Federal Elections 1998
Scott Bennett
Politics & Public Administration Group
Andrew Kopras & Gerard Newman
Statistics Group
16 February 1999
Contents
Introduction
Nominations
Election Overview
House of
Representatives
Senate
Divisions of
Interest
Other Electoral
Highlights
The Passing Parade
Endnotes
Table 1 House of
Representatives: National Summary
Table 2 House of
Representatives: State Summary
Table 3 House of
Representatives: Regional Summary
Table 4 House of
Representatives: Party Status Summary
Table 5a House of
Representatives: Electoral Division Summary, Number
Table 5b House of
Representatives: Electoral Division Summary, Per cent
Table 6 House of
Representatives: Electoral Division Details
Table 7 House of
Representatives: Two-Party Preferred Vote, State
Summary
Table 8 House of
Representatives: Two-Party Preferred Vote, Regional
Summary
Table 9 House of
Representatives: Two-Party Preferred Vote, Party Status
Summary
Table 10 House of
Representatives: Two-Party Preferred Vote, Electoral Division
Summary
Table 11 House of
Representatives: Electoral Pendulum
Table 12 House of
Representatives Election: Electoral Divisions Ranked by Two-Party
Preferred Swing to ALP
Table 13 Senate:
National Summary
Table 14 Senate:
State Summary
Table 15 Senate:
Composition from 1 July 1999
Table 16 Senate:
Candidate Details
Table 17
Comparison of Senate and House of Representatives
Votes
Appendix 1:
Electoral Division Classification
Appendix 2a:
House of Representatives Elections 1949-1998
Appendix 2b:
Senate Elections 1949-1998
Symbols and
Abbreviations
ABR
|
Australian Bill of Rights Group
|
ACH
|
CTA Child Protection Party [Call to
Australia]
|
ACS
|
Abolish Child Support/Family Court Party
|
ALP
|
Australian Labor Party
|
ASP
|
Australian Shooters Party
|
ARP
|
Australian Reform Party
|
AWP
|
Australian Women's Party
|
CDP
|
Christian Democratic Party
|
CEC
|
Citizens Electoral Council of Australia
|
CLP
|
Country Liberal Party
|
DEM
|
Australian Democrats
|
DLP
|
Democratic Labor Party
|
DSL
|
Democratic Socialist League
|
EFF
|
Independent EFF [Enterprise, Freedom and
Family]
|
FLR
|
Family Law Reform Party
|
FST
|
Australia First Party
|
GRN
|
Australian Greens
|
GWA
|
The Greens WA
|
HAR
|
Senator Harradine Group
|
IND
|
Independent
|
LP
|
Liberal Party
|
NAN
|
No Aircraft Noise
|
NDP
|
Nuclear Disarmament Party
|
NLP
|
Natural Law Party
|
NP
|
National Party
|
OAP
|
One Australia Party
|
PHON
|
Pauline Hanson's One Nation
|
PLP
|
Progressive Labor Party
|
QF
|
Queensland First
|
RAR
|
Reclaim Australia Reduce Immigration
|
RPA
|
Republican Party of Australia
|
SEP
|
Socialist Equity Party
|
TFP
|
Tasmania First Party
|
TPS
|
Taxi Operators Political Service
|
UNI
|
Unity - Say No to Hanson
|
|
|
..
|
nil or rounded to zero
|
*
|
sitting Member for Division, sitting Senator
|
#
|
party holding or notionally holding Division
|
Introduction
This paper provides a descriptive account and a
comprehensive statistical analysis of the federal elections held on
3 October 1998. The paper shows summary tables for both the Senate
and the House of Representatives together with the detailed results
for all House of Representatives Divisions. To assist in
understanding the results a brief guide to the more interesting
election facts is also provided.
For the House of Representatives, summary tables
show the results at the State or Territory, geographic region and
party status levels. The region and party status classifications
are as used by the Australian Electoral Commission (see Appendix 1
for a listing of Electoral Divisions and their relevant
classification). The party status of a Division is determined by
the two-party preferred vote at the 1996 election adjusted for the
effects of the electoral redistributions held during 1997 in
Queensland, Western Australia and the Australian Capital Territory.
Electoral Divisions are classified according to the two-party swing
required for the party holding the Division to lose: 'Safe' require
a swing of more than 10 per cent; 'Fairly safe' require a swing of
between 6 per cent and 10 per cent; 'Marginal' require a swing of
less than 6 per cent. Thus the 'Party Status' tables (Tables 4 and
9) show the results in those Divisions classified as being
notionally held by the party status shown.
In all tables the votes received by each party
or candidate are expressed as a percentage of the formal votes,
formal and informal votes are expressed as a percentage of total
votes (formal plus informal votes) and turnout (total votes) as a
percentage of electors enrolled. The 'swing' figures compare the
votes received at the 1998 election with votes received at the 1996
election adjusted for the effects of the 1997 Redistribution if
applicable. The following example provides an explanation of the
layout of the summary and Electoral Division tables. (Note: Table
not available on Internet.)
Nominations
Nominations for Commonwealth parliamentary
elections have risen steadily since the first election of the
enlarged Parliament in 1984, and 1998 continued the trend. The 148
House of Representatives contests produced 1106 nominations, an
increase of 21 per cent on the 1996 figure. The average per
division was 7.5 (6.1 in 1996). By comparison, there were 628
nominations (4.2 per division) in the first year of the enlarged
Parliament (1984). Women represented 27 per cent of nominations, a
slight decline on 1996.
There were 329 Senate nominations, an increase
of 29 per cent on 1996. Of these 301 were for State Senate
positions, giving an average 50 names on each State ballot paper
(39 in 1996). Female nominations declined 4.2 per cent to 30.7 per
cent. Of all nominations for the two houses, women represented 27.9
per cent, a decline of 1.5 per cent.
Election Overview
As is usual in Commonwealth elections, the 1998
election was held early, on 3 October 1998. The Prime Minister
could have waited until mid-May 1999 if he had sought to allow the
Parliament to run its full term. Speculation had suggested that
early 1999 was a possibility, but the Prime Minister apparently
judged a 1998 election best suited the government.
Expectations
Most observers predicted a victory for the
Government. Various factors were cited to justify these
predictions.
-
- The Government had made no fatal blunders during its
two-and-a-half years since the previous election, a factor which
was shown up in its relatively steady opinion poll standing-it was
certainly well above the lowest figures of the ALP Government in
the period between the 1993 and the 1996 elections. There seemed,
in short, no compelling reason why a mass of voters would shift
from the Government to the ALP.
-
- In any case, the Government was said to be cushioned by the
size of its majority of 40. With so many new members working hard
to retain their seats, plus relatively few ultra-marginal seats,
and with the Coalition vote likely to be steady, it seemed unlikely
that sufficient seats would fall for Labor to come to power.
-
- In 1996 Labor had lost 31 seats in winning barely one-third of
the House of Representatives seats, by far its poorest performance
since the elections of 1975 and 1977. On this occasion the party
needed to pick up a minimum of 26 seats, while retaining all that
it held, if it was to win office. Although it nominally held 49
divisions, this was effectively 48 due to the abolition of the ACT
division of Namadgi. Its task appeared to have been made a little
harder when the 1997 redistribution of Queensland divisions left
Rankin nominally a Liberal rather than a Labor division. To win 26
seats seemed a tall order.
-
- Commentators drew attention to the fact that it was 'usual' for
the electorate to give a new Commonwealth government at least a
second term-one had to go back as far as the 1931 election to find
the last instance when this did not occur. As that had been the
Scullin Government, riven by internal strife and beset by the
problems of the Depression, it seemed unlikely that the Howard
Government would suffer the same fate.
-
- Such analysis seemed to be backed by the opinion polls. As well
as the steadiness of the Government's standing, Labor was not able
to get anywhere near the levels of support that it had enjoyed
during the 1980s, and seemed unlikely even to reach the relatively
poor 44.9 per cent of the 1993 election (which had seen it scramble
back into office).
-
- In opinion polling Labor's leader Kim Beazley had the usual
difficulty facing new Leaders of the Opposition, namely how to lift
his recognition factor, though this seemed to rise the longer he
was in office. The gradual rise in his poll standing may have been
a factor in the Prime Minister's deciding of the date for the
election at the end of 1998 rather than in early 1999.
The GST
In a circumstance like that confronting the
Opposition, the most a challenging party can do is hope that the
Government makes enough errors to enable the challenger to make up
ground. Implicitly such a view recognises the standard claim that
elections tend to be decided by voters reacting to government error
rather than to opposition virtue. In 1998 the major opportunity for
the Opposition to win ground seemed to be the Government's
re-adoption of its 1993 policy of introducing a Goods and Services
Tax. The difficulty on this occasion, however, was that the
Government had learned from its difficulties of 1993 and was much
better prepared than the John Hewson-led team had been-there were
no problems such as the price of birthday cakes that had caused so
much embarrassment for Hewson.
Campaigning
The trend is for modern campaigns to be
extremely-centralised, tightly-controlled operations, and both
major parties operated accordingly in 1998. The tighter the
control, mistakes tend to be fewer. Neither side seemed able to
turn opponents' campaign errors to their advantage. The nett
benefit thus lay with the incumbent.
The Government had to defend seats won from
Labor in 1996 by members who were likely to be 'oncers'. These
seats included Lindsay and Hughes in New South Wales and Leichhardt
in Queensland. In a campaigning exercise reminiscent of Labor's
marginal seat campaigns of recent years, the Coalition worked hard
to retain those seats the loss of which would give Labor office.
Table 9 indicates the extent of the success of this marginal seat
strategy, where it can be seen that the two-party preferred swing
to Labor was lowest in Coalition marginals-3.5 per cent in National
marginals and barely 3 per cent in Liberal marginals. The Coalition
efforts, combined with the electorate work performed by the sitting
members, kept Labor at bay. In the 26 most marginal seats, the
winning of which would have given Labor victory, the party managed
to win the six most marginal Liberal seats (Paterson (NSW),
Northern Territory, Lilley (Qld), Rankin (Qld), Bowman (Qld),
Bendigo (Vic), and also picked up the Liberals' seats of Canning
(WA), Griffith (Qld), Kingston (SA), McMillan (Vic), Chisholm
(Vic), Stirling (WA), Capricornia (Qld) and Swan (WA). Labor
regained Oxley (Qld), lost in 1996, and won Lowe (NSW) from the
former Liberal member, turned independent. This was not nearly
enough, however, for the Coalition retained Makin (SA), La Trobe
(Vic), Lindsay (NSW), McEwen (Vic), Deakin (Vic), Dunkley (Vic),
Adelaide (SA) and Robertson (NSW), and won Kalgoorlie (WA) from the
independent member. Peter Andren retained Calare (NSW) as an
independent. In the next ten most marginal Coalition divisions the
Coalition did even better, losing only three (Dickson (Qld), Cowan
(WA) and Bass (Tas) ). As a bonus the Government regained the
Western Australian divisions of Moore and Curtin, held by former
Liberal MHRs-turned-independent.
House of Representatives
Hugh Mackay's research has suggested one factor
that may have helped the Government retain office. His findings
seemed to point to a voter cynicism, a reluctance to believe
politicians, and a resentment at having to vote yet again. His
words are graphic:
Voters are not in good heart. They are sick of
the lies, the shiftiness, the smugness, the policy backflips, the
hollow promises and the blatant bidding for their votes. They are
wary of the glibness of the spin doctors.(1)
Mackay's conclusion, in fact, was that voters
were 'just too tired to change horses'.
Major party support
Mackay's view has a certain plausibility,
especially when we note that the ALP House vote rose only 1.3 per
cent. Despite the Labor euphoria with what was described by its
partisans as an excellent effort, the vote of 40.1 per cent was
actually one of its lowest votes since 1945. The vote was 2.7 per
cent less than its severe defeat in 1975, and barely higher than
the figure for 1977. The Labor vote in fact shows signs of
stagnation, not having reached 45 per cent since the election of
1987.
Mackay's judgment seems rather less plausible
when we note the performance of the Coalition. Although Labor's
vote barely rose, it is clear that many voters did not remain with
the Government, for the Liberal Party's vote was 33.9 per cent, a
drop of 4.8 per cent in its primary vote. Although this was the
party's lowest vote since 1972 and its third lowest national vote
since its formation in 1944, it was in fact a return to a more
usual share of the national vote, for in the four elections
1983-1990, its vote had remained steadily in the range of 34.3-34.8
per cent. The National Party's vote of 5.3 per cent, which was a
drop of 2.9 per cent on the 1996 figure, was the rural party's
lowest-ever national vote since its first contest in 1919. The
party is used to warnings about its likely demise, but after this
result such a fate seems far more plausible. Two of the three
lowest National votes in a Commonwealth election have now occurred
in the last three elections, and even in its stronghold of
Queensland it barely secured one vote in ten, a drop of 5.9 per
cent.(2)
With 20.4 per cent of first preferences going to
non-majority party candidates, the two-party preferred vote becomes
less valuable as a method of measurement.(3) Labor's topping of the
two-party preferred count (51.0 per cent) was the fifth occasion
when the party with a majority of the two-party preferred count
gained fewer seats than its opponent. Labor has been in this
position on four occasions (1954, 1961, 1969, 1998) and the
Coalition once (1990).
Minor party support
The combined major party vote thus fell 6.4 per
cent to 79.6 per cent, the lowest such figure since 1943. It seems,
therefore, that voters were tired of the major parties and a
significant number chose to follow a non-major path rather than the
shift from one major party to another.
Not many took the Australian Democrat option.
The national Democrat vote of 5.1 per cent was a drop of 1.6 per
cent, and was a long way from the party's high point of 11.3 per
cent in 1990. The party's vote was 3.3 per cent behind Pauline
Hanson's One Nation (PHON), which ran nine fewer candidates. Only
in South Australia (10.1 per cent) was the vote reasonably healthy
helped by its showing in Mayo (see below). The Australian Democrats
seem to be very much a Senate elections party, for apart from 1990,
in the eight other elections held since the party's formation the
average House of Representatives vote has been just 5.4 per
cent.
The drift of votes from established parties
benefited Pauline Hanson's One Nation party, which secured 8.4 per
cent of the first preference vote. By comparison with other
significant minor parties of the past it was a performance that
matched some minor party votes of the past:
House of Representative votes won by minor
parties
Party
|
Year
|
Vote (%)
|
Democratic Labor Party
|
1958
|
9.4
|
|
1961
|
8.7
|
Australian Democrats
|
1977
|
9.4
|
|
1990
|
11.3
|
Pauline Hanson's One Nation
|
1998
|
8.4
|
The largest regional vote for the new party was
the 14.4 per cent of the vote it secured in Queensland. This
included Pauline Hanson's topping of first preferences in Blair (36
per cent), as well as impressive performances in Wide Bay (26.3 per
cent) and Maranoa (22.4 per cent). PHON received over 17 per cent
in seven other divisions, and had ten other seats in the range of
10-17 per cent. If the party's Queensland vote were to increase in
the next Commonwealth election by another 5 per cent, or if it were
to receive more preferences from the Coalition, it would probably
win some House of Representatives seats in that State.
Senate
In the Senate election, only Victoria saw the
major parties winning all seats, something that is now a relatively
rare occurrence. In Queensland the major parties won only four
seats, the first time this has occurred in any State since the
increase in the size of the Parliament for the 1984 election.
As is usual, the nett outcome of the 1998 Senate
election was of little overall change, but such change as there was
primarily benefitted the Australian Democrats. The Labor and
Liberal tallies remained as they had been, but the National
Party-and hence the Coalition-lost two seats overall. The
Nationals' representation of three is its lowest figure since 1980.
The Western Australian Greens lost a seat, while the Australian
Democrats gained an extra seat in each of New South Wales and
Western Australia. In Queensland Heather Hill won the first Senate
seat held by PHON, with a party vote of 14.8 per cent. In Western
Australia, PHON fell just short of a seat, winning 10.4 per cent of
first preferences.
The Australian Democrat successes included the
election of Aden Ridgeway (NSW) the second indigenous candidate to
be elected to the Senate since Federation. Australian Democrat
candidate, Rick Farley, came close to winning an ACT Senate seat, a
result which would have had an instant impact on Senate numbers, as
Territory Senators take their seats immediately after an election.
The Australian Democrat tally of nine Senators is the largest total
held by the party and effectively gives it the balance of power
from 1 July 1999 when new Senators take their seats. The Government
can carry any issue with the support of the Democrats; without the
Democrats, the most votes the Government could secure on any issue
would be half of the Senate.
Divisions of Interest
Bass (Tas)
The Minister for Family Services, Warwick Smith
(LP), was the only Minister to lose his seat, losing Bass in his
second 'cliffhanger' election in five years. In 1993 Sylvia Smith
defeated him by just 40 votes, while on this occasion Michelle
O'Byrne defeated him by 78 votes.
Blair (Qld)
Pauline Hanson, leader of PHON and MHR for
Oxley, gained 36 per cent of first preferences in the seat of
Blair, leading all three major party candidates. In the first six
counts she maintained a comfortable margin. On the second-last
count Cameron Thompson (LP) moved ahead of the Labor candidate,
though he was still 7.1 per cent behind Hanson, and he finally
defeated her by 4600 votes after the distribution of Labor
preferences. The Liberal candidate gained 72.5 per cent of National
preferences (Hanson 14.4 per cent) and 73.8 per cent of ALP
preferences (Hanson 26.2 per cent).
Canning (WA)
Between 1984 and 1993 Ricky Johnston (LP) had
four unsuccessful contests before she finally won this Western
Australian seat in 1996. Less than three years later she lost her
hard-earned parliamentary position by 7 per cent after
preferences.
Dickson (Qld)
On election night former Australian Democrat
Cheryl Kernot's challenge for the seat of Dickson seemed to have
faltered, for her 40.6 per cent of the vote seemed insufficient to
win the seat, especially as the Democrat and Green candidates had
decided not to direct preferences to her. After an exciting count
of preferences and postal and absentee votes in which the lead
fluctuated, Kernot finished 176 votes ahead with 50.1 per cent of
the final vote.
Eden-Monaro (NSW)
Eden-Monaro has long had a name as bell-wether
seat, for it has been won by the winning side in every election
since that of 1972. Gary Nairn (LP) was challenged by Steve Whan,
son of a former member for Eden-Monaro. Nairn led by 4.1 per cent
after first preferences, but saw his margin steadily reduced until
he managed to hold on to the seat by just 262 votes (0.4 per
cent).
Hughes (NSW)
Danna Vale's hold on Hughes needed to be broken
if Labor was to win office. In a determined effort to do so, New
South Wales bureaucrat and Australian soccer chief, David Hill was
pre-selected. Labor's first preference vote fell 4 per cent (it had
been 17.7 per cent higher in 1993), and Hughes was one of a few
seats to see a swing away from the Opposition.
Hume (NSW)
Hume has been a seat in which some of the
strongest competition has been between the Coalition partners. The
resignation of former Minister, John Sharp (NP), produced another
struggle in which long-standing Liberal MLA for Burrinjuck
(1988-98), Alby Schultz, wrested the seat from the National
Party.
McMillan (Vic)
Labor's Christian Zahra was 1517 votes behind
the Liberal, Russell Broadbent, after the count of first
preferences in the Victorian division of McMillan. Although he
narrowed the gap over the next eight counts, he was still behind
the sitting member. He finally won by 1048 votes when he picked up
55.2 per cent of the preferences of the former ALP sitting member,
Barry Cunningham, Zahra's former employer, despite Cunningham's
direction of preferences away from the Labor candidate.
Mayo (SA)
The seat of Mayo is usually one of the Liberal
Party's safest seats-in 1996 Alexander Downer's first preference
vote was 57.0 per cent. In 1998, the Liberal vote fell 11.4 per
cent, much of it being picked up by the Democrats whose vote rose
by 10 per cent. The fact that the Democrat candidate, former
entertainer John Schumann, remained in front of the Labor candidate
through the counting, meant that Labor was the last to be
eliminated. Although 90 per cent of Labor's preferences flowed on
to Schumann, the margin to overcome was too great and Downer
retained the seat by almost 3000 votes (51.7 per cent).
Wide Bay (QLD)
The second-highest PHON vote occurred in Wide
Bay, when Graeme Wicks' 26.3 per cent was less than 2 per cent
behind the Labor vote. The Nationals' Warren Truss retained the
seat despite a majority of PHON preferences favouring Labor, but
the flow of preferences was sufficiently strong to give the ALP a
remarkably high two-party preferred swing of 15.6 per cent.
Other Electoral Highlights
Women Elected
Forty-four women were elected in 1998, an
increase of 22 per cent on 1996. Of these, 33 were elected to the
House (23 in 1996) and 11 to the Senate (13 in 1996). Thirteen of
the 17 Liberal MHRs elected in 1996 retained their seats.
Divisions 'Lost' After Preferences
Seven divisions produced a winner different from
the first preference leader:
Division
|
First preference leader
|
Winning party
|
Bass, Tas
|
LP
|
ALP
|
Blair, Qld
|
PHON
|
LP
|
Hinkler, Qld
|
ALP
|
NP
|
Kingston, SA
|
LP
|
ALP
|
McMillan, Vic
|
LP
|
ALP
|
Parkes, NSW
|
ALP
|
NP
|
Stirling, WA
|
LP
|
ALP
|
In the last three elections, Labor has 'lost' 14
divisions in this fashion, the Coalition has 'lost' 11, and PHON
has 'lost' 1.
PHON Preferences
The question of where PHON preferences would
flow caused controversy during the election. In the event, two main
tendencies could be observed. In seats where the final two
candidates were from the Coalition and the ALP, such as Gwydir
(NSW), Parkes (NSW), Blair (Qld) and Maranoa (Qld), PHON
preferences clearly favoured the Government. For example, in
Hinkler (Qld), Paul Neville (NP) was nearly 3000 votes behind Labor
on the second-last count, but 61.6 per cent of the PHON pile of
votes pushed him ahead by 490 votes. Not all results ran this way,
however, with Eden-Monaro (NSW) and Wide Bay (Qld) being seats in
which more PHON preferences were picked up by the Labor
candidate.
In other divisions, however, when a non-major
party candidate was likely to feature in the final count, PHON
preferences tended to favour that candidate, irrespective of
ideological factors. This could be seen in Calare (NSW), Kalgoorlie
(WA) and Moore (WA), though not in Curtin (WA). In Mayo (SA), the
Australian Democrats' John Schumann received 46 per cent from the
PHON pile in contrast to the 37.3 per cent that flowed to the
Liberals' Alexander Downer.
The
Passing Parade
In every new parliament there will be a change
of faces. The following Members and Senators retired, were defeated
or returned to the Parliament:
Retired Members
Retired Member
|
Electoral Division
|
Party
|
Baldwin, Peter
|
Sydney, NSW
|
ALP
|
Beddall, David
|
Rankin, Qld
|
ALP
|
Bradford, John (contested Senate)
|
McPherson, Qld
|
CDP
|
Brown, Bob
|
Charlton, NSW
|
ALP
|
Cobb, Michael
|
Parkes, NSW
|
NP
|
Dargavel, Steven
|
Fraser, ACT
|
ALP
|
Grace, Ted
|
Fowler, NSW
|
ALP
|
Halverson, Bob
|
Casey, Vic
|
LP
|
Hicks, Noel
|
Riverina, NSW
|
NP
|
Holding, Clyde
|
Melbourne Ports, Vic
|
ALP
|
Jones, Barry
|
Lalor, Vic
|
ALP
|
McLachlan, Ian
|
Barker, SA
|
LP
|
Morris, Peter
|
Shortland, NSW
|
ALP
|
Mutch, Stephen
|
Cook, NSW
|
LP
|
Reid, Bruce
|
Bendigo, Vic
|
LP
|
Sharp, John
|
Hume, NSW
|
NP
|
Sinclair, Ian
|
New England, NSW
|
NP
|
Taylor, Bill
|
Groom, Qld
|
LP
|
Willis, Ralph
|
Gellibrand, Vic
|
ALP
|
Defeated Members
Defeated Member
|
Electoral Division
|
Party
|
Baldwin, Bob
|
Paterson, NSW
|
LP
|
Broadbent, Russell
|
McMillan, Vic
|
LP
|
Cameron, Eoin
|
Stirling, WA
|
LP
|
Campbell, Graeme
|
Kalgoorlie, WA
|
Ind
|
Dondas, Nick
|
Northern Territory
|
CLP
|
Evans, Richard
|
Cowan, WA
|
LP
|
Filing, Paul
|
Moore, WA
|
Ind
|
Grace, Elizabeth
|
Lilley, Qld
|
LP
|
Hanson, Pauline (contested Blair)
|
Oxley, Qld
|
HAN
|
Jeanes, Susan
|
Kingston, SA
|
LP
|
Johnston, Ricky
|
Canning, WA
|
LP
|
McDougall, Graeme
|
Griffith, Qld
|
LP
|
Marek, Paul
|
Capricornia, Qld
|
NP
|
Miles, Chris
|
Braddon, Tas
|
LP
|
Randall, Don
|
Swan, WA
|
LP
|
Rocher, Allan
|
Curtin, WA
|
Ind
|
Smith, Tony
|
Dickson, Qld
|
LP
|
Smith, Warwick
|
Bass, Tas
|
LP
|
West, Andrea
|
Bowan, Qld
|
LP
|
Zammit, Paul
|
Lowe, NSW
|
Ind
|
Among the Senators leaving the Parliament on 30
June 1999 will be
Retiring Senators
Retired Senator
|
State or Territory
|
Party
|
Colston, Mal
|
Qld
|
Ind
|
Reynolds, Margaret
|
Qld
|
ALP
|
Defeated Senators
Defeated Senator
|
State or Territory
|
Party
|
McGibbon, David
|
Qld
|
LP
|
Macdonald, Sandy
|
Vic
|
NP
|
O'Chee, Bill
|
Qld
|
NP
|
Margetts, Dee
|
WA
|
GWA
|
Synon, Karen
|
Vic
|
LP
|
Returning Members
Five former MPs returned to the Parliament, all
to the House of Representatives:
Returning MP
|
Division
|
Party
|
Horne, Bob
|
Paterson, NSW
|
ALP
|
Kernot, Cheryl (former Senator)
|
Dickson, Qld
|
ALP
|
Sciacca, Con
|
Bowman, Qld
|
ALP
|
Snowdon, Warren
|
Northern Territory
|
ALP
|
Swan, Wayne
|
Lilley, Qld
|
ALP
|
Endnotes
-
- See Scott Bennett, 'The decline in support for Australian major
parties and the prospect of minority government', Research
Paper, Department of the Parliamentary Library, 1998-99
(forthcoming).
- Sydney Morning Herald, 1 September 1998.
- Scott Bennett, Winning and Losing: Australian National
Elections, Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 1996, pp.
177-82.