC), Submission 86, p. 17.

[17]VTHC, Submission 86, p. 17.

[18]Department of Home Affairs, Submission 85, p. 15; AMES Australia, Submission 63, p. 5; Federation of Ethnic Communities’ Councils of Australia (FECCA), Submission 118, p. 3; Dr Edwin Joseph, President, Multicultural Council of the Northern Territory (MCNT), Committee Hansard, Darwin, 24 July 2024, p. 22; Mr Eddie Micallef, Chairperson, Ethnic Communities Council of Victoria, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 8 August 2024, p. 36; Settlement Council of Australia (SCOA), Submission 98, p. 8.

[19]Department of Home Affairs, Submission 85, p. 3.

[20]SCOA, Submission 98, p. 4.

[21]Mr Tom Rogers, Electoral Commissioner, AEC, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 23 May 2024, p. 21.

[22]SCOA, Submission 98, p. 8; Department of Home Affairs, Submission 85, p. 9.

[23]AMES Australia, Submission 63, p. 2; SCOA, Submission 98, p. 8; Ms Maria Tsopanis, Senior Manager, Community Development and Social Participation, AMES Australia, Committee Hansard, Melbourne, 16 October 2024, p. 34; Mr John Sheen, Deputy Chief Executive Officer, Wyndham Community and Education Centre (CEC), Committee Hansard, Canberra, 7 August 2024, p. 2; Ms Sandra Elhelw, Chief Executive Officer, SCOA, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 19 June 2024, p. 21.

[24]SCOA, Submission 98, p. 8.

[25]SCOA, Submission 98, p. 6; Dr Joseph, MCNT, Committee Hansard, Darwin, 24 July 2024, p. 24; Ms Padmapriya Muralidharan, Senior Policy and Projects Officer, Federation of Ethnic Communities’ Councils of Australia (FECCA), Committee Hansard, Canberra, 8 August 2024, pages 37 and 40.

[26]Ms Muralidharan, FECCA, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 8 August 2024, pages 37 and 40.

[27]SCOA, Submission 98, p. 6; AMES Australia, Submission 63, p. 2; Dr Fan Yang and Associate Professor Sukhmani Khorana, Submission 127, p. 6.

[28]Chinese Australian Forum (CAF), Submission 47, pages [2]-[3].

[29]Youth Decide Australia, Submission 80, p. 4; SCOA, Submission 98, p. 2; Ms Preethi Vergis, Chief Executive Officer, The Learning Shop, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 7 August 2024, pages 8-9; CAF, Submission 47, p. [3].

[30]AMES Australia, Submission 63, p. 5.

[31]Mr Sheen, Wyndham CEC, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 7 August 2024, p. 3.

[32]Mr Andres Lomp, Community Engagement Manager, Parliament of Victoria, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 8 August 2024, pages 7-8.

[33]SCOA, Submission 98, p. 6.

[34]AEC, Submission 15, pages 12-13.

[35]SBS, Submission 130, pages 1, 2 and 9.

[36]Dr Yang and Associate Professor Khorana, Submission 127, p. 4.

[37]AMES Australia, Exhibit 8, ‘Community voices: AMES’ ‘Pulse’ community sentiment surveys’, p. 1.

[38]Dr Yang and Associate Professor Khorana, Submission 127, p. 14.

[39]Dr Yang and Associate Professor Khorana, Submission 127, p. 15.

[40]Dr Yang and Associate Professor Khorana, Submission 127, p. 14.

[41]AMES Australia, Submission 63, p. 3; Dr Joseph, MCNT, Committee Hansard, Darwin, 24 July 2024, p. 23; VTHC, Submission 86, p. 15; SCOA, Submission 98, p. 6.

[42]Law Council of Australia, Submission 109, pages 23-24; VTHC, Submission 86, p. 15; AMES Australia, Submission 63, p. 5; SCOA, Submission 98, p. 7.

[43]AMES Australia, Submission 63, p. 3.

[44]Ms Tsopanis, AMES Australia, Committee Hansard, Melbourne, 16 October 2024, p. 30.

[45]SCOA, Submission 98, p. 7.

[46]Dr Yang and Associate Professor Khorana, Submission 127, p. 5.

[47]Dr Yang and Associate Professor Khorana, Submission 127, p. 5.

[48]NSWEC, Submission 100, pages 7-8.

[49]NSWEC, Submission 100, p. 8.

[50]NSWEC, Submission 100, p. 5.

[51]NSWEC, Submission 100, pages 7-8.

[52]NSWEC, Submission 100, p. 8.

[53]FECCA, Submission 118, pages 4-5.; SCOA, Submission 98, pages 4 and 6.

[54]AEC, Submission 15, p. 11.

[55]AEC, Submission 15, p. 13.

[56]Ms Muralidharan, FECCA, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 8 August 2024, p. 37; Queensland University of Technology, Submission 36, p. [7]; SCOA, Submission 98, p. 7.

[57]FECCA, Submission 118, pages 3-5.

[58]AMES Australia, Submission 63, p. 6.

[59]AMES Australia, Submission 63, p. 3.

[60]Mr Sheen, Wyndham CEC, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 7 August 2024, p. 1.

[61]Mr Sheen, Wyndham CEC, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 7 August 2024, p. 2.

[62]Tauondi Aboriginal Corporation (Tauondi Aboriginal College), Submission 71, p. 3; Law Council of Australia, Submission 109, p. 17; Australian Lawyers Alliance and ANTaR, Submission 24, p. 8; Australian Human Rights Commission (AHRC), Submission 117, p. 18.

[63]Tauondi Aboriginal Corporation (Tauondi Aboriginal College), Submission 71, p. 4; AHRC, Submission 117, p. 18.

[64]Mr David Astalosh, Interim Governance, Strategy and Communications General Manager, Northern Land Council (NLC), Committee Hansard, Darwin, 24 July 2024, p. 14.

[65]Ms Amanda Ewart, Acting Chief Executive Officer, Bawinanga Aboriginal Corporation, Committee Hansard, Maningrida, 23 July 2024, p. 2.

[66]Mr Garth Malwurja Doolan, Deputy Chair, Nja-Marleya Cultural Leaders and Justice Group, Committee Hansard, Maningrida, 23 July 2024, pages 4 and 6.

[67]AHRC, Submission 117, p. 18.

[68]Ms Ewart, Bawinanga Aboriginal Corporation, Committee Hansard, Maningrida, 23 July 2024, p. 5.

[69]AHRC, Submission 117, p. 18; Mr Malwurja Doolan, Nja-Marleya Cultural Leaders and Justice Group, Committee Hansard, Maningrida, 23 July 2024, p. 3; Australian Lawyers Alliance and ANTaR, Submission 24, p. 19.

[70]Ms Christine Williamson, Senior Policy Officer, Central Land Council (CLC), Committee Hansard, Darwin, 24 July 2024, p. 12.

[71]Ms Williamson, CLC, Committee Hansard, Darwin, 24 July 2024, p. 12.

[72]Ms Valda Bokmakarray, Board Member, Mala'la Health Service Aboriginal Corporation, Committee Hansard, Maningrida, 23 July 2024, p. 3; Seide Ramadani, Chief Executive Officer, Nja-Marleya Cultural Leaders and Justice Group, Committee Hansard, Maningrida, 23 July 2024, p. 7; Mr Astalosh, NLC, Committee Hansard, Darwin, 24 July 2024, p. 17; VTHC, Submission 86, p. 16; Australian Lawyers Alliance and ANTaR, Submission 24, p. 19.

[73]VTHC, Submission 86, p. 16.

[74]VTHC, Submission 86, p. 16.

[75]AEC, Submission 15, p. 11.

[76]AEC, Submission 15, pages 8-9.

[77]Ms Parker, NTEC, Committee Hansard, Darwin, 24 July 2024, pages 1-2.

[78]Central Land Council (CLC), Submission 129, p. 2.

[79]CLC, Submission 129, p. 2.

[80]Ms Ewart, Bawinanga Aboriginal Corporation, Committee Hansard, Maningrida, 23 July 2024, p. 4.

[81]Law Council of Australia, Submission 109, p. 24; Australian Lawyers Alliance and ANTaR, Submission 24, p. 20; VTHC, Submission 86, p. 16.

[82]VTHC, Submission 86, p. 16.

[83]Australian Lawyers Alliance and ANTaR, Submission 24, p. 20.

[84]AHRC, Submission 117, p. 18; The Y, Submission 104, p. 9.

[85]AHRC, Submission 117, p. 18; Mr Astalosh, NLC, Committee Hansard, Darwin, 24 July 2024, p. 19.

[86]Ms Williamson, CLC, Committee Hansard, Darwin, 24 July 2024, p. 13; Australian Lawyers Alliance and ANTaR, Submission 24, p. 22; Tauondi Aboriginal Corporation (Tauondi Aboriginal College), Submission 71, pages 5-6.

[87]Ms Williamson, CLC, Committee Hansard, Darwin, 24 July 2024, p. 13.

[88]Australian Youth Affairs Coalition (AYAC), Submission 53, p. 8.

[89]AYAC, Submission 53, p. 8.

[90]AYAC, Submission 53, p. 9.

[91]Australian Lawyers Alliance and ANTaR, Submission 24, p. 14.

[92]Down Syndrome Australia (DSA), Submission 43, p. 3; Australian Federation of Disability Organisations (AFDO), Submission 107, p. 14.

[93]Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918, s. 93(8)(a).

[94]AFDO, Submission 107, pages 5-6.

[95]DSA, Submission 43, p. 3.

[96]AEC, Submission 15.3, p. 1.

[97]AEC, Submission 15.3, p. 1.

[98]Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, Conduct of the 2022 federal election and other matters,Final report, November 2023, p. 105.

[99]Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, Conduct of the 2022 federal election and other matters,Final report, November 2023, pages 105-107.

[100]AEC, Submission 15.2, pages 1-2.

[101]NSWEC, Submission 100, p. 8.

[102]AFDO, Submission 107, pages 14-15.

[103]The Y, Submission 104, p. 9; Youth Decide Australia, Submission 80, p. 1; Australian Historical Association, Submission 84, p. 3; South Australian Commissioner for Children and Young People (CCYP), Submission 26, pages 10-11; Curtin Youth, Submission 93, p. 5; Law Council of Australia, Submission 109, p. 20.

[104]AEC, Submission 15.1, p. 1; The Y, Submission 104, p. 4; AYAC, Submission 53, p. 3; Monash University Centre for Youth Policy and Education Practice (CYPEP), Submission 42, p. 7.

[105]AYAC, Submission 53, p. 3; The Y, Submission 104, p. 11; Youth Affairs Council of South Australia (YACSA), Submission 88, pages 3-4; Curtin Youth, Submission 93, pages 5 and 7; Run For It, Submission 56, p. 4.

[106]AYAC, Submission 53, p. 3; The Y, Submission 104, p. 4; CYPEP, Submission 42, pages 3 and 6-7; Next25, Submission 65, p. 3; South Australian CCYP, Submission 26, p. 11.

[107]AYAC, Submission 53, p. 7; The Y, Submission 104, p. 11; Run For It, Submission 56, p. 4; Mr Aiden Senaratne, Cairns Youth Council, Foundation for Young Australians (FYA), Committee Hansard, Cairns, 25 July 2024, p. 7; Civic Engagement Youth Advisory Group, Submission 44, p. [5]; Advocate for Children and Young People (ACYP), Submission 75, p. [5]; Curtin Youth, Submission 93, p. 7; CYPEP, Submission 42, pages 7 and 9; VEC, Submission 74, Attachment A, p. 5.

[108]Australian Council for Student Voice (ACSV), Submission 30, p. 1.

[109]Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority, NAP-CC 2019 Public Report, p. 74.

[110]South Australian CCYP, Submission 26, pages 2 and 12-23; CYPEP, Submission 42, pages 4 and 7-10; AYAC, Submission 53, p. 3.

[111]CYPEP, Submission 42, p. 7.

[112]The Y, Submission 104, p. 5; South Australian CCYP, Submission 26, pages 12-14; CYPEP, Submission 42, pages 13-14.

[113]Dr Moulds, Submission 116, p. 2.

[114]Dr Moulds, Submission 116, pages 3 and 17.

[115]CYPEP, Submission 42, p. 7; South Australian CCYP Submission 26, p. 13.

[116]South Australian CCYP, Submission 26, p. 13.

[117]Curtin Youth, Submission 93, pages 9-10.

[118]Dr Moulds, Submission 116, p. 4; Law Council of Australia, Submission 109, p. 21.

[119]Dr Moulds, Submission 116, p. 14.

[120]YACSA, Submission 88, pages 5-6; ACSV, Submission 30, p. 4; AYAC, Submission 53, pages 2 and 5-7; Department of Home Affairs, Submission 85, p. 8.

[121]The Y, Submission 104, pages 16-17.

[122]Foundation for Young Australians, Submission 90, pages [2]-[5].

[123]Civic Engagement Youth Advisory Group, Submission 44, p. [2]; The Y, Submission 104, p. 18; Ms Sofia Hoorn, Deputy Secretary, Cairns Youth Council, FYA, Committee Hansard, Cairns, 25 July 2024, p. 8.

[124]AYAC, Submission 53, pages 2 and 7; Dr Moulds, Submission 116, p. 4; The Y, Submission 104, pages 19-21; Run For It, Submission 56, pages 4-6; Mr Antonije Dimitrijevic, Mayor, Cairns Youth Council, FYA, Committee Hansard, Cairns, 25 July 2024, p. 8.

[125]Civic Engagement Youth Advisory Group, Submission 44, pages [2]-[3]; Mr Senaratne, FYA, Committee Hansard, Cairns, 25 July 2024, p. 8.

[126]Civic Engagement Youth Advisory Group, Submission 44, p. [2].

[127]The Y, Submission 104, p. 9; Civic Engagement Youth Advisory Group, Submission 44, p. [9]; Next25, Submission 65, p. 3; South Australian CCYP, Submission 26, pages 10-11; Law Council of Australia, Submission 109, p. 20.

[128]UN Youth, Submission 81, p. [8].

[129]AYAC, Submission 53, p. 3; YACSA, Submission 88, pages 1-2; Law Council of Australia, Submission 109, p. 20; CYPEP, Submission 42, p. 13; The Y, Submission 104, pages 10-11.

[130]Curtin Youth, Submission 93, p. 4; South Australian CCYP, Submission 26, pages 9-10; YACSA, Submission 88, p. 5; CYPEP, Submission 42, pages 10-11; Law Council of Australia, Submission 109, p. 20.

[131]UN Youth, Submission 81, p. [3]; Curtin Youth, Submission 93, p. 6.

[132]The Y, Submission 104, p. 7.

[133]AHRC, Submission 117, pages 6-7; Commissioner for Children and Young People (CCYP) Tasmania, Submission 70, pages 2-3; AYAC, Submission 53, p. 9.

[134]Ms Simone Saunders, Chief Executive Officer, City of Darwin, Committee Hansard, Darwin, 24 July 2024, p. 6; Mr David Reynolds, Chief Executive, Local Government NSW, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 3 October 2024, p. 33; South Australian CCYP, Submission 26, pages 2 and 16; CCYP Tasmania, Submission 70, pages 4-5; ACYP Submission 75, p. 1; Mr Andres Lomp, Community Engagement Manager, Parliament of Victoria, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 8 August 2024, p. 6.

[135]Law Council of Australia, Submission 109, pages 20-21; Dr Moulds, Submission 116, pages 1-2 and 16-18; AYAC, Submission 53, p. 3; South Australian CCYP, Submission 26, pages 2 and 12-14; Curtin Youth, Submission 93, p. 4, Professor Emeritus Alan Reid, Submission 122, p. [4].

[136]The Y, Submission 104, p. 10.

[137]Mr Joshua Patrick, Submission 77, p. [1].

[138]CCYP Tasmania, Submission 70, p. 3.

[139]CYPEP, Submission 42, p. 2.

[140]The Y, Submission 104, pages 10-11.

[141]MoAD, Submission 102, pages 4-5.

[142]Clerks of the Legislative Assembly and Council at the Parliament of Victoria, Submission 115.1, p. 2.

[143]VEC, Submission 74, Attachment A, pages 13-15; NSWEC, Submission 100, p. 4.

[144]Ms Parker, NTEC, Committee Hansard, Darwin, 24 July 2024, p. 2.