Key issues
- Tobacco
control has been in the media spotlight recently, with increasing reports of
a growing black market and associated crime and loss of tobacco excise
revenue.
- Australia
has committed to what tobacco control experts describe as a tobacco endgame; that
is, the elimination of tobacco use.
- Australia’s
tobacco control efforts have proven highly successful in driving down rates
of daily smoking for most groups. However, rates remain relatively high for
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, older people, and people in socio-economically
disadvantaged geographical areas.
- Successive
tobacco excise increases above ordinary indexation have resulted in cigarette
prices in Australia being among the highest in the world. There is some
evidence to suggest that high cigarette prices have contributed to a growing trade
in illicit tobacco.
- Australia
is unlikely to achieve its endgame target using current tobacco control
measures.
- Novel
endgame measures could help Australia to realise its target, but few of these
measures have been implemented and evidence for their efficacy and potential
unintended consequences is limited.
- Tobacco
endgame is most likely to be achieved using a comprehensive range of tobacco
control measures, both existing and novel. Ideally, such an approach would target
the needs of remaining, largely disadvantaged smokers.
Introduction
Australia, along with several other countries and regions,
has committed to a tobacco endgame – that is, the goal of eliminating tobacco
use within a specified timeframe. This is in recognition of the ongoing harms and
costs associated with tobacco use. Tobacco use is the
second-highest risk factor contributing to disease burden in Australia (see
Table 1.2 in linked report) and it imposes
significant social costs on the Australian community.
The commitment to a tobacco endgame takes the country into
largely uncharted waters and carries with it risks and challenges.
This article examines Australia’s current tobacco control situation
and how its endgame strategy is playing out. It also considers the evidence
base for novel endgame measures and the experience of some other countries that
have introduced such measures.
Tobacco endgame
There is no single definition of tobacco endgame. However,
it is generally
understood to refer to the goal of achieving a minimal level of tobacco use
in a population ‘preferably with a measurable goal in a clearly defined time
frame’ (pp. 1–2). The broadly agreed minimal level is a smoking prevalence
of 5% or less (p. 8). This is a threshold at which tobacco use could be said to
be effectively obsolete and a jurisdiction ‘tobacco free’.
Setting a minimal level for smoking essentially amounts to
a harm minimisation public health approach. It is informed by the pragmatic understanding
that it is not possible to eliminate tobacco use altogether. Some tobacco use is
due to dependence and benefits experienced by the user, and attempts at
prohibition are not only unlikely to eliminate use, but may also create social
harm.
The tobacco endgame concept is relatively new and marks a
shift in thinking about tobacco control. Until recently, McDaniel
et al. argue, ‘most tobacco control goals were modest and expressed solely
in terms of a foreseeably endless process of reducing uptake and aiding
cessation, with little sense of an identifiable end point’ (p. 601). A
combination of factors, including healthy international ‘competition’ stimulated
by the World Health Organization (WHO) Framework Convention
on Tobacco Control (FCTC), have
spurred many jurisdictions to embrace the idea of not just controlling
tobacco use, but making plans for ending it (p. 602).
As at June 2024, eighteen individual countries and 2 regions
covering another 43 countries (the EU and Pacific Islands) had
set tobacco endgame targets, with most specifying a target of less than 5%
smoking prevalence and a target year for achieving this goal of 2025, 2030 or
2040 (p. 1051).
Australia’s endgame target
Australia’s endgame goal is to achieve a national daily
smoking prevalence of less than 10% by 2025 and 5% or less by 2030 and a
prevalence among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people of 27% or less by
2030. This is set out in both the National
Tobacco Strategy 2023–2030 (p. 9) and the National
Preventive Health Strategy 2021–2030 (pp. 49–51).
Australia is relatively well-placed to achieve a tobacco
endgame, which, as set out in this
article in The Lancet Global Health, is generally considered ‘more
feasible in countries with advanced tobacco control measures and a smoking
prevalence of 15% or less’ (p. 1049). Australia is widely recognised as a
world leader in tobacco control, having implemented a comprehensive range of FCTC
measures and pioneered
the plain packaging of tobacco products. According to an assessment published
in the Journal of Global Health Reports, in 2018 Australia ranked fourth
out of 195 countries in implementing policies and program measures based on
critical articles of the FCTC (p. 4).
Smoking in Australia
The National Drug Strategy Household Survey (NDSHS) shows
that Australia’s tobacco control efforts have
contributed to a substantial decline in the prevalence of smoking, with the
rate of daily smoking among Australians aged 14 years and older having
reduced by around two-thirds in the past 30 or so years (Figure 1). In the 3 years
between 2019 and 2022–23 alone, there was a significant decrease in the daily
smoking rate, from 11.0% to 8.3%.
Figure 1 Daily smoking, people aged 14 and
over, 1991 to 2022–23
Source: ‘National
Drug Strategy Household Survey 2022–23: Tobacco Smoking in the NDSHS’, Australian
Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW).
While the daily smoking rate among Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander people is considerably
higher than that of the general population – 20.0% in 2022–23 – this rate has
also been declining over recent years.
Smoking rates are also higher for disadvantaged Australians.
Despite a significant reduction in daily smoking among people living in the
most disadvantaged socio-economic areas between 2019 and 2022–23 (from 18.1% to
13.4%), people in these areas are still more than 3 times more likely to
be daily smokers than those in areas of highest socio-economic advantage (NDSHS,
Table
2.11).
Much of the long-term
decline in smoking has been a result of young people never taking up
smoking rather than people quitting (Figure 2). And while far fewer young
people are taking up smoking, the proportion of older people quitting smoking is
not shifting. This has translated into Australia’s remaining smokers being generally
older and more disadvantaged.
Figure 2 Tobacco smoking status, people aged
14 and over, 1991 to 2022–23
Source: ‘Alcohol,
tobacco and other drugs in Australia’, Australian Institute of Health and
Welfare (AIHW).
‘Reigniting’ tobacco control and excise increases
On 30 November 2022, the 10th anniversary of the
introduction of plain packaging in Australia, the Minister for Health and Aged
Care, Mark Butler, announced
a set of measures aimed at ‘reigniting the fight against tobacco addiction’,
claiming that ‘nine years of delay and inaction’ on tobacco reform had contributed
to Australia losing its standing as a world leader in tobacco control (p. 1).
Among several new measures the government subsequently
introduced was an annual
5% increase to the excise on tobacco over the 3 years from 1 September
2023 (pp. 141–142), in addition to ordinary biennial indexation and the
GST. Prior to this increase, the last additional increase in tobacco excise and
excise-equivalent customs duty on tobacco was on 1 September 2020.
Substantial tobacco excise increases since 2010 have
contributed to decreasing
cigarette affordability, with cigarette prices in Australia now among
the highest in the world. Tobacco price increases are the
single most effective and cost-efficient means for reducing tobacco use (pp. 7,
10) and the high price of cigarettes in Australia has spurred
many smokers to quit smoking or reduce their tobacco consumption. While evidence for an
association between tobacco excise increases and illicit tobacco trade is
mixed (p. 1930), some criminologists have argued that high cigarette
prices have also contributed
to a growing market in illicit tobacco and declining tobacco excise revenue.
Some economists
now argue that tobacco excise has reached a tipping point, with increases
no longer reducing smoking rates, but rather forcing smokers (many of whom are nicotine-dependent
and socio-economically disadvantaged) into the black market. They propose as a
response either freezing or lowering tobacco excise, in tandem with a crackdown
on the illicit tobacco trade.
Several public health and other experts have rejected
the idea of reducing tobacco excise in response to a growing black market
in illicit tobacco, as has the Australian Government. Instead, these experts
and the government have generally supported stronger policing of illicit
tobacco and enhanced penalties for offenders.
If tobacco excise increases have reached the limits of
their effectiveness in driving down smoking rates without causing undue harms,
then this suggests that a different strategy and new policy options will be
required if Australia is to achieve its endgame target. Simulation
studies indicate that FCTC measures alone will not be enough to achieve a
prevalence target of 5% or less (p. 1056).
Novel endgame measures
Tobacco control experts have proposed a wide array of
novel measures (Figure 3), which typically go beyond those set out in the FCTC,
to achieve endgame targets. These measures may be grouped according to whether
they are focused on the product, user, market/supply or institutional
structure.
Each of these
measures carries a range of potential risks and the evidence base for many is
limited. This is due to both their novelty and the fact that relatively few
have been implemented, whether this be for reasons of practicality, legality or
political feasibility. The National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC)
Centre of Research
Excellence on Achieving the Tobacco Endgame (CREATE), established in 2020,
is currently developing an evidence base and optimal mix of measures to inform Australia’s
and other countries’ endgames.
Figure 3 Possible novel endgame measures
Product-based measures:
- mandating a very low nicotine content (VLNC) standard for smoked tobacco products to make them non-addictive or less addictive
- setting product standards for nicotine products, such as banning all non-tobacco ingredients, to make them unappealing
- encouraging consumers to move to reduced risk products such as vapes
|
User-focused measures:
- requiring smokers to obtain a licence or medical prescription to purchase tobacco
- prohibiting the sale of tobacco products to people born in or after a specified year, thereby creating 'tobacco-free generations'
|
Market/supply-focused measures:
- prohibiting the commercial sale of combustible tobacco (abolition)
- Restrictions on tobacco retailer density/location/type/licensing that substantially reduce tobacco availability
- setting a regularly reducing quota on tobacco imports (a 'sinking lid')
- setting a tobacco price cap or maximum wholesale price for cigarettes, allowing governments to control consumer prices
- increasing tobacco tax
|
Institutional structure-focused measures:
- transferring management of tobacco supply to an agency — either state-owned or a non-profit enterprise — with a mandate to phase out tobacco sales
- performance-based regulation that requires tobacco companies to meet smoking prevalence targets or be fined, or to pay a levy based on sales volumes
|
Source: Otto Ruokolainen et al., ‘Tobacco
endgame measures and their adaptation in selected European countries: A
narrative review synthesis’, Tobacco Prevention & Cessation 10,
no. 18 (April 2024): 5–6.
Product-focused measures
In recent years,
several reviews have summarised the synthesised evidence on measures considered
to have potential in achieving a tobacco endgame. Most of the evidence
syntheses conducted to date relate to product-focused measures, and of these, a
majority deal with a VLNC standard or reduced risk products (mostly vapes).
Evidence
syntheses and modelling studies suggest that mandating a VLNC standard
would likely result in a significant reduction in smoking prevalence and
related harm (p. 367). Despite potential limitations and the need for
further research on aspects of the policy, some
commentators have argued that remaining gaps in the evidence base ‘should
not prevent regulators from progressing policy making on a VLNC standard’ (p. 370).
While a number
of evidence
syntheses support a potential role for vapes in achieving endgame goals, some
also express concerns about possible unintended impacts associated with their
use. Potential impacts of vaping include long-term health effects, renormalising
smoking, maintaining smoking through dual use with tobacco cigarettes, and
youth uptake of cigarettes. It was in response to such concerns and risks, and
a significant increase in the use of vapes among children and young people,
that in 2024, the Australian Government banned the sale
of vapes other than in pharmacies. In what is another Australian world-first,
vapes are now only legally available to people quitting smoking or managing
nicotine dependence.
User-focused measures
There are very
few evidence syntheses dealing with user-focused measures and none in relation
to proposals to require a licence or prescription to purchase tobacco. Simulation
modelling studies of the ‘tobacco-free generations’ measure for Singapore,
Solomon Islands and New Zealand each concluded that the
measure has the potential to achieve an endgame and result in substantial
population-level health improvements (p. 370). However, the incremental
nature of the measure means that reaching an endgame target would take a
significant amount of time without the implementation of other complementary measures.
Market and supply-focused measures
Market and
supply-focused measures are concentrated on excise increases and tobacco
retailer restrictions.
Excise increases
are not a novel endgame measure in the sense that they (along with price
controls) form a key plank of the FCTC and are already being widely implemented.
However, some commentators have argued that if used with sufficient intensity, excise
increases could constitute an endgame measure.
Modelling of an
endgame strategy relying solely on raising excise has indicated that excise
would need to be increased by more than 20% annually above inflation for
the target to be reached (p. 370). With the exception of a one-off
increase of 25% in 2010 (pp. 188–191), this far exceeds any of the additional
annual excise increases introduced in Australia, including the increases
of 12.5% between 2017 and 2020 (pp. 63–64).
Various systematic
reviews and simulation modelling studies have found that tobacco
retailer restrictions are likely to prove effective in reducing smoking
prevalence (p. 373). These findings have been borne out to some degree by the
real-world experience of Hungary, which has decreased the nationwide availability
of licensed tobacco retailers by 85% since 2013, from 4.1 to 0.6 per 1,000
persons. One
study found this restriction contributed to significant short-term
reductions in cigarette use among Hungarian youth. However, for such gains to
be sustained, and endgame goals reached, the study authors argue retailer
restrictions need to be accompanied by additional sustained and comprehensive
tobacco control measures.
Implementation of novel endgame measures
Several
jurisdictions have either implemented or attempted to implement novel endgame
measures, most frequently tobacco-free generation bans, with varying degrees of
success.
To date, Bhutan
is the only country to have banned
tobacco sales altogether, although the measure was ultimately temporary. In
2004, a nationwide ban was imposed on sales and smoking in public places and in
2010, a comprehensive ban was placed on all tobacco products. In 2021, the ban
was lifted in response to fears that already rampant tobacco smuggling could result
in cross-border transmission of COVID-19. Perhaps unsurprisingly given the size
of Bhutan’s black market for tobacco, tobacco use was found not to have
decreased significantly in response to the ban.
Tobacco-free
generation bans have been attempted and achieved at both subnational and
national levels. In Australia, bills to enable tobacco-free generation bans
have been introduced in Tasmania
and South
Australia, with the former having lapsed and the latter currently before
the state’s House of Assembly.
In 2022, New
Zealand became the first
country to enact legislation imposing a tobacco-free generation ban,
prohibiting the sale of tobacco products to individuals born on or after 1 January
2009. The legislation also provided for 2 other novel endgame measures – a 90% reduction
of tobacco retailers and a VLNC standard. In February 2024, the newly-elected
government repealed
these measures, arguing that they
were unnecessary, and would promote illicit trade and crime and reduce
public safety and freedom. These arguments are similar to those typically
used by tobacco companies in opposition to tobacco control policies.
In the United
Kingdom, a government Bill
that would enact a tobacco-free generation ban is currently in the House of
Lords.
A tobacco-free
generation ban came into effect in
Maldives on 1 November 2025.
Conclusion
Tobacco endgame
represents a new frontier in public health policy. With few novel endgame measures
having been implemented, there is limited real-world evidence to determine
their effectiveness and weigh their benefits and harms.
Based on current
tobacco control experience and simulation modelling, a comprehensive and
integrated endgame approach, such as that briefly realised in New Zealand, is
most likely to prove successful. An endgame approach that focuses exclusively
on one strategy would leave gaps. For example, a tobacco-free generation ban
would not address current smokers. Approaches could, however, combine individual
strategies: reduced-risk products such as vapes, under an appropriate model of
regulation, could potentially complement measures calculated to eliminate
smoking.
Measures to
achieve tobacco endgame will need to account for a range of challenges and
possible unintended consequences. One obvious possible consequence of any
measure that reduces tobacco supply or access, or substantially changes the
product to make it less attractive, is a growth in illicit trade. With remaining
smokers increasingly likely to be socio-economically disadvantaged, any truly comprehensive
endgame strategy would also need to consider the equity impacts of measures
introduced.
Further reading
- Elizabeth Greenhalgh, Michelle Scollo and Margaret Winstanley, Tobacco in Australia: Facts and Issues, (Melbourne: Cancer Council Victoria, 2024).
- Department of Health and Aged Care, National Tobacco Strategy: 2023–2030, (Canberra: Department of Health and Aged Care, 2023).
- World Health Organization (WHO), WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, (Geneva: WHO, 2003).
- Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW), National Drug Strategy Household Survey 2022–23, (Canberra: AIHW, 2025).
- Cheneal Puljević, Kylie Morphett, Marita
Hefler et al., ‘Closing the Gaps in Tobacco Endgame Evidence: A Scoping Review’, Tobacco Control 31 (2022): 365–75.