23 April 1902, House of Representatives, p.
11929
COMMONWEALTH FRANCHISE BILL.
Second Reading.
Sir WILLIAM LYNE
(Hume Minister for Home Affairs). I move
That
this Bill be now read a second time.
On previous
occasions I have moved the second reading of State Bills
corresponding in their provisions with the present measure,
regarding which I have felt that I was leading an almost forlorn
hope. I have, however, no fear of failure on the present occasion.
The agitation for the reform contemplated by this Bill dates back
very many centuries. We find on looking round us that the
neighbouring colony of New Zealand, which was the first to adopt
Woman s Suffrage, has been followed by the States of South
Australia and Western Australia in a course which I hope the
Commonwealth will decide to pursue. It was the intention of the
Government in the first instance to introduce the Bill into this
Chamber, but, as honorable members know, we have been so
continuously occupied during the last twelve months that no
opportunity has been afforded for discussing the measure here. We
therefore arranged to have it first submitted to the Senate, and I
was very glad indeed that the Vice-President of the Executive
Council undertook to pilot it through that Chamber. It was very
successful there, and passed its second reading without a division.
I hope that it will be equally successful in this Chamber. I am
satisfied that if a division be taken upon its second reading a
majority will be found voting in favour of the proposed reform. At
this stage I should like frankly to avow that I have not always
favoured the extension of the franchise to women. Some years ago,
when I was very young in politics and probably my thoughts were
less matured, I was hostile to the proposal. Gradually, however, as
the result of my reading, and in consequence of the advance of
thought which has taken place upon this question, not only in
Australia, but throughout the world, I was induced to take an
opposite view of the matter. Thus it came about that some ten or
twelve years ago I formed the conclusion that not only was it just
to accord women the vote, but that it was in the best interests of
the entire community. The form of this Bill, as introduced into the
Senate, has been somewhat altered. The principal amendment which
was made there has reference to the aborigines. As originally
drafted, the Bill provided that no aboriginal should be allowed to
vote, notwithstanding that at the present time, in some of the
States, aboriginals are endowed with the franchise. The measure
also provided that the suffrage should not be extended to
half-bloods. Personally, I think it would be a serious mistake to
deny half-bloods the right to vote in their native country. A
further provision has been added to endow the New Zealand Maoris,
or their descendents, with the franchise if they became residents
of the Commonwealth.
Mr. O Malley. An
aboriginal is not as intelligent as a Maori. There is no scientific
evidence that he is a human being at all.
Sir WILLIAM
LYNE. In view of the fact that in some of the States aboriginals
are allowed to vote at the present time, the Bill has been amended
to provide that all aboriginal natives of Australia may exercise
the suffrage.
Sir Edward
Braddon. And their gins, too.
Sir WILLIAM
LYNE. The provisions of the Bill apply to both sexes. I wish
briefly to outline to honorable members what has taken place in the
Australian States in regard to the movement to enfranchise our
women. It will be recollected that in New Zealand the first Act for
the purpose of endowing women with the right of citizenship was
passed in 1893. At that time it was urged by opponents of the
reform that the women of that colony did not desire to exercise the
franchise. Indeed the statement is still freely made that a
referendum of the women of the Commonwealth would prove that they
are opposed to the reform, but I very much question its accuracy.
The passage of the Act in New Zealand has resulted in the women
taking a greater interest in public questions of the day than do
the men. I have many times regretted that we have not some law
under which, if men do not exercise their rights of citizenship,
they will be disfranchised. However, there is no law to that
effect. In the election which took place in New Zealand immediately
following the extension of the franchise to women, 88 per cent. of
the females upon the rolls voted, as against 69.6 per cent. of the
men.
Mr. Page. The
novelty of the thing has worn off since.
Sir WILLIAM
LYNE. If anything could point to the interest which is taken in
political questions by women, surely it is the fact that that they
attended and voted in such large numbers. If, as the honorable
member for Maranoa suggests, it was the novelty of the proceeding
which induced such a large percentage of female votes to be
recorded upon the first occasion, how is it that at the next
election, which occurred in 1896, a larger percentage of women
voted than of men ? From the returns I conclude that less interest
was taken in that election, because the votes cast upon either side
were not so numerous as the votes recorded in 1893. At the first
election I believe that the question before the people was that of
local option. That accounted mainly for the large number of votes
registered by both sexes. In the second election which took place
under adult suffrage, 76.4 of the women of the colony voted as
against 75.9 of the men. These figures absolutely shatter the
statement that the percentage of female votes cast in at the
election in 1893 is to be explained by the novelty of the reform.
Moreover, I am firmly of the opinion that the extension of the
franchise to women will cause men to take more interest in
political matters and to vote in larger numbers than they have done
heretofore. The fact that wives and daughters in the home will be
able to discuss political subjects which affect everyday life, will
bring to the mind of the male portion of the community the
necessity for recording their votes at election time. I speak as
one who has had a very long training in politics, and I know the
difficulty which exists when there is nothing to excite popular
feeling in inducing electors to exercise their franchise. That is
not a healthy condition of affairs to obtain in a young community.
I admit that in certain parts of the Commonwealth, where great
distances have to be travelled, it is not so easy for electors to
vote as it is for residents in the centres of population. To
overcome that difficulty, however, provision is made in the
Electoral Bill for voting by post. I am not prepared to say whether
South Australia took her cue from New Zealand, but probably the
fact of the reform having come about in the latter colony brought
the position home more acutely to the people of South Australia,
and caused the Government to pass a similar law there. In South
Australia the first general election under adult suffrage took
place in 1896. The percentage of female votes recorded on that
occasion was high, closely approximating, but greater than that of
men. I am not in possession of the exact numbers. At the next
election, in 1899, there was a falling- off generally in the number
of votes recorded by both sexes, but the female vote had not
relatively decreased. Western Australia was the last State to adopt
adult suffrage, and I am not aware that since the reform was
instituted there a general election has occurred.
Mr. E. Solomon.
When the federal election took place a very small proportion of the
women had been sufficiently long upon the rolls to qualify them to
vote.
Sir WILIAM LYNE.
I think that what I have quoted shows that as far as the Australian
States are concerned there is a strong feeling in favour of
extending the franchise to women. But that feeling is not confined
to Australia ; it obtains throughout the world. If honorable
members will take the trouble to make themselves familiar with this
subject, they will realize what a rapid advance the movement has
made both in England and in America.
Mr. O Malley. In
America they are not yet sufficiently civilized to adopt the
reform.
Sir WILLIAM
LYNE. Still the movement has advanced with remarkable strides. In
1899, and American female author read a paper at the International
Congress of women, from which the following is an extract :
-
Fifty
years ago women in the United States were without a recognised
individuality in any department of life. No provision was made in
public or private schools for her education in anything beyond the
rudimentary branches. An educated woman was a rarity, and was gazed
upon with something akin to awe.
In the United
States, only 50 years ago, women were thought fit merely to look
after their house-work and families for a miserable pittance. The
account proceeds
Very
few women were sufficiently educated to teach, but those who could
do so received from 4 dols. to 8 dols. a month and "boarded round
;" while men, for exactly the same service, received 30 dols. a
month and board.
At the present
time women are educated to the highest degree, and there are large
numbers though I have not been able to obtain the exact figures in
the time at my disposal who possess educational honours of various
kinds. Women have been given votes in municipal and other
elections, but have up to the present been denied the parliamentary
franchise. We are informed that
In 25
States, women possess suffrage in school matters ; in four States
they have a limited suffrage in local affairs ; in one State, they
have municipal suffrage ; in four States, they have full suffrage
local, State, and national. Women are becoming more and more
interested in political questions and public affairs. Every
campaign sees greater numbers in attendance at the meetings, and
able women speakers are now found upon the platforms of all
parties. Some of the finest political writing in the great
newspapers of the day is done by women, and all the papers are
extensively read by women of all classes.
In only a few of
the American States women have the full franchise at the present
time ; but I do not think it will be long before the privilege is
there extended to all women.
Sir Edward
Braddon. Recent history does not point in that
direction.
Sir WILLIAM
LYNE. - If the right honorable member were to read this work from
which I am quoting, I think he would say that history does point in
that direction. The list of names of those who took part in the
congress of women, which took place in June, 1899, in support for
this reform, includes some of the first in the land, both in the
United States and Great Britain, and the papers read are perhaps
the ablest that have been written on this and kindred
questions.
Mr. Knox. Will
the Minister refer to the papers which were read against women s
franchise on that occasion?
Sir WILLIAM
LYNE. The conference to which I am referring is not the conference
now mentioned by the honorable member for Kooyong. There was what
was called the Women s Anti-Franchise League, and an application
was made by a lady belonging to that body for permission to read a
paper in opposition to the granting of the franchise to women. It
was only with difficulty that permission was obtained, and the
paper did not get much, if any, support. The conference was
absolutely in favour of extending the franchise for national
elections to women ; and one lady, Miss Susan Anthony, said very
truly
We are
asking for nothing new, but simply for the practical application of
the old doctrine that was declared by Hancock and Adams and the old
revolutionists.
If honorable
members refer to history, they will see that Pitt strongly
advocated the enfranchisement of women. On the 27th of April, 1892,
a Bill with this object was introduced into the British Legislature
; and Mr. Balfour and several others spoke warmly in favour of the
reform. Mr. Balfour said
I think
those who wish to be enfranchised have used the only methods they
could use in the matter that is to say, they have expressed their
desire to obtain the vote, on platforms and by public meetings, and
by whatever other means were open to them.
He went still
further, and, referring to the fact that exception had been taken
for various reasons to women exercising a vote, said that if women
could not be called upon to shoulder a rifle though some women had
done so they were called upon to pay the bill, and therefore ought
to have some voice in electing representatives to deal with
questions relating to war, and affecting the lives and properties
of individuals. He went on to say that that objection to extending
the franchise
does
not appear to be an adequate reason for refusing them some control
over the policy by which the foreign relations of our country are
conducted, and means of defence are to be secured. We have been
told that to encourage women to take an active part in politics is
degrading to the sex.. . . . I think I may take it that every
section of this House is only too glad to use the services of women
when they can profit by them, and it does not lie in the mouths of
any of us to say that taking part in framing the policy of the
empire is degrading to the to the sex. . . . I understand one plank
of the Newcastle platform was "One man, one vote." When that is
brought forward I believe we shall have all the old flesh and blood
arguments urged again, all the old arguments for political liberty,
and the whole train of commonplaces again thrust before us for our
acceptance, by which each successive change in the franchise has
been accepted ; and yet the very gentlemen who say they are going
to bring forward that programme, at this moment absolutely refuse
to admit the validity of a single one of these arguments when they
are directed towards enfranchising, not the least worthy class of
the community, but what I believe to be one of the worthiest. You
will give a vote to a man who contributes nothing to taxation but
what he pays on his beer, while you refuse enfranchisement to women
because she is a woman, whatever her contribution to the State may
be.
Can anyone stand
up in this Chamber and say that is his experience he has not known
hundreds, nay, thousands, of cases in which families have been
maintained by the mother ? Are there not hundreds of cases in which
the father is either a drunkard or unable to get work, and in which
the mother, with a small pittance, has supported a large family in
greater comfort, perhaps, than the supposed bread-winner could have
done ? Only last Sunday week I saw in one of the suburbs of
Melbourne a lady whose husband, some three or four years ago, left
her with a large family and no means. The eldest of the eight or
nine children is fourteen or fifteen years of age, and during those
years that lady, by means of her own labour, has maintained the
family better than the husband did when he was at home. There are
many other similar instances, one or two of which I shall quote. It
seems a cruel thing that women of intelligence and courage should
be deprived of the privilege which it is now proposed to give them.
We know that in respect to her family a woman often displays
greater courage in the face of poverty than does a man ; and in
carrying out her mission she can often maintain the home on less
means than would support the husband alone.
Mr. Sawers. -
Why does the Minister not appoint a woman his private secretary
?
Sir WILLIAM
LYNE. The honorable member had better ask why I have appointed
several women as typewriters. I have no doubt that a woman if she
had the opportunities for education would, under all the
circumstances perform the duties of a private secretary, just as
well as would any man ; indeed similar duties have been discharged
by women in thousands of cases. It is pointed out in one or two of
the extracts that I have by me, that is the United States,
5,000,000 women have day by day to do ordinary work in the fields,
mines and factories.
Mr. Wilks. -
That is found in Belgium and Germany.
Sir WILLIAM
LYNE. - I do not say that women do not do similar work in those
countries. I have been unable to get the exact figures, but so far
as I can ascertain, there are at the present moment 30,000,000 or
40,000,000 white women putting aside Asiatics, Hindoos, or Chinese
who to-day are earning their livelihood in the fields, and in mines
and factories ; and a large proportion of these women are in the
British Isles.
Mr. Conroy. Is
not the whole question practically concluded by section 41 of the
Constitution which deals with the rights of the electors of States
? In three of the States there is woman suffrage, which under the
Constitution cannot be taken away.
Sir WILLIAM
LYNE. The honorable member must not be in such a hurry for me to
conclude. Had I a feeling that this Bill would not be carried by a
large majority I should speak at greater length, but I cannot sit
down after moving the second reading of a measure so important
without giving a few facts for future reference. I have heard of a
case in which a candidate, who was altogether against women s
suffrage, canvassed a drunken man, whose wife indignantly pointed
out that though she had kept the family for three or four years she
was debarred from exercising a vote. That candidate afterwards
became a strong advocate of women s suffrage, and I think he was
quite right. The progress of this moment has been so rapid that
whereas 50 years ago women were not allowed to take degrees in
medicine, law, or other learned professions, they to-day present
themselves in large numbers at every annual examination, and pass
with perhaps greater credit than do the young men with whom they
work side by side. Only last week in Sydney, for the first time in
that State, a lady took her degree as a barrister. I do not know
whether that is a profession which a woman will greatly care to
practice, but I do think that, as members of the medical
profession, they may do as good work, and perhaps better, in some
directions, than medical men. The growth of the feeling in favour
of the extension of the franchise to women has, I say, been so
rapid that the tide can no longer be stemmed. I feel that the
moment has arrived when we must extend this privilege to the women
of the Commonwealth. In the various States there has been some
hesitation in adopting this proposal, and Bills to give effect to
it have been defeated on many occasions. I think that in Victoria a
measure to give effect to the proposal was passed through the
Legislative Assembly on six different occasions, and rejected by
the Legislative Council. A similar measure was passed twice by the
Legislative Assembly of New South Wales, and rejected by the
Legislative Council there. A similar measure was passed by the
Legislative Assembly of Tasmania, and rejected by the Legislative
Council of that State. When honourable members come to consider the
number of women who will be affected by this proposal they must
give some heed to it. In New South Wales, out of a population of
1,359,133, there are not less than 383,000 males and 320,000
females of 21 years of age and upwards. In Victoria, out of a
population of 1,201,505, there are 325,215 males and 321,000
females of 21 years of age and upwards. In Queensland, out of a
population of 503,256, there are 157,606 adult males, and 104,382
adult females. In Tasmania, out of a population of 172,475, there
are 45,961 adult males, and 40,435 adult females. It is estimated
that the passing of this Bill will confer the franchise upon
760,000 women of Australia who do not at present possess the
privilege. If uniformity is to be observed, and electoral equality
is to be maintained throughout the Commonwealth, adult franchise in
the whole of the six States is imperative. That is what this Bill
will provide for, I hope, before the next by-election or general
election for the Federal Parliament, if it be passed side by side
with the Electoral Bill. Dealing with the rejection of measures to
give the franchise to women by the State Legislative Councils, I am
reminded that one of the writers of these papers says that the
Lords in Great Britain have excelled in the gentle art of making
enemies, and I venture to think the "Lords" in Victoria, New South
Wales, and some of the other States, have also excelled in the
gentle art of making enemies in refusing to pass a Bill which the
Senate of the first Commonwealth Parliament has passed even before
the House of Representatives. It speaks volumes to the credit of
the Senate that they have passed this Bill on the first occasion
upon which it was submitted to them, and even before it had the
indorsement of the House of Representatives. How can we for a
moment imagine we shall not find the education, ability, and every
quality necessary for the exercise of the franchise in women, when
we know that many of them have proved themselves to be amongst the
ablest writers in the past and at the present time. I do not intend
to mention a long list of eminent and able women, but I may refer
to the names of Elizabeth Fry, Lady Huntingdon, Mrs. Browning, Lady
Somerset, Marie Corrli, Edna Lyell, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Annie
Swan, Mrs.Yonge, Beatrice Harridan, Florence Nightingale, the
Countess of Aberdeen, Lady Francis Balfour, Mrs. Bernard Bosanquet,
Rosa Bonheur.
Mr. Page. What
about Miss Braddon ?
Sir WILLIAM
LYNE. - And Miss Braddon also. I am glad the honourable memberhas
mentioned her name, because here we find Miss Braddon s brother
opposing the extension of the franchise to that highly educated
lady.
Sir Edward
Braddon. I could not give it to her if I would.
Sir WILLIAM
LYNE. I would add also the names of Miss Herschell, Mrs. Dr.
Fawcett, Lady Knightly, Louisa Stevenson, Miss Isabella Ford,
George Eliot, and the Honourable Mrs. Arthur Lyttleton. That list
could be extensively added to ; and though we have not extended the
franchise to women up to present, we have been ruled, by women, and
by women of the highest class. We have been content to allow a
woman to rule us, and whom we could put higher than out late
beloved Queen, the mother of us all, who, after a very long reign,
died more beloved than any monarch in history. It is anomalous that
we should hesitate to extend the franchise to the women of our
community when in the past we have been content to sit under the
domination of Queens who have ruled well and ably. I feel sure that
this Bill will be carried, and the statements we have heard
repeated that this proposal will destroy the cottar s home, will
take the mother away from her children and allow them to run wild,
may be forgotten as though they had never been made. The effect of
extending the franchise will be to elevate the women of the
community, and to cause them to take a greater interest than they
have ever taken before in questions of the day which affect not
only their husbands and their children, but also most vitally
affect themselves. We shall induce women to take a lively interest
in all questions that are being publicly considered, with the
result that their discussion at the hearth between husband and wife
and brother and sister will enable husband and brother to know more
than they have ever known before of questions in which they should
take a great interest, and for the first time a lively interest
will be taken by women in the consideration of questions upon which
they will have to record their votes. I believe that instinctively
a woman knows the character of a man better than a man does, and I
believe women will be able to record a better vote in the selection
of the best men to represent the community in the halls of the
Commonwealth or in the halls of the States if they are endowed with
the franchise. We know the number of those who in the past have
refrained from exercising the franchise, and the large percentage
of voters who have been unaccounted for at the ballot-box. I
believe that the effect of women taking an active interest in the
political life of the community will be to purify it and, in
addition, to cause a greater interest to be taken by all in public
questions which affect the well-being of the community. Not only
shall we be helping ourselves by adopting this proposal, but we
shall be setting an example of advancement to other parts of the
world. I have referred to the conferences which have been held in
the Dominion of Canada and in many of the States of America, in
which able men and women have taken part, and which have been
presided over by able women, and sometimes by able men. In the
conference to which I have just referred, the Agent-General of New
Zealand, Mr. Reeves, took part, and he delivered a most eloquent
and instructive speech, in which he described the benefit of
extending the franchise to the women of New Zealand. In concluding
that speech he said that prophesies had been made as to the great
injury that would be done by extending the privilege of the
franchise to women, but that every step taken by the New Zealand
Legislature since the adoption of adult suffrage had been an
improvement upon the legislation which had gone before. It had been
legislation in the interests of the masses of the community to a
greater extent than, perhaps, had ever before been passed in any
part of the King s dominions. He said that the fears entertained as
to the result of the operation of women s suffrage had not been
realized during the six or seven years it had been in force in New
Zealand, and that the people there would not think of attempting to
take away the franchise from the women of the community. All its
effects have been for good and none for evil. I say that his words
should find an echo from one end of Australia to the other. I
believe that by the extension of the franchise to women, we shall
get a better Parliament than we otherwise should have, and a
greater interest will be taken in its work. I wish to see this
measure through as soon as possible, and that must be my excuse for
putting on one side a great deal of the literature upon the subject
that I have by me. I may say that I feel there is no occasion to
use it, because I am firmly convinced that the second reading of
this Bill will be carried, and if it is, I hope that it will go
through committee without unnecessary delay.
Mr Tudor.
To-night ?
Sir WILLIAM
LYNE. I could wish that honourable members would agree to that. I
am curtailing my speech upon the measure in the hope of getting it
advanced ; and I feel that, by passing this Bill, the Commonwealth
Parliament will have added another to the number of good Acts which
it has passed during this long session, and one which will bring
great good to the community in which we reside.