Kate Krinks
Politics and Public Administration Group
23 March 1999
Contents
Major Issues
Introduction
Civic literacy surveys
Knowledge of government
Interest in Politics
Perceptions of Politics and Politicians
Parliamentary Responses
Education for Active Citizenship
Education for Active Citizenship Revisited
The Civics Expert Group
Discovering Democracy
Critical Responses
Political Participation and
Citizenship Reconsidered
Formal Political Participation
A Different Approach?
Conclusion
Endnotes
References
Major Issues
Australians' lack of political knowledge has
been reported regularly over the last ten years and has prompted
expressions of concern from politicians, educators and other
sections of the public. In particular, low levels of knowledge
about, and interest in, politics amongst people aged between 15 and
35 has sparked particular concerns about the implications for the
well-being of Australia's democratic political system. The
government-appointed Civics Expert Group, set up in 1994, voiced
this concern in its report:
Our system of government relies for its efficacy
and legitimacy on an informed citizenry; without active,
knowledgeable citizens the forms of democratic representation
remain empty; without vigilant, informed citizens there is no check
on potential tyranny.(1)
The results of surveys conducted during the last
10 years suggest that there is cause for concern. In 1994, for
example, a study of 15-19 year olds reported that:
-
- 90 per cent did not know what the Constitution covered
-
- 83 per cent did not know what the Cabinet was
-
- 79 per cent did not feel they knew what the rights and
responsibilities of citizens were.
Another study of 17 and 18 year olds, conducted
around the same time, found that:
-
- nearly 50 per cent had 'not much' or 'no' interest in
politics
-
- only 8 per cent had 'a great deal' of interest in
politics.
A number of educational initiatives were
undertaken in an attempt to reverse the low levels of political
knowledge as well as the apparent lack of interest in Australian
political affairs. These initiatives took the form of civics
education programs and aimed at producing informed and active
citizens through teaching students about Australia's history,
system of government and democratic values.
Many of the existing civics education programs
came under attack for their narrow focus on institutions of
government. It was argued that such a focus produced a limited
notion of citizenship, according to which a good citizen was
someone who understood the structure and function of government and
who was aware of, and practised, their role within that formal
structure. This view of citizenship downplayed or ignored less
formal knowledge of how government works and the possibilities and
limitations of political participation.
Critics pointed to the evidence which showed
that, while many young people appear to show little interest in
institutions of government and their functions, they are interested
in and aware about broader political issues. For example, a 1997
study of 18-24 year olds found that:
-
- 87 per cent supported a republic for Australia
-
- 83 per cent supported a racially non-discriminatory immigration
policy
-
- 79 per cent supported reconciliation with Aborigines.
Furthermore, recent trends suggest that young
people are becoming more involved in formal political institutions.
The 1998 Commonwealth election saw six under-35 year olds enter
parliament, three of them under 30. In 1998 the youngest ever
Australian parliamentarian, at 20 years and 5 months, was elected
to the Tasmanian parliament. Some of these young members, for
example Senators Kate Lundy and Natasha Stott Despoja, are
outspoken about their concern to address the needs and concerns of
youth in Australia.
In the last two years educators appear to have
recognised that the trends just described require a new approach to
civics education. Consequently, in civics education programs there
is less of a focus on 'dry' political facts and more emphasis on
the values which help to define a good citizen. The forms of
participation the traditional civics courses discussed, voting,
involvement in community projects, voluntary work and so on, is
also expanded in the new programs to include actions such as
freedom rides, strikes, demonstrations and other forms of political
activity.
Parliamentarians and parties have a dual role in
fostering in young people an interest and willingness to
participate in civic affairs. First, as community leaders and
shapers of public opinion, parliamentarians can help to promote the
new civics education initiatives. Second, individually or through
their parties, parliamentarians can create more opportunities for
youth involvement in the process of government, for example through
party membership recruitment drives and Internet sites which
encourage input and feedback on governmental and parliamentary
matters. Given their high rates of Internet use, young people are
in a good position to make use of this tool for political
purposes.
Most parliamentarians want to see informed and
active citizens who are committed to democratic values. Young
people share this goal and the evidence suggests that they are keen
to be given the opportunities to realise it.
Introduction
During the last
ten years, concern has been expressed by politicians and teachers
at the lack of interest in citizenship issues shown by the majority
of Australians. Particularly worrying is the lack of interest and
knowledge about citizenship displayed by those between the ages of
15 and 35. This research paper traces the emergence, beginning in
1989, of a series of educational initiatives designed to remedy
this state of affairs.
Civics education existed in Australian schools
from 1901 to about 1930, when the nationalistic focus of the
courses came under criticism and the courses were abandoned.
Victoria retained civic education, under the heading of 'social
studies', in the school curriculum and during the 1970s it was a
taught as a separate subject known as 'politics'. It was not until
the 1980s that civic education re-emerged at a national level,
sparked partly by the looming 1988 Bicentennial and heightened
interest in the nature of Australian identity.(2)
Current interest in civic education might be
explained similarly, in light of the upcoming centenary of
Federation. In January 2001 Australia will celebrate what is often
regarded as a founding moment of a properly 'Australian' identity,
when the states agreed to come together under a national (federal)
government and the members of the states began to think of
themselves as belonging to a nation. Celebrations of nationhood
therefore also entail a celebration of the national identity.
The latest civic education initiatives can be
understood, then, as an attempt to remedy young people's lack of
understanding of what it means to be an Australian citizen. It is
assumed that this will place them in a better position to
appreciate and contribute, not only to the celebrations in 2001,
but to the ongoing development of Australia's identity. While the
concern with citizenship and national identity is not new, as the
history of civic education in Australia indicates, what does seem
to have changed in recent years is the approach to civic
education.
In the 1980s and early 1990s, civic education
taught students the structure of Australia's political system and
the formal functions of its governmental institutions.(3) It was
assumed that students would acquire the relevant knowledge to
become effective practitioners in the civic realm. Studies seemed
to indicate, however, that young people's levels of governmental
knowledge were not improving and, according to certain measures,
nor were their levels of civic participation (measured in terms of
adherence to the principles of a political party, membership of a
political party, or participation in organised political activity,
such as voting, joining pressure groups and signing petitions).
There is not the space in this paper to ask why
this might be the case. Sociologists and social researchers,
however, have written widely on this topic. Hugh MacKay, for
example, has found that young people are put off involvement in
party politics partly because of its adversarial nature and lack of
attention to what they see as the 'real' issues. Young people are
also going through their school years surrounded by people of
different ethnic and racial backgrounds. That this diversity is not
reflected in Australia's political representation makes the formal
political system appear even more out of touch with their
lives.(4)
Since 1996, developments in civics education
suggest that some educators are aware of these factors, and are
tailoring their courses to take these into account. In addition to
teaching students about these new initiatives, the new civics
education programs address citizenship issues as they relate to the
realities of young people's lives. The programs therefore might
address issues such as the changing image of the Australian
citizen, from white and British-born, to an image that better
reflects Australia's multicultural make-up.
The structure of this paper is as follows. The
first part presents the results of a number of civics surveys,
conducted over the last ten years, that politicians and educators
have used as evidence of the need for an emphasis on civics
education. The second part discusses the parliamentary-backed
education initiatives that have been undertaken in response to such
survey results. These initiatives were criticised by some educators
and academics for what was claimed to be a narrow institutional
focus and one that aimed to produce pliant and unquestioning
citizens. The final sections of the paper discuss these criticisms.
The main argument presented in those sections is that the civic
literacy surveys do not measure the kinds of political knowledge
and interest held by many young people. Evidence to support this is
found in surveys (such as the Australian Democrats' annual
Youth Poll) which measure particular kinds of political
interest and knowledge, with very positive results. Young people's
engagement in various political activities, such as running for
parliament and attending youth policy conferences, is further
evidence that many young people are political interested and are
motivated to act on that interest.
An underlying theme of the paper is that the
values and issues on which many young people are prepared to act
are often not addressed, either in the civic education courses that
are intended to motivate them to participate in governmental
affairs, or in the realm of government itself. Recent education
programs attempt to remedy the first of these deficiencies. The
second of these is the role of parties and of parliamentarians.
Civic literacy
surveys
Knowledge of government
A number of surveys have been conducted in the
last ten years that attempt to determine the levels of political
knowledge and interest in politics held by young Australians (most
surveys define 'young people' as between 15 and 35). These surveys
have found that young people's knowledge of Australia's political
history and of the country's political system is extremely
limited.(5) Some surveys have found that, in addition to this lack
of knowledge, the respondents had little interest in Australian
political affairs.
For example, a 1987 Newspoll study revealed that
only about 30 per cent of 18-24 year olds knew of the
Constitution's existence.(6)
In the same year, a study of Year 11 students
from a New South Wales high school was conducted for a submission
to a Senate Standing Committee inquiry into civic knowledge. That
study produced the following results:
-
- only 34 per cent could name the Federal electorate in which
they lived
-
- only 50 per cent could name the House of Parliament in which
the Prime Minister sat
-
- only 21 per cent could explain what the Constitution is.
(7)
In 1993 academic Ariadne Vromen conducted a
study of the governmental knowledge of school students, this time
final year students (aged 17-18). That study focused on formal
knowledge of different strands of government, asking questions that
ranged from who is the Prime Minister and Treasurer, to the policy
platforms of different parties, and which part of government is
responsible for services such as garbage collection and postal
services.(8)
The results varied widely depending on which
strand of government the questions related to, with students
scoring well on leaders of the major parties and on the major
policies of those parties, but poorly on governmental matters.
(These results might be partly due to the timing of the survey,
which occurred at the time of the 1993 election. Students would
have been more exposed to party platforms than would otherwise have
been the case). For example:
-
- 46 per cent could not name the Treasurer
-
- 57 per cent could not name the Minister for Foreign
Affairs
-
- 66 per cent and 88 per cent could not name the Leaders of the
National Party and the Australian Democrats, respectively
-
- 63 per cent did not know which party went to the 1993 election
with a platform of free higher education
-
- 44 per cent did not know which level of government was
responsible for providing unemployment benefits
-
- 62 per cent did not attribute responsibility for postal
services to the Commonwealth Government (despite the service being
called Australia Post).
The results of the 1994 survey of people between
the ages of 15 and 19, which was carried out for the Civics Expert
Group Report, echo these findings. These results suggest that young
people in this age group are particularly lacking in knowledge of
the structure and functions of the Australian political system. For
example:
-
- 10 per cent felt they knew what the Constitution covers
-
- 10 per cent knew how the Constitution could be changed
-
- 13 per cent knew what the Governor-General does
-
- 14 per cent were aware of the voting procedure for the
Senate
-
- 15 per cent knew what was meant by 'the division of
powers'
-
- 17 per cent knew what the Cabinet is
-
- 18 per cent knew what the High Court does
-
- 21 per cent felt they knew what were the rights and
responsibilities of citizens
-
- 23 per cent knew the voting procedure for the House of
Representatives.(9)
Interest in Politics
Other studies have focused on levels of interest
in politics amongst young people. A 1997 survey of 18-24 year-olds,
commissioned by Edith Cowan University, found that low levels of
participation in formal political institutions, whether political
parties or semi-institutionalised activities such as community
protests or strikes, correlate with low levels of political
interest. Consider the following figures in light of the comments
above:
-
- 19 per cent take an interest in politics only during
elections
-
- 17 per cent have joined a protest movement
-
- 11 per cent have joined a community protest
-
- 5 per cent have joined a strike
-
- 2 per cent have joined a political party
-
- 65 per cent have engaged in no political activity at all.
The authors of the study noted that the
respondents conveyed:
a strong sense of powerlessness, a conviction
that either they lacked the skills to understand the relevance of
the system and/or that they lacked faith in its ability to produce
tangible outcomes.(10)
Other findings suggested that those who had
little or no interest in Australian politics had significantly less
political knowledge than those who said they had 'some' or 'a great
deal' of interest. Vromen's study, for example found that:
-
- nearly 50 per cent stated that they had either 'not much' or
'no' interest in politics
-
- only 8 per cent admitted to having 'a great deal of interest'
in Australian politics.(11)
Perceptions of Politics and
Politicians
Young people's perceptions of politics and
politicians have also been studied. The Edith Cowan study cited
above recorded the following remarks about perceptions of
politics:
I do not have a great deal of interest because
not much ever seems to really happen ... Interviews where people
say nothing ... Politics seems very wasteful of time and money.
Parliament seems a lot of talk saying nothing.
There is nothing you can do to change
things.
A distrust of the whole process probably adds to
some apathy.
I am disillusioned with the present, mainly
two-party, system of politics in Australia. Neither major party
interests me and the minor/independent politicians don't hold much
sway.(12)
A 1998 survey of Year 11 high school students,
entitled 'What's the Point?' Political Attitudes of Victorian
Year 11 Students, focused on students' perceptions of how
government works and the trust they have that their political
representatives will represent their views, beliefs and values. The
study also looked at how students perceive their opportunities for
influencing and participating in governmental processes.(13)
The table below shows the responses to questions
about trust in political representatives.
Table 1: Responses to questions about
trust
|
Strongly Disagree
%
|
Uncertain
%
|
Strongly Agree
%
|
Most people in government are honest
|
68
|
26
|
6
|
People in the government care a lot about what
all of us think
|
66
|
25
|
9
|
People in the government waste a lot of
taxpayers' money
|
70
|
22
|
8
|
People who are in government can be trusted to
do what is right for the country
|
64
|
22
|
15
|
I think that the people in government care about
what people like me and my family think
|
56
|
21
|
23
|
People in government, running the whole country,
care about the opinions of ordinary people
|
57
|
24
|
18
|
People running the government are smart and
usually know what they're doing
|
48
|
24
|
29
|
These results show that a large majority of the
respondents (68 per cent) did not feel that their representatives
were honest (defined for the purposes of the study as someone who
does what they say they will do once in office) or that they could
be trusted to do what was right for the country (64 per cent). High
percentages of respondents also reported the belief that
politicians cared little about the views of 'ordinary people'. The
overwhelming impression of this part of the survey is one of
distrust: distrust that politicians keep their word; distrust that
they pay attention to and act on the views of their constituents;
and distrust that taxes are used wisely by those in government.
The survey then went on to question students
about the efficacy of participating in the process of government,
that is, the means by which students believe they can effectively
participate in, and even influence, the political process. The
following table shows the responses.
Table 2: Responses to questions about
effective political participation
|
Strongly Disagree
%
|
Uncertain
%
|
Strongly Agree
%
|
Voting influences how things are run in this
country
|
9
|
19
|
72
|
Signing petitions and joining demonstrations can
influence government decisions
|
15
|
25
|
60
|
Only if enough people tell government officials
they disagree will government policy change
|
16
|
33
|
51
|
Once we are adults we can have a say in how the
government runs things
|
27
|
29
|
44
|
People like me and my parents can influence
government decisions
|
47
|
34
|
19
|
My family has a say in what government does
|
32
|
33
|
35
|
Joining pressure groups and giving money can
enable me and my parents to influence government decisions
|
44
|
38
|
18
|
The responses to questions about political
efficacy were, on the whole, more positive than the responses to
questions about political trust. For example, 72 per cent strongly
agreed with the proposition that voting influences how the country
is run, while 60 per cent strongly agreed that signing petitions
and joining demonstrations can influence government decisions.
However, it should be pointed out that these questions were framed
in the abstract, that is they referred to the theoretical
possibility of having influence. Questions which asked students
about their political efficacy now, such as 'my family has
a say in what government does' and 'people like me and my parents
can influence government decisions' elicited less positive
responses, with 32 per cent and 47 per cent, respectively, strongly
disagreeing with the statements. Those who strongly agreed with the
statements comprised only 35 per cent and 19 per cent,
respectively, of the respondents. It appears that students feel
that their and their families' ability to participate effectively
in the political process is limited. However, a significant
proportion (44 per cent) believe that their political effectiveness
will increase once they are adults. Many also believe that
collective action (signing petitions, joining demonstrations or
when enough people tell government officials they disagree) is an
effective way of influencing the political process. Nevertheless, a
strong sense emerges from the survey results that, as young people
and as individuals, they feel that there is little scope for them
to influence the ways in which they are governed.
Another element of these findings is provided by
surveys which show that parliament is seen by young people as a
place where nothing much occurs that is of relevance to them.
Comments to a 1994 survey included the following:
I think of two parties yelling at each other and
calling each other names
They yell at each other and abuse each other
They can't come to a decision. They're just like
children.(14)
The release of each survey provoked strong
concern amongst teachers and politicians, who stated that without a
sound knowledge of the history and current workings of Australia's
political system, young Australians would mature not valuing the
concept and practice of democracy in their country and would lack
the knowledge and skills with which to participate effectively in
their communities. It is these qualities-knowledge of the political
system and a strong belief in the values that underpin it-that are
traditionally thought to be at the centre of citizenship.
To many, the surveys discussed above seemed to
suggest that young people lacked both the knowledge and the
commitment to democratic values that are the hallmarks of good and
active citizenship. A commonly expressed view was that one way to
instil civic values in young people was through education programs
in schools and in the wider community. The next section outlines a
series of civics education programs that have been introduced in
Australian schools over the last ten years.
Parliamentary Responses
Education for Active
Citizenship
The Senate Standing Committee on Employment,
Education and Training produced a report in 1989 entitled
Education for Active Citizenship. The Report argued that
the lack of political knowledge and interest amongst young people
is tied to feelings of powerlessness. The Committee concluded that
feeling powerless is a product of political processes viewed by
many young people as not responsive to their needs and concerns,
nor are they accessible and relevant in ways that allow them to act
on their own behalf. The Committee's report therefore emphasised
the need to counter the 'ignorance, apathy and powerlessness'
amongst young people. This could be achieved partly by increasing
levels of knowledge about political processes to help 'people
understand and take part in decision-making structures'.(15)
The Report also emphasised that '[e]ducation for
active citizenship is not equivalent to force-feeding students with
facts about the political system which will either be forgotten
because they seem remote and uninteresting, or remembered because
they seem curious and arcane'.(16) So, for example, one practical
recommendation was 'that the Australian Electoral Commission
institute procedures which encourage people to place greater
significance on their placement on the electoral roll and their
access to the democratic right to vote'.(17)
Other recommendations addressed school
curricula, teaching resources and the role of youth organisations.
For example, the Committee suggested that, while citizenship
education needed to be strengthened in Australian schools, the
crowded curriculum meant that citizenship and civics should be
introduced into existing courses. History, social science and
commerce were examples of courses that, in the Committee's view,
lent themselves to a civics approach.
Education for Active Citizenship
Revisited
Two years later, in 1991, the same Committee
produced a follow-up Report, entitled Active Citizenship
Revisited. Its purpose was threefold: first, it drew attention
to the initiatives begun since the first Report, in the hope that
readers would make contact with others working in the field of
active citizenship and share ideas, successes and failures; second,
it assessed the changes that were underway since the previous
Report; and, finally, the Report acknowledged criticisms made of
the first report, particularly that the notions of citizenship,
democracy and participation in that report were confined to the
public or 'civic' realm.
For example, the Committee received submissions
that emphasised the need to consider citizenship in the context of
realms traditionally thought of as 'outside' politics. As one
submission argued:
Politics, therefore, is not simply a matter of
who occupies The Lodge or what issues are attracting public
lobbying activity, but who (for example) decides and who accepts
responsibility for the household chores and why one particular type
of household 'agreement' on these matters is common. Personal life
is undoubtedly political and any attempt to deny this must be seen
as a political act in itself.(18)
Despite comments such as these, the Committee
retained the view that 'the very concept of citizenship is grounded
in the public sphere (without denying the nexus between public and
private dispositions). To be a citizen is to participate in the
public practices which sustain, and to a large extent define, a
community.'(19) This concept of citizenship, defined in terms of
the citizen's civic participation, rests upon what the Committee
called 'participatory democracy', which it understood as:
A lived process of participation, a process in
which citizens ... transform themselves through debate and
contestation over public issues.(20)
In other words, the Committee maintained the
view that citizenship and democracy are defined in terms of the
public sphere, or those activities and interactions which are
defined as public or civic. Participation in politics, for example
as a member of a political party, is an obvious example of such
public activity. Other examples are community-based activities such
as meals-on-wheels, Land Care groups (work to improve environmental
management) and involvement in community centres. The Committee
seemed to assume that young people would be encouraged to
participate in these kinds of activities when they acquired more
knowledge about Australia's political system and their roles, as
citizens, within that system.
The reasoning behind this assumption was spelled
out in the first Senate Committee Report. There it was stated
that:
Research indicates that there is a direct
relationship between a person's degree of political participation
and his/her political knowledge. This does not mean that efforts to
raise a community's level of political knowledge--for example
through traditional 'civics' education-will necessarily raise
levels of participation ... It does mean however that political
ignorance is a strong indicator of indifference and apathy towards
political dimensions of experience.(21)
The Civics Expert Group
A series of education policy initiatives
followed the two Senate reports.(22) Concern remained, however,
about the levels of knowledge about democracy, government and
citizenship in Australia. As a consequence of this concern, in 1994
the Civics Expert Group was formed and asked by Prime Minister
Keating 'to prepare a strategic plan for a non-partisan program of
public education on civic issues'.(23) The expressed goal was 'to
ensure that Australians can participate fully in civic
decision-making processes'.(24)
The ensuing report, entitled Whereas the
People ... Civics and Citizenship Education, was based on the
view that civics and citizenship education must encompass more than
the formal systems and institutions involved in government. It must
include knowledge of how government works in practice, and how its
operations affect citizens, the role of non-government
organisations in public affairs, the diversity of Australian
society and the principles that allow Australians to live together
with tolerance and acceptance. Civics education must also address
what it means to be a citizen-rights and responsibilities and the
opportunities for exercising them.(25) The goal of this education,
the report made clear, was to instil in the public enthusiasm for
the values and practices of good citizenship in Australia. A good
citizen, in the eyes of the report's authors, required:
knowledge and understanding of Australia's
political and social heritage, its democratic processes and
government, its judicial system and its system of public
administration. In the absence of an adequate understanding of how
our society works, without the skills and confidence to participate
effectively and the encouragement to do so, they simply cannot be
effective citizens.(26)
The Civics Expert Group argued that an
'effective' citizenry is part of the checks and balances within
Australia's political system. 'Our system of government', the Group
wrote, 'relies for its efficacy and legitimacy on an informed
citizenry; without active, knowledgeable citizens the forms of
democratic representation remain empty; without vigilant, informed
citizens there is no check on potential tyranny'.(27)
The Group therefore urged all Australian
governments and political parties to support 'such a civics and
citizenship education program as a national priority in the years
1995-2001).' Recommendations for the program included:
-
- all states and territories should make provision for a
sequential program of civics education across the compulsory years
of schooling, as part of the key learning area of Studies of
Society and Environment
-
- opportunities should be available in all states and territories
for students in Years 11 and 12 to study civics education in depth
in subjects such as Australian History, Political Studies, Legal
Studies and Australian Studies
-
- the Commonwealth should fund a community citizenship education
program through an appropriate non-government agency, preferably
the Constitutional Centenary Foundation
-
- the community citizenship education program should encourage
Australians to take advantage of a wide variety of sources of
citizenship education, both through the formal education sectors
and through community-based activities.(28)
Discovering Democracy
The need to create and maintain an educated,
active citizenry was behind a more recent initiative in the field
of civics and citizenship education. In May 1997 the Minister for
Schools, David Kemp, launched Discovering Democracy, a
national civics education policy. Discovering Democracy
aims to improve students' understanding of Australia's democracy
and the history and workings of its government and legal system. Dr
Kemp's ministerial statement declared that:
we can, indeed must, prepare students to act as
responsible citizens in this nation and encourage effective
participation ... Our young people, the future leaders of our
nation, need a thorough understanding of the fundamentals of our
political and legal systems and institutions and how these relate
to those of other nations ...(29)
He went on to describe what students, as
effective citizens and participants in Australia's democracy,
should know:
Effective citizenship requires an understanding
of the history and operations of Australia's system of government
and institutions and the principles that support Australian
democracy. Students should be able to identify and explain the
essential characteristics of representative democracy and the
nature, role and purpose of the Australian Constitution. They
should be able to describe the operations of Commonwealth and State
and Territory parliaments and understand the relationship between
parliament and government. They should be knowledgeable about
Australia's history and the role of leading Australian political
figures who have shaped the direction of Australia's civic
life.(30)
The program was not limited to the schooling
sector. It targeted higher education, for example through Open
Learning units (one of which is discussed in the final section of
this paper) and vocational education and training courses that
contained aspects relating to civics and citizenship education.
Discovering Democracy also initiated adult and community
education courses, in which students could enrol with a facilitator
guiding discussion of specified materials. The courses covered
topics such as the structure and functions of Australian
government, concepts of national identity, the meaning of
citizenship and its practice in Australian communities.
Kemp's outline of the education program appeared
to be little different from those that had gone before. The focus
remained on teaching students about the institutions of government,
theories of democracy and the role of political leaders in shaping
contemporary Australia. However, the courses that were designed for
Discovering Democracy had more of a process-oriented
approach than is suggested by Kemp's statement. That is, instead of
teaching students only about the institutions of government, the
program also taught students about the ways in which citizens have
participated in political processes in the past and how they might
do so in the present and in the future. This participation included
forms of action that involved conflict between groups, including
the government, such as the campaigns for an eight-hour working
day, debates over welfare systems and the struggles for equal pay
and equal opportunities for women. (31)
Discovering Democracy therefore taught
more than dry political facts; it encouraged students to think
about the changing meanings and practices of democracy and
citizenship over time. Yet, its primary focus was on
institutionalised political processes. For example, when
considering the question, 'Who rules?', students were directed,
first, to consider different forms of government (monarchy,
aristocracy, tyranny and democracy) and, in light of these, how
Australia is governed. Second, students were taught about the roles
and ideologies of political parties in Australia and were
encouraged to think about if and how they represent the people. The
question of 'who rules?' was therefore limited to a consideration
of government and political parties.
This limitation was also evident in the
education programs that preceded Discovering Democracy.
The governmental focus attracted criticism from educators and
academics, and these are discussed below.
Critical Responses
Education programs such as those put forward by
the Senate Standing Committees and by the Civics Expert Group have
been subject to three kinds of criticism. First, from an educator's
perspective, it was claimed that the success of the programs was
always going to be limited because they lacked direct relevance to
the lives and concerns of young people. The focus on 'dry'
facts-the number of seats in each House of Parliament or what each
section of the Constitution covers-was hardly going to inspire a
new generation to show an interest, let alone to participate
actively, in politics. The problem was therefore partly one of the
presentation of the material: how to make it more interesting and
relevant. These critics also argued that evidence suggests that
knowledge of government does not necessarily lead to political
participation.(32)
The second, and perhaps more fundamental,
criticism of the civics programs was that they, and the surveys
which provoked them, promoted a limited and circumscribed view of
citizenship. Students were presented with facts about Australia's
political history and political system, but were not encouraged to
think critically about their political inheritance and what
aspects, if any, they might think needed to be changed.(33) One
change that surveys suggest young people might support, for
example, is to the Constitution so that it includes a preamble
which recognises Indigenous Australians' prior ownership of the
land and the commitment of Australians to redressing the
disadvantage that flowed from Indigenous dispossession.(34)
The third issue the critics considered was the
way in which 'politics' was defined in surveys of political
knowledge and interest. 'Politics' tended to be understood in terms
of government, so that 'political activity' was activity relating
to what government does (or does not do).(35) Some surveys, which
are discussed more fully below, suggest that young people may be
interested in, and participate in, issues that are not
governmental, but are political in a wider sense. For example, they
may be less interested in the role that the Constitution sets out
for the Senate, and more interested in the social values and
agendas for change held by the individuals and parties who occupy
Senate seats. Surveys that aim to determine only levels of formal
governmental knowledge therefore fail to pick up a variety of forms
of knowledge amongst young people that is undeniably political.
For example, Rob Gilbert, an education
specialist, argued that the first Senate Committee's Report
presented a traditional and 'conservative' notion of citizenship.
The Committee defined a citizen 'as one whose activity is
circumscribed by the existing structures of government, who is in a
position to approach government, offer views, and press cases, but
not to demand rights, protest, litigate or campaign directly. Nor
does it countenance direct citizen action in environment,
industrial or social arenas'.(36)
Academic Hal Colebatch made a similar criticism
of the Civics Expert Group's Report. He argued that, for the Civics
Group, 'political knowledge' was defined in terms of an unstated
model of 'the Australian political system'. This system consisted
of 'identifiable institutions with clearly demarcated functions:
the parliament, the Cabinet, the states, etc.'(37) But, he argued,
the actual practice of politics can not be formulated so neatly.
Sometimes the institutions charged with a certain function have
little real involvement in its process, while institutions that do
not have a certain demarcated function are instrumental in carrying
it out. Colebatch provided the example of law making which,
according to the Civics Expert Group, is the function of
parliament. He points out that, in practice, 'the laws have already
been made before they reach parliament-drafted by
functionally-specialised interests, and approved by Cabinet.' He
continued:
In those cases where the government does not
command a parliamentary majority and parliament is able to change
the legislation introduced by government or even introduce and pass
legislation of its own, the 'insiders' of government-ministers,
bureaucrats, journalists-are united in condemning this situation as
'chaotic' and 'unworkable'. Parliament may make the laws, but it is
not supposed to choose which laws to make.(38)
Critics also pointed out that young people
appear to be following the previous generation in their attitudes
towards the agendas of the established parties in Australia. The
last two decades has seen a decline in support for the major
parties and an increase in minor party and independent
representation in Australian Parliaments. Recent research by Scott
Bennett shows that, in 1949, the three major parties won 96.1 per
cent of the House of Representatives votes but, in 1998, the figure
had fallen to 79.6 per cent.(39) Dean Jaensch also documents this
trend in his book, A Plague on Both Your Houses. Jaensch's
figures show that an increasing proportion of voters are swingers,
that is, they are prepared to change their vote from one election
to another. His figures also show that major party identification
has dropped significantly (by 50 per cent) since the 1970s, a trend
that increased during the 1990s. Jaensch calls these people, who
have little or no party identification, 'floaters'.(40)
Recent elections have also shown increased voter
support for minor parties and independents. In the Senate, for
example, the Australian Democrats increased their share of Senate
seats from two in 1977, to seven in 1987 and to nine seats in 1998.
Meanwhile, every election in the 1990s has seen at least one
Independent win a seat in the House of Representatives (and as many
as five seats in 1996), despite none being elected between 1969 and
1990.(41)
Qualitative and quantitative research reveals
that these trends are likely to continue, with many young people
declining to make a commitment to any one political party. For
example, Beresford and Phillips conducted a study of 18-24 year
olds in 1997 and found that 72 per cent do not have a long-term
commitment to the principles of any political party. They do,
however, feel strongly about certain issues, as the following
figures indicate:
-
- 87 per cent supported republicanism
-
- 83 per cent supported a racially non-discriminatory immigration
policy
-
- 79 per cent supported reconciliation with Aborigines
-
- 66 per cent supported a more egalitarian society.(42)
These attitudes may stem less from lack of
formal political knowledge and more from a feeling that political
parties and politicians are not addressing the issues that young
people believe are relevant and important to their futures. As the
next part of the paper illustrates, many young people are
knowledgeable about particular political issues and where the major
political parties stand on these issues.
Political Participation and Citizenship
Reconsidered
The Australian Democrats publish an annual
Youth Poll that contains the views of young people aged
15-20 on issues such as the republic, unemployment, tax, racism
and, more generally, their attitudes to parliamentary politics. The
following issues emerged from the 1998 survey:
-
- 65 per cent of young people believe Australia is a racist
country and 54 per cent want the Government to apologise to the
'stolen generation'
-
- They care deeply about the environment and 90 per cent believe
that governments do not do enough to protect it
-
- 67 per cent support a republic, with popular election of a
President (72 per cent). Only 1 per cent supported Prime
Ministerial appointment of a President
-
- 63 per cent of young people believe it should be illegal to
discriminate on the basis of sexual preference
-
- 85 per cent believe that education should be publicly
funded.
So, while young people appear to show little
interest in government, in the formal sense of institutions and
functions of specific areas of government, many young people are
interested and aware about broader political issues.
A survey of students' perceptions of what it is
to be a 'good citizen', conducted in 1994, asked 11-12 year old and
15-16 year old students to convey their views about characteristics
of a 'good citizen'.(43) The findings challenged the view that
governmental knowledge is at the core of citizenship. The following
characteristics of a 'good citizen' were ranked by the
students:
- Respects the rights of others
- Respects the property of others
- Treats people equally regardless of their gender, race, age or
disability
- Is honest
- Obeys the community's laws and rules
- Works hard
- Buys Australian-made goods where possible
- Keeps fit and healthy
- Knows all words of Australia's national anthem
- Is well-informed about Australia's history
- Is well-informed about Australia's Constitution
- Is well-informed about Australia's political system.
The results of this and similar surveys should
be read with some caution, however. The wording of survey questions
and the agendas of survey commissioners can influence the responses
given. Murray Goot, a commentator on the uses of public opinion
surveys, was critical about the methods of the survey commissioned
by the Civics Expert Group. He considered, for example, that many
questions in the survey relied on self-placement by respondents,
and that some respondents may be self-effacing, while others may be
boastful about their levels of knowledge of Australian political
affairs. Goot argued that this self-placement cannot be taken for
granted, and the validity of the results was therefore
questionable. Another limitation of the survey was the use of
open-ended questions to determine levels of knowledge about a
specific issue. Open-ended questions leave open the possibility
that those who did not give an incorrect answer might have done so
if they had been asked directly. It also means that those who gave
an 'incorrect' answer (such as Australia's becoming a republic does
not entail leaving the Commonwealth or changing the flag) were
ignorant or were simply reporting what they suspected would happen
in the future.(44)
Even taking into account limitations in their
accuracy, surveys that were conducted during a period of ten years,
and commissioned by different sources, produced similar results. It
is therefore possible to draw some general conclusions based on
these findings. For the purposes of this paper, the most
significant finding is that, while many young people feel alienated
from the political and decision-making processes in this country,
and appear to show little interest in learning about its
formalities, they seem to be an informed, articulate and concerned
generation with a clear agenda for change. A number of developments
in recent years even indicate that, when they believe that their
actions might make a real difference, many young people will
participate in the formal political processes that in the
traditional view are truly 'civic' arenas.
Formal Political Participation
The 1998 Commonwealth election saw six under-35
year olds enter parliament, three of them under 30. The new members
increased by almost 50 per cent the number of under-35s in
parliament. In 1998 Michael Smith, the youngest ever Australian
parliamentarian at 20 years and 5 months, was elected to the
Tasmanian Parliament.
Not only are young people entering parliament in
increasing numbers, once there many tend to be highly visible and
outspoken members of their parties. Jackie Kelly is the Minister
for Sport and Tourism and Senator Natasha Stott Despoja is the
Deputy Parliamentary Leader of the Australian Democrats. Stott
Despoja's areas of responsibility include Attorney-Generals and
Justice, Employment, Youth Affairs, Higher Education, Republic and
Trade. Senator Kate Lundy is the Shadow Minister for Sport and
Youth Affairs and Shadow Minister Assisting the Shadow Minister for
Industry and Technology on Information Technology, an important and
influential portfolio in the 1990s.
The 1998 Constitutional Convention is another
arena in which young people made their presence felt. Twenty-six
out of the one hundred and fifty-two delegates were aged
thirty-five or under, and fourteen of these were elected, as
distinct from appointed, delegates. At the Convention many of these
delegates spoke of young people's desire to express their views, to
have these views heard and acknowledged by those who make decisions
affecting their lives and, perhaps more importantly, to be able to
participate in the processes by which these decisions are enacted.
Elected delegate Misha Schubert encapsulated these feelings in her
speech to the Convention:
Young Australians have a special claim on this
[republic] debate. It is our future under discussion. In a sense we
have the greatest stake in the future ... Young Australians are a
political underclass. With too many too young to vote or too
cynical to bother, we need to ask: who will own our system of
government in the decades to come?(45)
A final example is provided by a 1994 youth
affairs conference, sponsored by the Australian Youth Policy and
Action Coalition (AYPAC). Around 300 young people and youth workers
from around the country attended. The conference voted, inter alia,
to pressure the Commonwealth Government to lower the voting age
from 18 to 16. One of the arguments for doing this drew on the
Senate Standing Committee's notion of 'active citizenship' and the
Committee's point that an active citizen is someone who believes in
the concept of a democratic society and who can translate
that belief into action. The Australian Youth Policy and Action
Coalition (AYPAC), argued that:
Currently young people under the age of 18 are
not able to translate their belief in the concept of democracy into
action as we exclude them from voting. People are prevented from
being active citizens until they are 18 despite demonstrating
strong opinions on the performance and general characteristics of
politicians from as young as 14.(46)
Other arguments put forward for lowering the
voting age included:
-
- If the democratic process showed faith and an interest in young
people by empowering them with a vote and voter education, young
people would have reason to show faith in Australia's system of
democracy
-
- Voting is a human right, not a privilege of the
well-informed
-
- Young people pay taxes but do not vote
-
- The views of people under 18 should be represented in
politics
-
- The UN Convention of the Rights of the Child gives anyone under
the age of 18 who is capable of forming his or her own views, the
right to express those views freely in all matters affecting him or
her, those views being given due weight in accordance with the age
and maturity of the person.(47)
Given that considerable resources are being
outlaid on citizenship education in schools, many youth advocacy
groups believe that it is again time to reconsider the issue of
lowering the voting age to sixteen.(48) If they are old enough to
be educated in the rights and responsibilities of citizenship, the
advocacy groups argue that young people are entitled to a stake in
society and the opportunity to influence its policies and
priorities.
A
Different Approach?
The evidence suggests that, to be effective,
civics education programs need to move beyond conventional attempts
to improve political knowledge and understanding. An example of
such an approach is the latest in the series of
government-initiated civics programs and comes under the auspices
of the Discovering Democracy project. Called 'The Good
Citizen', the Radio National series went to air in 1998 as part of
Open Learning Australia (the series has a related website). The
series explored what it means to be a citizen in Australia, looking
at Australia's political institutions as well as social, cultural
and economic issues that might help or hinder young Australians to
become 'good citizens'.(49)
The host of 'The Good Citizen', Michael Dwyer,
commented that previous government civics education programs had
been criticised on the grounds that young people should learn about
politics, democracy and citizenship through the pursuit of causes
or values in which they believe rather than through civics
education programs. Such programs, in this view, do not teach young
people about active citizenship and meaningful democratic
participation but instead teach them about how to be compliant
subjects. As Dwyer summarised the argument:
I guess there's a suspicion whenever there's a
government program in this area, that the government wants people
to learn to be good citizens, to work within the system, to be good
players, rather than maybe questioning the system.(50)
Dwyer pointed out that, in contrast to other
government programs, 'The Good Citizen' series had explored
questions such as the use of civics education programs if people do
not have the capacity to take part in the system. For example, one
program, 'The good citizen', discussed informal barriers to
participation in society such as poverty, a non-English-speaking
background and not being considered a citizen at all. Another
program, 'Dissent and the rule of law', canvassed ideas about
citizens' relation to the law, when it should be obeyed and when
dissent is justified.
'The Good Citizen' was, therefore, an example of
what surveys of students suggest would be an effective approach to
citizenship education. It covered all the aspects that previous
civics programs covered-the key features of Australian democracy,
voting systems, the Constitution, the doctrine of separation of
powers and the notion of representative democracy itself-and it
explored these in the context of questions that encouraged students
to think for themselves and to examine critically traditional
stories of Australian identity. For example, students were asked to
consider whether an Australian identity that is grounded in stories
from the outback, the sporting field and the battlefield,
marginalises women, migrants and indigenous people.
So, not only did the series aim to teach
students and other listeners the important features of Australia's
political system, it aimed to do so in the context of important
issues that many students would face in their lives: questions of
access, equity, representation, dissent and rule of law. In doing
so, the series raised questions about what citizenship means and
encouraged students to develop their own ideas about what it is to
be a good citizen. As Dwyer said in the first program,
So, what is a good citizen? After thousands of
years of political thought, there are many different ideas. It's
not a question we can answer in just one program, but by the end of
13, we hope you'll have some ideas of your own.(51)
The creators of 'The Good Citizen' recognised
that civics programs are likely to inspire further cynicism if they
aim only to provide students with Australian political facts and a
distant respect for Australia's political institutions. Civics
education programs therefore need to be designed with the
recognition that Australian youth places a low value on political
literacy, and share with many of their older counterparts a
cynicism towards the domain of politics and politicians. Developers
of civics education programs need to recognise that young people
subscribe to a range of values that are at the core of Australian
democracy. Successful programs will be those that appeal to these
values in ways that are immediately relevant to young people's
lives.
Civics education is therefore not a 'neutral'
exercise; if it is to involve more than just governmental facts, it
is inevitable that education for active citizenship will
raise value questions about a political system. But this need not
be a cause for concern. The International Commission on Education
for the Twenty-First Century, set up by UNESCO, held its 1994
conference around the theme of Education and Citizenship. The
Commission stated that:
'civics education' is necessarily a complex
process that combines acquisition of knowledge, the learning of
practical skills for participating in civic life and the acceptance
of values. Consequently it cannot be regarded as strictly neutral
from an ideological point of view; it inevitably makes demands on
the pupil's conscience.(52)
Conclusion
The recent launch by the Minister for the Arts
and the Centenary of Federation, Peter McGauran, of a two-year
campaign to increase awareness of the centenary of Federation is an
indication that the Discovering Democracy approach to
civics education is gaining ground on the traditional approach. The
campaign, called the History and Education Program, revolves around
the idea that there are many angles from which to document and to
celebrate Australia's history and achievements, depending on the
experiences of different sections of the community. The initiatives
therefore target these experiences, for example through funding for
the Royal Victorian Institute for the Blind to produce braille and
audio editions of books relating to Federation. There will also be
exhibitions and publications which address the history of
surf-lifesaving, the stories of Australian scientists, of women and
of young Australians who are children of migrants.
Other initiatives include national
advertisements in cinemas, on buses and in magazines which ask
questions such as 'What kind of country would put a woman in her
place?' (which refers to granting women the vote) and 'What kind of
country would forget its first Prime Minister?' These
advertisements are designed to attract the attention of those, such
as young people, who ordinarily might not look twice at a promotion
for exhibitions or publications on Federation.
Initiatives such as the History and Education
Program indicate the possibilities for innovation in civics
education, for the general public as well as for young people. More
can be done, however, to inform young people and encourage them to
participate in events such as the centenary of Federation. Part of
the responsibility for this lies with educators. It is through
schools and higher education that many young people gain access to
ideas to which they might not otherwise have been exposed. Other
arenas that have a specific youth focus include, such as the
Internet, youth radio (for example the national Triple J), youth
forums and peak advocacy bodies. (53)
Political parties and parliamentarians, too,
have a significant role in encouraging young people to participate
in civic affairs. Political parties can play a positive role (and
at the same time boost their memberships) by conducting recruitment
drives which focus on the aspects of party involvement that young
people might find attractive, such as the social dimension, the
opportunity to contribute to policy discussion and the excitement
of campaigning. Parliamentarians, meanwhile, could begin by
listening seriously to the concerns of young people as they are
expressed in forums such as the Youth Roundtable, and by supporting
those groups that give a voice to young people, such as the
Australian Youth Policy Action Coalition.
Some parliamentarians are already taking more
active steps to generate input, particularly from young people, to
the policy process. For example, Senator Kate Lundy's Internet site
is designed to foster communication between her and the visitors to
the site. Her home page states that 'I have designed my website to
assist me to communicate with you'. It includes a section called
'Over to you' which allows visitors to send their names, e-mail
addresses and comments to the Senator. Senator Lundy's concern to
hear from young people is partly due to her capacity as Shadow
Minister for Youth Affairs, and partly due to a belief that young
people need to be included in political decision-making because it
is their future that is being decided.
For example, in a speech to the National
Convention of Republicans in February 1999, Senator Lundy spoke
about the need to involve young people in debates about their
futures, such as the debate about the republic. That many young
people will be too young to vote in any referendum on the subject
is unfortunate, according to the Senator, but makes it all the more
important that their views are somehow canvassed in other arenas
and taken into account. Senator Lundy argues that the Internet is
ideal for such canvassing. She said at the Convention:
The Internet is the medium in which the language
of youth is spoken and there is already a mass of activity
utilising the exciting new information technology that the Internet
provides, including world wide web sites that inform, provoke and
inspire active participation in the republic campaign. It is here
that young people will extract what they need to inform themselves
on the issues. The opportunities for dialogue are vast.(54)
These comments suggest that listening to the
views and values of young people is not just a 'feel good'
exercise. The example of the republic campaign illustrates that
parties and politicians can use avenues such as the Internet to
mobilise young people to support and campaign for particular
issues. Initiating and supporting programs that give young people
good reasons to participate in civic affairs is therefore a worthy
and wise activity for all parliamentarians.
Endnotes
-
- Civics Expert Group, Whereas the People ... Civics and
Citizenship Education, 1994,
pp. 15-16.
- Ian McAllister, 'Civic education and political knowledge in
Australia'. Australian Journal of Political Science, vol.
33, no. 1, 1998, p. 9.
- In this paper, 'governmental' refers to the institutions and
functions involved in governing. 'Politics' and 'political' have a
wider meaning, referring to the informal, as well as the formal,
practices by which people participate in government.
- Hugh MacKay, Young Adults 1995 and Born After the
Boom, 1997. See also Susan Pascoe, 'Civics and citizenship
education: the Australian context', UNICORN, vol. 22, no.
1, 1996, pp. 23-4.
- Australian research in this area includes international
comparisons. These comparisons suggest that Australia is not alone,
either in terms of the limited knowledge of government held by many
in the population, or in terms of the concern expressed about this
lack of knowledge. For more detail see: McAllister, op. cit.; and
Phillip Hughes, 'International Best Practice in Civics Education',
in Civics Expert Group, Whereas the People ... Civics and
Citizenship Education, 1994, pp. 172-184.
- Newspoll, Australian Constitution Study, April 1987, cited in
Senate Standing Committee on Employment, Education and Training,
Education for Active Citizenship, 1989, p. 9.
- Education for Active Citizenship, op. cit., p. 12.
- Ariadne Vromen, 'Paul Keating is the Prime Minister, but who
delivers the mail?' Australian Journal of Political
Science, vol. 30, 1995, p. 79.
- Civics Expert group, op. cit., p. 47.
- Vromen, op. cit.
- Ibid., p. 80.
- Quentin Beresford and Harry Phillips, 'Spectators in Australian
politics?', Youth Studies Australia, December 1997, p. 15.
- Suzanne Mellor, 'What's the Point?' Political Attitudes of
Victorian Year 11 Students, 1998, pp. 52 and 58.
- Whereas the people ..., op. cit., p. 21.
- Education for Active Citizenship, op. cit., p. 15.
- Ibid., p. 17.
- Ibid., p. 34.
- Leftwich, quoted in Senate Standing Committee for Employment,
Education and Training, Active Citizenship Revisited,
1991, p. 6.
- Ibid.
- Ibid., p. 7.
- Whereas the people ..., op. cit., p. 9.
- The details are found in ibid., pp. 9-40.
- Whereas the People ..., op. cit., p. 3.
- Ibid., p. 5.
- Ibid., p. 7.
- Ibid., p. 45.
- Ibid., pp. 15-16.
- Ibid., pp. 110-13.
- The Hon. Dr David Kemp, Discovering Democracy,
Ministerial Statement, May 1997. Web site at: http://www.curriculum.edu.au/democracy/about/project/kemp.htm
- Ibid.
- DETYA, 'About the Discovering Democracy Programme'.
web site at:
http://www.deetya.gov.au/schools/tenders/rft%20341/programme.htm
- For an example of this kind of criticism see McAllister, op.
cit.; and the collection Citizenship Education for a New
Age, K. J. Kennedy, O. F. Watts and G. McDonald, eds, 1993.
- Harry Phillips and Wally Moroz are examples of writers in this
vein. See their 'Research findings on students' perceptions of
political awareness and the characteristics of a "good citizen"'.
Youth Studies Australia, vol. 15, no. 1, 1996, pp. 13-19.
- This and other survey results are discussed below.
- Hal Colebatch, 'Political knowledge and political education',
Australian Quarterly, 1995, vol. 67, no. 3, pp. 13-24.
- Rob Gilbert, 'Education for active citizenship and the problem
of identity'. In Citizenship Education for a New Age, K.
Kennedy, O. Watts and G. McDonald, eds, 1993, p. 90.
- Colebatch, ibid., p. 16.
- Ibid., p. 19.
- Scott Bennett, 'The Decline in Support for the major Parties
and the Prospect of Minority Government', Research
Paper No. 10, 1998-99, Information and Research Services,
Parliamentary Library, p. 1.
- Dean Jaensch and David Mathieson, A Plague on Both Your
Houses: Minor Parties in Australia, Allen and Unwin, Sydney,
1998, p. 233.
- Australian Electoral Commission, Electoral Newsfile,
nos. 77-8 1998.
- Quentin Beresford and Harry Phillips, 'Spectators in Australian
politics: young voters' interest in politics and political issues',
Youth Studies Australia, vol. 16, no. 4, 1997, p. 16.
- Phillips and Beresford, 'Research findings on students'
perceptions of political awareness and the characteristics of a
'good citizen''', Youth Studies Australia, vol. 15, no. 1,
1996, p. 15.
- Murray Goot, 'Civics, survey research and the republic',
Australian Quarterly, vol. 67, no.3, 1995, p. 30.
- Misha Schubert, Speech at the Constitutional Convention, 2
February 1998. In Report of the Constitutional Convention,
Transcript of Proceedings, vol. 2, 1998, p. 38.
- AYPAC, 'Sweet 16 and able to vote?', Up2Date, February
1995, p. 8.
- Ibid., pp. 8-9. See also National Children's and Youth Law
Centre, Should Children Have the Right to Vote?,
Discussion Paper no. 3, April 1996.
- There is evidence to suggest that young people support the
introduction of voluntary voting for those between the ages of 16
and 18. See, for example, National Children's and Youth Law Centre,
op. cit., and the Australian Democrats Youth Poll 1997 and
1998.
- 'The Good Citizen', Web site at: http://www.abc.net.au/ola/citizen/eps/ep13/txonly13.htm
- Michael Dwyer, ibid.
- Ibid.
- ICE, quoted in Hughes, op. cit., p. 182.
- The Australian Youth Policy and Action Coalition (AYPAC) is an
example of a non-government body which has been active on issues
such as youth suicide, lowering the voting age to 16 and education,
training and employment opportunities for young people. AYPAC,
which had received Commonwealth government funding, was defunded in
June 1998 and replaced by a national youth roundtable. The
Government also introduced other means by which young people can
present their views to government, such as through a site on the
Internet called 'Have your say'.
- Senator Kate Lundy, Speech to the national Convention of
Republicans, 7 February 1999. Website at: http://www.katelundy.dynamite.com.au/Soapbox.html
References
Australian Democrats, Youth Poll 97, Australian
Democrats, 1997.
Australian Democrats, Youth Poll 98, Australian
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Australian Electoral Commission, Electoral Newsfile,
no. 77, Australian Electoral Commission, Canberra, 1998.
Australian Electoral Commission, Electoral Newsfile,
no. 78, Australian Electoral Commission, Canberra, 1998.
Australian Youth Policy Action Coalition, 'Sweet 16 and able to
vote?', Up2date, February 1995, pp. 5-10.
Bennett, S., 'The Decline in Support for the Major Parties and
the Prospect of Minority Government', Research Paper
No. 10, 1998-99, Information and Research Services,
Parliamentary Library, Canberra.
Beresford, Q. and Phillips, H., 'Spectators in
Australian politics? Young voters' interest in politics and
political issues', Youth Studies Australia, vol. 16, no.
4, 1997, pp. 11 -16.
Colebatch, H., 'Political knowledge and political education',
Australian Quarterly, vol. 67, no. 3, 1995, pp. 13-24.
DETYA, 'About the Discovering Democracy programme',
November 1997. Web site at: http://www.deetya.gov.au/schools/tenders/rft%20341/programme.htm
(latest visit 12-2-99).
Gilbert, R., 'Education for active citizenship', in
Citizenship Education for a New Age, K. J. Kennedy, O. W.
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