Statement by Senator Andew Bartlett
1.1
The debate and vote in the federal parliament on the Euthanasia Laws
Act 1997 (often known as the Andrews Bill) occurred just before I entered
the Senate. As my term in the Senate expires on 30 June, I will also not be there
if any future debate proceeds in the Senate on either some form of the Bill
currently before the Committee, or on another Bill dealing with euthanasia
issues. If and when such a debate does occur, it is appropriate that it be an
informed conscience vote for all members of the Senate at that time.
1.2
However, as someone who has followed the debates on euthanasia closely
for many years, and as a member of this Committee for its examination of the
Rights of the Terminally Ill (Euthanasia Laws Repeal) Bill 2008 put forward by Senator
Bob Brown, I feel obliged to express my opinion on the issue in this report.
1.3
There are two main arguments at the heart of the issue put before the
Committee. Firstly, whether or not the Territories should have equal rights to
the states in legislating on this matter. Secondly, whether laws allowing
euthanasia in some form should be adopted.
Equal Rights for the Territories
1.4
I have a lot of sympathy for the view that people in the Territories in Australia
should have the same rights in regards to self-government as Australians who
live in the states. However, this ideal is not the constitutional reality. The
federal parliament has the power to consider laws specific to the territory and
should such a law be put before the federal parliament, the Senate has a
responsibility to consider it.
1.5
As was made clear in the inquiry, euthanasia is not the only area where
the rights of the Northern Territory to legislate as it sees fit is currently
overridden by existing federal laws.
Senator BARTLETT— ..... putting aside arguments for
and against euthanasia for a minute. On the issue of the power of the federal
parliament to override the territories—and I appreciate nobody ever likes to be
overridden—my understanding is that currently, under the Northern Territory
(Self-Government) Act, the federal parliament and federal laws override in
areas of land rights and uranium.
Mr Manzie—And you left out one other issue—that is, two
national parks out of the 102 national parks that are run by the Northern Territory.
Senator BARTLETT—Okay. I did not know that. Is it
your view that ideally those exceptions would not exist either?
Mr Manzie—Most certainly,
and I think without a doubt that the Territory parliament has proved over the
years that it has the capacity to handle those issues, and that is something
that I think does not need any further discussion from me.[1]
1.6
Without commenting on how well or otherwise the Territory parliament has
proved its capacity to handle those issues, the argument that it is wrong to
prevent the Territory to legislate in regard to euthanasia does not hold water unless
it is also proposed to remove the current federal laws in the area of
Aboriginal Land Rights. Whilst Mr Manzie undoubtedly holds this view, I am not
aware of any party in the federal parliament who currently proposes such a
course of action. Indeed, in the same week as this Committee's report is
tabled, the Senate debated and passed without dissent a Bill dealing with Land
Rights issues.
1.7
I believe it would be better to have consistency at national level on
euthanasia laws and believe consideration should be given to having constraints
or future regulatory controls regarding euthanasia applying equally across the
states and territories. But in the absence of such a proposed law being before
the Parliament, one can only pass judgement on what is before the Senate, and
there is no consistency in invoking the principle of equal rights for the
Territory on euthanasia, but not in the area of Land Rights.
The principle of Euthanasia and the 'right to die'
1.8
As stated above, any proposed law must be a matter of an informed
conscience vote for any future Senate which considers it. This inquiry was not
comprehensive enough to deal fully with all facets of this very vexed issue.
1.9
I am supportive of the principle of people having the right to decide
and control the manner and time of their own death, but am yet to be convinced
that such a principle can be safely legislated for, without a genuine risk that
more people who are vulnerable and powerless would be subjected to an at least
partially unwilling early termination of their lives.
1.10
I fully accept there are grey areas that apply in the current laws which
leave people in situations of extreme and unwelcome suffering. But whatever
laws are in place will involve grey areas on one of the most fundamental and
mysterious questions of human existence. Loosening the historic and almost
absolute social prohibition on the deliberate killing of another person should
not be done without extremely thorough debate and analysis across our entire
society, not just the Parliament.
1.11
I am not convinced that adequate debate of that nature has occurred as
yet. I believe it needs to occur. Bills such as that before the Committee are
part of that process and I would welcome any future proposed laws on euthanasia
being put forward at national level to further facilitate such debate.
1.12
One of the reasons why I retain concerns is the loose use of 'rights'
language in this area, with general terms such as 'the right to die' being used
without much deep examination of what the full consequences might be should
such a right become generally accepted. I am not necessarily opposed to the
recognition of such a right, but it should not occur unless society fully
understands and accepts what it could mean. As someone who has examined issues
of depression and the factors behind suicide over many years, I am uneasy about
the potential tangential impacts if our society were to accept a principle
which is generally perceived as embodying a 'right to die' and a right to seek
help in being able to die.
1.13
The evidence given to the inquiry by Dr Philip Nitschke in Darwin was
very informative and he argued his position extremely well. He is consistent in
how he approaches the principles in this area.
Senator BARTLETT—This is my final question, given the
time: I am interested in the distinction between people who talk about a
terminal illness or serious unrelievable suffering—they are usually thinking of
a major disease of some sort—and other people regarding what I would call other
types of suicide and the potential for people in those circumstances to still
make what would in most respects be seen to be a rational decision: they just
want to end their life. In terms of terminology like the rights of people to ‘a
lawful and peaceful death at the time of their choosing’, do you think that
sort of principle applies with regards to what are called other types of
suicide?
Dr Nitschke—My personal position on this
issue is one where I generally, by and large, think that adults of sound mind
have the right to determine the time when they die. In some ways, our current
legislation reflects that, because suicide itself is not a crime. With respect
to the idea of whether or not the parliament of Australia—or, indeed, the
parliament of the Northern Territory—can make laws which, in some way, allow a
certain group of people within society to have access to what no-one else in
society has, and that is access to help to die, I think we have to be quite
careful here. Because, if we start opening it up to what is a much broader
philosophical argument, we will start to find it almost impossible to
legislate. I think legislation has to restrict itself to very specific
categories. The Territory, in a very sound and safe way, did that. You have to
put up the barriers. Clearly, there will be arguments at the edge.[2]
1.14
I believe the "arguments at the edge" still need to be had
before the 'edge' in Australia is moved. Once it is moved, at the national
level at least, it is unlikely to be moved back.
1.15
I do not believe the Bill before the Committee should proceed. I believe
a debate around a possible legislative framework governing euthanasia should
proceed at national level, and any changes to the laws in this area should
apply consistently to all Australians.
Senator Andrew Bartlett
Australian Democrats
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