Michael Ong
Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Group
29 June 1999
Contents
Major Issues
Introduction
Geography, Population and Recent
History
The 1987 Coup
The New Constitution
Background to the 1999 Election
Parties, Campaign and Issues
Results
Formation of the New Government
Conclusion
Endnotes
Glossary
ALTA: The Agricultural Landlord
and Tenant Act (1976) sets out the terms and conditions for the
lease of indigenous lands to leasers who are mostly Indo-Fijians.
The expiry of existing leases began in 1997 and this (in terms of
renewal or non-renewal of leases, period of new leases and quantum
of rent) has caused tensions between the indigenous Fijian owners
and the Indo-Fijians.
BLV: Bose Levu Vakaturaga. The
Great Council of Chiefs was established under British rule to
represent indigenous Fijians. It now has powers, in consultation
with the Prime Minister, to appoint the President of the
country.
COIN: Coalition of Independent
Nationalist. Formed by six independents and led by Prince
Vyas Muni Lakshman, who opposed political parties because they
divide and rule.
FAP: Fijian Association Party.
Indigenous Fijian party formed after split within SVT (see below)
in 1994 as a result of disagreements over the budget. It was led by
the late Josevata Kamikamica, who was deputy Prime Minister before
the split and since August 1998, led by Adi Kuini Speed, wife of
deposed Prime Minister Bavadra. The FAP joined the government in
March 1996. The party has strong support in the Lau groups of
islands. The FAP joined the opposition 'People's Coalition' to
contest the elections.
FLP: Fiji Labour Party.
Multiracial party formed by the late Dr Timoci Bavadra, a chief
from western Fiji, and its current leader, Mahendra Chaudhry, a
trade unionist, after they left the NFP in 1985. The party won
government, with the support of the NFP in April 1987, but was
overthrown by the military coup. Major support is from working
class Indo-Fijians and until 1987, indigenous Fijians from western
Fiji.
NFP: National Federation Party.
Initially launched as a multiracial party in 1963, but is dominated
and supported by Indo-Fijians and led by Jai Ram Reddy, a lawyer
and until the May 1999 elections, Leader of the Opposition. The NFP
joined the SVT and General Voters Party to jointly contest the
elections. Its original base of Indo-Fijian cane farmers, since
1985, has eroded.
NVTLP: Nationalist Vanua Tako
Lavo Party: This party is the result of a merger
between two extreme nationalist indigenous Fijian parties, the
Vanua Tako Lavo Party and the
Fijian Nationalist Party and is led by Sakeasi
Butadroka, who opposed the new constitution and campaigned for a
'Fiji for the Fijians'.
PANU: Party of National Unity.
A new indigenous Fijian party based in the Ba Province and led by
Ratu Sairusi Gagavoka, high chief of Ba.
SVT: Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni
Taukei. Formed in 1991, to represent indigenous Fijian
interests, by the Great Council of Chiefs in 1991 to contest the
1992 elections. Led by Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka, a commoner
and leader of the 1987 coup. The party split in 1994 and those who
left formed the Fijian Association Party.
UGP: United General Party. The
party represents the non-indigenous and non-Indo-Fijian
communities. It was a merger of the former General Electors Party
and General Voters Party and is led by David Pickering, who was
Minister of Tourism before the elections.
VLV: Veitokan ni Lewenivanua
Vakaristo. The Christian Democratic Alliance is a new
party formed in 1997 but registered only in 1999. Dominated by
indigenous Fijians and led by Rev Ratu Josaia Rayawa. Seen as the
main rival for SVT.
The Fiji Islands

Source: Australian Agency for International
Development (AusAID)
Major
Issues
In 1987 South Pacific politics was changed
forever when Colonel Sitiveni Rabuka carried out two coups in Fiji
to restore indigenous Fijian dominance of Fiji politics. Dr Timoci
Bavadra and his Fiji Labour Party and Indian dominated cabinet was
ousted from office and steps taken, including a new constitution in
1990, to ensure the subservience of the Indo-Fijian community to
the Fijian majority. Results included the flight of capital and
talent, exclusion from the Commonwealth and a drop in the tourist
trade, a key bastion of the Fijian economy.
In 1993 Sitiveni Rabuka initiated the mandated
constitutional review and between 8 and 15 May 1999, Fiji went to
the polls to elect a 71-member parliament under a new 1997
multiracial constitution, which guarantees multi-party government.
Unlike the past system of 'first past the post', the preferential
or 'alternate vote' system was employed.
Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka's ruling
coalition was joined by the leading opposition National Federation
Party to contest the elections. It was challenged by an opposition
People's Coalition led by Mr Mahendra Chaudhry from the Fiji Labour
Party which, while multiracial, is dominated by Indo-Fijians, and
two indigenous Fijian parties, the Fijian Association Party and the
Party of National Unity. Observers had expected Rabuka's coalition
to be returned.
The election results were a complete surprise
with the Fiji Labour Party winning 37 out of 71 seats and thus able
to form a new government on its own. Chaudhry, after initial
tensions with his coalition partners and the positive intervention
of the President, has since been appointed the new Prime Minister
with two indigenous Fijians as his deputies. His Cabinet is also
dominated by indigenous Fijians. Given that the election results
were seen as a replica of the 1987 elections, which resulted in a
military coup, security was tightened. There were some minor
politically inspired incidents and vocal opposition to the new
government after the elections. The opposition was led by those who
support a 'Fiji for Fijians' approach, the extreme nationalists;
they won only one seat. Their opposition is likely to continue.
Interestingly, while the ruling coalition
campaigned on its success in delivering a new multiracial
constitution and emphasised the future benefits of its
macroeconomic policies, the People's Coalition concentrated on the
'bread and butter' issues, the adverse impact of government
policies and record of stewardship on the electorate. The economy
thus appears to have been as much at the heart of this election as
the constitution.
The peaceful changeover of government augurs
well for Fiji. The new Prime Minister has assured the Great Council
of Chiefs that he and his government will protect the interests of
indigenous Fijians and has promised to be 'servants to all the
people'. He faces several challenges including the sensitive issue
of land leases between indigenous owners and Indo-Fijians leasers,
an economy affected by recent natural disasters and electoral
promises that may be difficult to keep.
Introduction
Fiji went to the polls between 8 and 15 May to
elect a new parliament. It was the first election to be held under
the new 1997 multiracial constitution (in force from July 1998)
which had been negotiated by the major parties. Contrary to
expectations, the elections resulted in a new government. This
paper provides the recent history and background to the elections
and the campaign and analyses the implications of the results for
Fiji.
Geography, Population and Recent
History
Fiji, a Pacific Island state of more than 320
islands, has a population of 802 000 (est. 1998) people
including those living on Rotuma, a small island, north of the
archipelago whose people are culturally different from indigenous
Fijians. Fiji's plural society is made up of 51 per cent indigenous
Fijians, who are Christians of various denominations (mainly
Methodists), 43 per cent Hindu and Muslim Indians (who are
descendants of labourers brought in during British colonial rule)
and the rest consisting of Europeans, Chinese, other islanders and
mixed races. With 14 provinces, regional loyalties and rivalries
remain strong among indigenous Fijians.
The territory was ceded to Britain in 1874.
Under colonial rule, the solution to the shortage of labour for the
sugar cane industries was to import indentured labourers from India
and thus a racially diverse society came into being. The
communities were segregated under colonial rule with the indigenous
Fijians engaged in subsistence agriculture and some production of
food for urban and plantation consumption. Indigenous Fijians were
generally restricted from commerce and entry into wage labour,
though after the 1930s many worked in the gold mines and the
stevedoring industries. Economic development also drew indigenous
Fijians to the urban areas. Indo-Fijians were restricted to work in
the sugar cane plantations and forbidden to live in Fijian
villages. Many remained after their contracts ended and, leasing
land from indigenous Fijians, became cane farmers. Some became
petty traders and eventually joined the various professions.
Independence was granted in 1970 and influenced
by the Malaysian example, Fiji was ruled for many years by the
moderate and elitist Alliance Party. This was a coalition of three
parties representing the main communities and led by Ratu Sir
Kamisese Mara, a traditional Fijian Ratu (Chief) and Prime
Minister. The Government also had the strong backing of traditional
chiefs cultivated by the British.
From the 1980s, the dominance of the Alliance
was increasingly challenged from two fronts. On one side, the
Alliance Government faced opposition from extremist nationalist
indigenous Fijians ('Fiji for the Fijians') led by Sakiasi
Butadroka, an expelled member of SVT, who formed the Fijian
Nationalist Party (FNP), and on the other by those who sought to
build a popularly based multiracial society. As a result of
regional rivalries among the Ratus, their influence,
coupled with the development of an increasing urbanised indigenous
Fijian community, declined.(1)
The 1987 Coup
In the April 1987 elections, Fiji voted for a
new government led by Dr Timoci Bavadra (a traditional leader from
western Fiji, where the country's gold mining industry is based) of
the multiracial Fijian Labour Party (FLP). Though an indigenous
Fijian, Bavadra's coalition with the National Federation Party
(NFP), which is supported by Indo-Fijians, was seen by indigenous
Fijians to be dominated by Indo-Fijians. There were fears, raised
by extremist Fijian nationalists, for the future of the indigenous
Fijians. They formed the Taukei Movement to oppose the new
government. Bavadra's month-old government was overthrown by a
military coup led by (then) Lt-Col Sitiveni Rabuka on 14
May.(2) As the result of the failure to obtain agreement
for the 'minimum demands' to ensure Fijian paramountcy, Rabuka
conducted another coup in September 1987 and proclaimed Fiji a
republic on 7 October 1987.(3) Fiji also ceased to be a
member of the Commonwealth.
A new constitution to ensure the dominance, if
not entrenchment, of the position of indigenous Fijians in the
polity was promulgated in 1990. This was patterned on the
successful pro-Malay bumiputra (princes of the soil)
policies in Malaysia. Apart from strengthening the role of
indigenous Fijians, it also included, for the first time,
constitutional recognition of the Bose Levu Vakaturaga
(BLV), the Great Council of Chiefs (established under colonial
rule). The Council was empowered to appoint the President, who is
also the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, for a five-year
term. Fiji's first Prime Minister (and current President) Ratu Sir
Kamisese Mara defended the constitution as 'merely an extension of
a format, which has already been endorsed, and, an enlargement of
an idea, which has become an established part of power sharing
arrangement'.(4) However, the Constitution was assumed
to be 'a temporary solution to a troubled situation',(5)
and included a provision for a review to be held within seven years
(by July 1997).
With impending elections, the BLV sponsored a
new party, Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni Taukei
(SVT), to unite indigenous Fijians in 1991. Surprisingly
and contrary to expectations, Prime Minister Rabuka, a commoner,
was elected leader. The opposition parties, though opposed to the
new constitution on racial and democratic grounds, agreed
reluctantly to contest elections under it. Two elections, in 1992
and 1994, were held. In 1992, the SVT ruled with the support of
other Fijian members and the General Voters Party (GVP), which is
supported by non-indigenous Fijians and Fijian Indians. It had also
the conditional support of the Fijian Labour Party (FLP) in
parliamentary votes of confidence and after an undertaking by
Rabuka to initiate the proposed review of the 1990 Constitution and
tax, labour and land reform issues. When these conditions were not
fulfilled, the FLP's support was withdrawn in June 1993. A split
within the SVT over the 1993 November Budget led to the collapse of
the government and to the February 1994 elections. The SVT rebels,
led by former Deputy Prime Minister Josevata Kamikamica, formed the
Fijian Association Party (FAP) but were unable to dent SVT support.
The government was returned with increased support from indigenous
Fijians in the elections.
The mandated constitutional review was initiated
in 1993 by the Rabuka government after a period of ambiguous policy
regarding the future of the country. In March 1995, after a series
of protracted discussions, a Constitutional Commission was
appointed. It was headed by Sir Paul Reeves, a former Archbishop
and Governor-General of New Zealand with a Maori background and two
others, Mr Tomasi Vakatora, a former Speaker, Senator, Cabinet
Minister and businessman, and Dr Brij Lal, a Fijian-Indian
historian from the Australian National University. The Commission's
Report, Towards a United Future, was submitted to the
government in September 1996 and presented to Parliament for
consideration by a Joint Parliamentary Select Committee. In July
1997, both Houses of Parliament unanimously passed the Constitution
(Amendment) Bill.(6) The new multiracial constitution
was rejected by extremist elements, which claimed that it had sold
out indigenous rights. The new constitution came into force in July
1998 and Fiji was readmitted to the Commonwealth.
The New Constitution
The new Constitution of the 'Republic of Fiji
Islands' has an overarching vision for the country 'to convert a
political culture of confrontation into a culture of
cooperation'.(7) Though based on past constitutions, it
includes chapters on a 'Compact', which lists twelve
non-justiciable (i.e. not subject to judicial review) principles
for the conduct of the government, a Bill of Rights and Social
Justice. Overall it provides for a more representative, democratic
and non-racial system than its immediate predecessor.
The offices of the President, Prime Minister and
cabinet are no longer to be restricted to indigenous Fijians. The
role of the Great Council of Chiefs now includes providing advice
to the government on any matter relating to Fijian affairs, the
right to approve Bills which affect Fijian interests and on matters
affecting the nation as a whole. (These tasks were previously the
special responsibility of the Senate.) The Council's power, under
the 1990 Constitution to appoint the President remains, though
under the new constitution the Senate needs to consult the Prime
Minister (who is ex-officio, a member of the BLV).
Parliament consists of the President, Senate and
the House of Representatives. The Senate has 32 members, 14
appointed by the President on the advice of the BLV, nine appointed
by the Prime Minister, eight appointed on the advice of the Leader
of the Opposition and one appointed on the advice of the Council of
Rotuma. The House of Representatives has 71 members, 23 elected by
indigenous Fijians, 19 by Indo-Fijians, one by Rotumans and three
by others. 25 'Open' seats are to be elected by voters from all
communities. Voting is compulsory and unlike the previous 'first
past the post' system, the preferential system, known as the
'alternate vote', has been adopted.
Parliament, with a non-elected
Speaker,(8) is strengthened with the establishment of
five sectoral standing committees with research and advisory
capacity. In support of this, the Australian Parliament conducted a
workshop on the Committee System in May 1998. The United Nations
Development Programme, with AusAID and the New Zealand Overseas
Development Aid support, has also funded a two-year project to
increase the capacity of the Parliamentary Library to provide
accurate, timely, relevant and impartial information and advice to
all parliamentarians in the performance of their duties.
In order to ensure a multi-party government to
represent the major ethnic communities, parties winning at least 10
per cent of seats, 'must', under s. 99 of the Constitution, be
invited by the Prime Minister to form a ruling coalition though
parties can refuse the offer. In January 1999 after a workshop,
conducted by the Inter-Parliamentary Union on 'Multi-Party
Government' all parties signed a declaration for the establishment
of a multi-party government after the elections. 'Crossing the
floor' is also discouraged under s.71 (1)g, which states that a
seat becomes vacant when a member resigns from his/her party.
Background to the 1999
Election
Since the coup of 1987, there had been a
plummeting confidence in public institutions with increasing
allegations of mismanagement, corruption and
nepotism.(9) This has been compounded by the emigration
of skilled and key workers, mostly Indo-Fijians. In the period
1987-94 emigration rose by 69 per cent (65 864 citizens) compared
to the previous seven years. While this emigration has allayed the
fears of indigenous Fijians, in terms of a decreasing Indo-Fijian
population, a survey in 1996 indicated that 86 per cent of
managers, 60 per cent of all accountants and 67 per cent of all
statisticians, mathematicians and analysts left the country between
1987 and 1995.(10) This loss from the workforce
continues to affect the economy. To overcome some of the economic
problems, the Fiji dollar was devalued by 20 per cent in January
1998.
The major industries, sugar, tourism and gold,
have also been affected. According to the 1999 budget, the
production of sugar, the country's major crop, was the lowest in 30
years and receipts for 1998 worth F$220 million compared to F$350
million in a normal year. The industry had been devastated by a
severe drought in 1998 and since the budget statement in November
1998, January Cyclone Dani resulted in widespread floods which
destroyed much of the 1999 sugar crop. In this situation, tourism,
which has recently boomed, is seen to be the key to Fiji's growth.
In 1998 the industry contributed F$440 million to the economy and
is expected to increase to F$586 million in 1999. Unemployment,
though difficult to measure because of the subsistence economy, is
believed to be high. In 1998 the government signed an agreement
with the International Labour Organisation to lift job creation
from 2000 to 9000 jobs a year to help absorb more of the
16 000 school leavers.
The complex issue of land leases, crucial for
the sugar industry, in the rural (and in some urban areas), has
continued to bedevil the government.(11) Eighty three
per cent of all land in Fiji is communally owned and under
customary tenure. Under the Agricultural Landlord and Tenant
Act 1976 (ALTA), the Native Land Trust Board administers
14 112 leases. The Act stipulates a maximum term of 30 years
with rent reassessed every five years, but made no provision for
renewal. The expiry of these leases began in 1997 and the desire by
some owners to use the land for themselves is complicated by other
issues involving the quantum of rent, arrears and the period of
renewal. This has caused tremendous anxiety on the part of both
owners and leasers and though not completely racial, is often used
by some politicians to advance their own causes. The government has
established a task force as well as a parliamentary committee to
make recommendations on the issue. The government, through the Land
Development and Resettlement Unit, has also bought land to resettle
displaced farmers whose leases are not renewed under ALTA.
The 1999 Budget provides for an expenditure of
F$1074 million with revenue at F$996 million, a deficit
of four per cent. The economy is expected to grow by five per cent
after contracting by four per cent in 1998. As noted above, natural
disasters early this year may reduce the expected growth. The
government's debt of F$1.4 billion is equivalent to
45.5 per cent of Gross Domestic Product and debt servicing
will increased to F$241 million in 1999 compared to
F$196 million in 1998. This accounts for a massive 26 per cent
of total operating expenditure. The government has repaid about
F$44 million of the debt since December 1997. According to the
budget, foreign reserves stand at F$710 million, covering
about 5.5 months imports.
As a result of a World Bank report, the
government has embarked on a policy of privatisation which,
according to then Finance Minister Jim Ah Koy, has resulted in
savings of F$16 million a year in repayments.(12)
Fifty-one per cent of the National Bank was sold to Colonial
Insurance and Amalgamated Telecoms Holdings, to the Fiji National
Provident Fund. The government's decision to reform the public
service and its financial management was also unpopular since both
policies were seen as likely to result in inevitable
redundancies.
The country was affected by a severe drought,
which was made worse by the breakdown of the water supply in 1998.
In January 1999, with no warning, floods devastated the Western
Division, which was declared a disaster area and resulted in about
40 000 residents being dependent on relief. The government's
slow response, in providing F$8m, two days after the Fiji Red Cross
provided emergency aid, was severely criticised.
In February 1999 the decision by the government
to buy 44 per cent of The Daily Post for F$525 000,
from the state-owned Fiji Development Bank also attracted
widespread criticism from media and political circles who saw it as
a threat to media freedom and independence. The newspaper, one of
two in Fiji, has a circulation of 17 000 and had never made a
profit. The Finance Minister said it was 'purely a commercial
decision' with the objective of developing the paper and then
selling it to the public through the stock exchange. The
government, according to him, had no intention of influencing
editorial policy. There was a rival bid by an Indo-Fijian business
group, close to the NFP. The Fiji Media Council said it was 'a
serious threat to media independence'. The fact that the decision
was made on the eve of the elections was not lost on the
opposition. Jai Ram Reddy, Leader of the Opposition, said the
government was hypocritical in selling state assets while Chaudhry
of the FLP feared that the paper would become the 'mouthpiece' of
government.(13)
Parties, Campaign and
Issues
Twenty parties along with a number of
independents contested the 1999 elections. The major and new
parties were:
-
- Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni Taukei (SVT): Indigenous
Fijian. The party was sponsored by the Great Council of Chiefs to
contest the 1992 elections and led by Prime Minister Sitiveni
Rabuka. The party branches did not endorse ten sitting members,
including three ministers. The Foreign Minister Berenado Vunibobo
was rejected by his Rewa branch but with Rabuka's help, was
nominated to contest the Cunningham Open seat which he lost to
Joeli Kalou, a defector and former SVT Minister, who had joined the
FLP.
-
- Fijian Association Party (FAP): Indigenous Fijian. Split from
SVT in 1994 over the budget but rejoined the government in March
1996. Now led by Adi Kuini Speed, wife of deposed Prime Minister
Bavadra, who took over from the late Josevata Kamikamica (former
Deputy Prime Minister) in August 1998. The party has strong support
in the Lau groups of Islands. Among its candidates was Adi Sai
Tuivanuavou, sister of President Mara, who lost to her cousin,
SVT's Ratu Naiqama Tawake Lalabalavu, in the Lau/Taveuni/Rotuma
Open seat.
-
- National Federation Party (NFP): Though launched in 1963 as a
multiracial party, it is dominated and supported by Indo-Fijians
and led by Jai Ram Reddy, a lawyer and Leader of the Opposition.
Its original base of Indo-Fijian cane farmers has eroded since a
party split in 1985.
-
- Fiji Labour Party (FLP): Multiracial. Formed in 1985 by the
late Dr Timoci Bavadra and its current leader, Mahendra Chaudhry
(who was the General-Secretary of the Fiji Public Service
Association and National Farmers Union) after the NFP supported the
government's decision to freeze wages. The party won government,
with the support of the NFP, in April 1987 but was overthrown by
the military coup. Major support is working class Indo-Fijians and,
until 1987, indigenous Fijians particularly from western Fiji.
-
- Party of National Unity (PANU): Indigenous Fijian. A new party
based in Ba Province. Led by Ratu Sairusi Gagavoka, high chief of
Ba. Two-thirds of all ALTA administered lands are in Ba
province.
-
- Veitokani ni Lewenivanua Vakaristo (VLV) Christian
Democratic Alliance. A new party formed in 1997 and announced from
the pulpit during Sunday service was registered in February 1999.
It is led by the Reverend Ratu Josaia Rayawa. After the coup in
1987, fundamentalists, led by Reverend Manasa Lasaro, former
secretary-general of the Methodist Church, had sought to ban all
activities on Sunday.(14) Reverend Lasaro lost in
Tamavua/Laucala Fijian urban communal constituency to FAP. The
Party is supported mainly by indigenous Fijians though two of its
46 candidates were Indo-Fijians. The party advocates strengthening
the anti-corruption laws, establishment of poverty eradication
programs and sees the family as the basic foundation of society.
Prominent Fijians including the Vice-Chairman of Fiji Sugar
Corporation were sacked after they declared their support. Notable
candidates include Brigadier Ratu Epeli Ganilau, son of the first
President, who resigned as the army commander and had expressed
interest in becoming the Prime Minister in a television interview
(but lost), and Poseci Bune, former Ambassador to the United
Nations, who also resigned to contest the elections. Bune defeated
the Assistant Minister of Information Ratu Josefa Dimuri in the
Macuata Fijian Provincial communal seat. Adi Koila Nailatikau,
daughter of the President, who had initially decided to stand as an
independent, won the Lau Fijian Provincial Communal seat (which was
held by her brother, Ratu Finau Mara, the minister for Fijian
Affairs). The party is now the major rival of the SVT.
-
- United General Party (UGP): Non-indigenous and non-Indo-Fijian
support. The party is a merger of the General Electors Party and
the General Voters Party and led by David Pickering, Minister of
Tourism. The party split over allocation of seats before the
elections.
-
- Nationalist Vanua Tako Lavo Party (NVTLA): A Racially
extremist indigenous Fijian party campaigning on the slogan 'Fiji
for the Fijians' and had called for the repatriation of
Indo-Fijians to India. A coalition of Iliesa Duvuloco's Vanu
Tako Lavo Party and Sakeasi Butadroka's Fijian Nationalist
Party. Both leaders burnt the new constitution when it was passed
by Parliament in 1997 and were involved in land disputes with the
government. Supporters are found in the Monasavu area and generally
rural areas.
-
- COIN: Coalition of six independent Nationals, led by Prince
Vyas Muni Lakshman which opposes political parties because they
divide and rule. All were defeated.
The major contenders were the two main
coalitions formed to contest the elections. The ruling coalition of
SVT-UGP was joined by NFP, whose leader Reddy, had worked closely
with Rabuka on the new constitution. The FAP though invited,
declined to join them. The government led coalition was challenged
by the opposition 'People's Coalition', which included the FLP, FAP
and PANU. There were initial problems and conflict over individual
party candidates and where they were to contest. Within the
government coalition, the UGP split, as the result of the
non-selection of two sitting members, Leo Smith and Bill Aull.
These two contested, successfully, as independents. In Ba province,
the base of PANU, no agreement was reached by the People's
Coalition, resulting in competition between member parties. PANU
claimed that FLP negated an agreement to split seats
evenly.(15)
The major issue for the SVT-led coalition was
the successful negotiation of the new multiracial constitution and
its Strategic Plan, which concentrated on the agricultural sector,
for the next three years. However the SVT was attacked by other and
extremist indigenous Fijian parties. Rabuka saw his party's biggest
threat in the communal seats to come from the VLV and in the open
seats, he saw the FAP, with Labour and PANU support, being the main
challenge.(16)
During the campaign, Rabuka apologised for the
1987 coup and stated that though he took full responsibility for
it, he named others who had incited him. He also expressed
confidence in winning a majority of seats. On claims that he was
involved in an alleged sexual 'Kama Sutra' incident at the Fiji
golf club at Vatuwaqa, he denied involvement and claimed that the
allegations were baseless and defamatory.(17) Rabuka, in
response to accusations by the extremists (below), said that 'I am
a nationalist not racist' and that the uniting of the two main
communal parties was a new dawn for politics in
Fiji.(18)
The VLV campaigned under the slogan of 'It is
time to change'. Poseci Bune called on the people to vote for a
change from the governance of 'abuse of office, nepotism, and
incompetence'. He also claimed that the proposed Finance Management
Reform would the cause loss of 2000 public service
jobs.(19)
The extremist nationalist, Sakeasi Butadroka,
who lost his seat in the elections, claimed that nationalists had
put Rabuka in power and he (Rabuka) had turned against them.
Butadroka saw the 1997 constitution a sell-out of indigenous Fijian
rights and which had made their chiefs 'toothless tigers'. For him,
the appropriate policy was 'Fiji for the indigenous Fijians and
that at all times their rights should be preserved'. He also wanted
to change the constitution and replace it with one that
consolidated Fijian rights. The President, according to him, should
be an indigenous Fijian and there was no role for the Prime
Minister in the President's selection by the BLV, which was the
prerogative of chiefs. For him, issues involving customary land
should be controlled by the Native Land Trust Board and not by a
Joint Parliamentary Select Committee, formed to made decisions on
Fijian lands.(20)
The FLP during its campaign promised that if
elected, it would re-examine the government's policy of
privatisation. The party also promised to protect minimum-wage
laws; ensure social justice; look after the special needs of
farmers and of women workers; and require employers to provide
child care facilities. The government's public sector reform was
also attacked by Chaudhry who claimed that the reforms 'foisted
upon us by the World Bank are leading to mass
redundancies'.(21) The party also claimed that the SVT
has left 'Fiji in a mess'.(22) The Coalition saw job
creation as a priority and also promised to weed out corruption and
install a code of conduct for those in high office.(23)
The People's Coalition also promised to abolish the 10 per cent
Value Added Tax (valued at F$220 million in 1998 and constituting a
third of government revenue). Finance Minister Ah Koy said that
this would lead to massive job loss and higher direct income
tax.(24)
The NFP campaign theme was 'Co-operation for a
better Future'. The party's manifesto declared that the only way to
solve Fiji's economic and social problems and to ensure economic
growth is through cooperation between ethnic groups and their
parties. These include resolving the ALTA land leases (see page 5)
and revitalising the sugar industry. It also supported broad
ownership and the development of small enterprises and a fair and
caring distribution of the benefits of economic growth. Its major
task was to explain the benefits of the new constitution, for which
it claims credit, and during the campaign, praised Rabuka for his
role in achieving it. Towards the end of the campaign, the NFP was
put on the defensive for its decision to join the SVT
coalition.
In summary, while the ruling coalition
campaigned on its success in delivering a new multiracial
constitution and emphasised the future benefits of its
macroeconomic policies, the People's Coalition concentrated on the
'bread and butter' issues, the adverse impact of government's
policies and record of stewardship on the electorate.
Results
Fiji 1999 Elections Results (winning
parties only)
|
Fijian
|
Indian
|
Open
|
General
|
Rotuma
|
% of 1st
Vote(25)
|
Total
|
1994*
|
SVT
|
5
|
|
3
|
|
|
21.16
|
8
|
31
|
NFP
|
|
|
|
|
|
14.21
|
|
20
|
FLP
|
|
19
|
18
|
|
|
32.30
|
37
|
7
|
FAP
|
9
|
|
2
|
|
|
10.40
|
11
|
5
|
INDP
|
1
|
|
1
|
2
|
1
|
2.35
|
5
|
2
|
NVTLP
|
1
|
|
0
|
|
|
5.53
|
1
|
|
PANU
|
4
|
|
|
|
|
4.10
|
4
|
|
UGP
|
|
|
1
|
1
|
|
1.43
|
2
|
4
|
VLV
|
3
|
|
|
|
|
10.41
|
3
|
|
No of Seats
|
23
|
19
|
25
|
3
|
1
|
|
71
|
70
|
*Not listed is the one seat won by the
All-National Congress in 1994. Two of the UGP's four seats listed
in 1994 were won by defectors who stood, and won, as independents
in 1999.
Observers of the election had generally expected
the SVT coalition to be re-elected with Rabuka's coalition to
'emerge as the largest bloc'.(26) It was thus a shock
that the FLP won an absolute majority with 37 seats, 23 of these
won outright, and was able, as a multiracial party, to form a new
government in its own right. It also won the largest proportion,
32.2 per cent, of the first preferential vote compared to
21.16 per cent and 14.21 per cent by SVT and FNP respectively. The
new parliament will also have, with seven, the highest number of
women members and five Independents, two of whom were former
members of the UGP. A Fijian independent member, Simione Kaitani,
has since joined the VLV.(27)
The NFP was completely annihilated, losing all
of its 20 seats to the FLP. The contest for the Indo-Fijian
communal seats, was overwhelmingly a two-way contest between the
NFP and the FLP. The FLP won with a consistent margin of between
two to three votes for each vote won by the NFP. In the open seats
the result achieved by the NFP was equally convincing, whether its
opponent was from the NFP or SVT. The major reason for its defeat,
according to NFP candidate, Dr Wadan Nasey, was the decision to
join the SVT coalition and, despite significant differences in
policy between the two, being lumped with the unpopular policies of
the government.(28) After the elections Reddy said that
it was not the end of the NFP which 'did what we felt was right for
Fiji'. He accepted personal responsibility for the humiliating
defeat and regretted that the people rejected the NFP-SVT-UGP
concept of multiracialism.(29)
The fact remains that while the NFP could
legitimately claim credit, and there can be no denial that the new
constitution had achieved historical and momentous changes in terms
of the 'big picture', voters appeared more concerned with the
problems and issues that plagued their daily lives. Moreover with
communal seats still playing a key role, it was inevitable that
past pains could not be forgotten from the Indo-Fijian voters'
perspective, nor could the NFP be excused for cooperating with
Rabuka.
Chaudhry claimed that the FLP's victory was the
result of the people's 'frustration' at problems of unemployment,
poverty, crime, failure of government services and income disparity
between the rich and the poor.(30) An editorial in
The Fiji Times observed that the NFP won because of its
multicultural image and 'its image as a caring, humane party that
stays close to the grassroots people'.(31)
The SVT, as the result of competition from rival
indigenous Fijian parties also lost ground with five Ministers
losing their seats. It won eight compared to 31 seats in 1994. In
contrast to the Indo-Fijian seats, the contest for votes in the
Fijian communal seats was more even. The other indigenous Fijian
parties, FAP, PANU, VLV and the extremist NVTLP(32) won
at the expense of SVT, 11, four, three and one seats respectively.
In a number of cases (and in one where an independent won) the new
'alternate vote' system contributed to the loss of SVT seats. There
have been calls to return to the old system. SVT sources also
attributed the result to the 'disunity among chiefs who set up and
supported new parties'.(33) Rabuka resigned as party
leader and was replaced by Ratu Inole Kubuabola.
Many Fijians saw the election results as a
repeat of 1987. This was the view of Apisai Tora, secretary-general
of PANU and Bau Chief Adi Litia Cakobau of SVT, who also observed
that the Fijian votes were split and many of the chiefs lost their
seats because the people wanted a change.(34) The
Nationalists, in a meeting after the elections, made a 'blood
pledge' to overthrow the government and constitution and to
introduce a Fijianisation policy. They also planned a protest march
through Suva to the meeting of the BLV.(35) Another
reaction was a proposal to form a new party, Taukei United
Front by defeated candidates of SVT and other indigenous parties.
One reason given for this was that the proposers did not want the
BLV to be used to unite indigenous Fijians.(36)
Formation of the New
Government
The FLP's decision to support Chaudhry for the
Prime Ministership led to initial tensions, with FAP and PANU
temporarily leaving the People's Coalition. PANU's secretary also
claimed that the country was 'not ready' for an Indo-Fijian Prime
Minister, and that there was a prior agreement (with FAP) that the
Prime Minister should be an indigenous Fijian.(37)
The role and influence of President Mara in
persuading the FAP and PANU to return and support Chaudhry was
crucial. Also of significance was that Rabuka, who had won his seat
against a Chief, 'fully accepted and supported Mahendra Chaudhry as
the new PM'.(38) Former Opposition leader Reddy also
supported Chaudhry's claim for office, saying that the people had
overwhelmingly voted for him.(39)
In allaying indigenous fears, Chaudhry sought to
form a wider coalition and invited the VLV to join it, much to the
dismay of his coalition partners, who were not consulted. In a
ministry of 22 there were 17 indigenous Fijians, including the two
Deputy Prime Ministers, Dr Tupeni Baba from his own party and Adi
Kuini Speed (who was also appointed Minister for Fijian Affairs),
leader of FAP. There were initial reports that Chaudhry would
appoint, via the Senate, former army commander Ratu Epeli Ganilau,
defeated VLV candidate, as Minister of Home Affairs.(40)
This did not eventuate.
Chaudhry also invited the SVT to join the
government, but rejected SVT's 'unlawful conditions' for joining
his cabinet. These include demands for the position of Deputy Prime
Minister for Rabuka, three cabinet posts and that the Prime
Minister's nominees for the Senate should include three SVT
members. Further the SVT demanded that SVT appointees to embassies
and high commissions abroad and government bodies were to be
allowed to serve out their term of office.(41)
Rabuka, aware of the reactions of the indigenous
Fijians, in his farewell speech as Prime Minister appealed to the
Indo-Fijian community who had 'bloc voted', 'to show greater
responsibility to our wider common interests as a nation'.
According to him, indigenous Fijians had 'given and sacrificed so
much in agreeing to the review of the 1990 constitution' and 'let
us now without rancour, bitterness or any thought of division
congratulate our fellow citizens who have won the day'. He also
warned that:
If the new Government were to use its majority
to bulldoze through measures which we see as being detrimental to
the best interest of the indigenous Fijians, we would oppose these
vigorously both in the House of Representatives and in the Senate
and we will not hesitate to call on the support of the Great
Council of Chiefs' appointees in the Upper
House.(42)
The new Prime Minister thanked Rabuka and
pledged 'to uphold the constitution and to work with others in
building on the foundation for national unity, stability and
progress which you and the government that you very ably led during
the past seven years has bequeathed to us'.(43)
In his address to the Great Council of Chiefs,
BLV, after presenting his government, Chaudhry promised that he
would ensure the protection of indigenous interests and reassured
indigenous Fijians that they have nothing to fear from his
government. He also sought the support and backing of the BLV.
Since the elections, the BLV, to the surprise of
many and the opposition of extremists, has appointed Rabuka as its
first independent Chairman and as a consequence, Rabuka has
resigned his parliamentary seat. The new Deputy Prime Minister and
Minister of Fijian Affairs, Adi Kuini Speed, has also given notice
to the BLV to decide, at its next meeting, whether it wants to
remain politically aligned to the SVT.(44)
Given the similarity to the 1987 election
results, and after Chaudhry was sworn in as Prime Minister,
security in the country was tightened. There were reports of minor
politically inspired incidents.(45) Metuisela Mua,
Director of Fiji Intelligence Services in appealing to the people
to remain calm also said enigmatically, 'Let's give the new
government a go. If they falter then it's a different
matter'.(46) This implies that there are still some
reservations in the support of the new government.
As part of his promise to have an open and
accountable government, the new Prime Minister instructed the
Attorney-General to draft priority bills which will include a Code
of Conduct, a special Anti-Corruption Unit and Freedom of
Information.(47)
Conclusion
The peaceful change of government in Fiji,
despite the unexpected result, has been widely welcomed.
Internally, some extremists will continue to oppose the government
but on the whole, it would appear that many indigenous Fijians have
accepted the result and are willing to give the new government a
chance to prove itself.
The new government faces several major
challenges the most difficult and potentially explosive of which,
because of its underlying communal overtones, is over ALTA. It has
to ensure that whatever decisions are made would have the widest
support among the Ratus, indigenous Fijians as well as taking
account of the interests of the Indo-Fijians cane farmers.
Economically, its promises, such as abolishing
the Value Added Tax, though popular, may be harder to keep if it
wants to ensure efficiency, job creation and sustainable growth.
However, once settled, it may be able to attract new investments as
well as the return of some of the indo-Fijian capital, which left
the country after the coup, and also attract key workers back to
help accelerate economic growth. In these tasks, it faces a steep
learning curve.
Fiji's new constitution has successfully faced
its first test. The Prime Minister though elected legally and
constitutionally, needs to demonstrate, particularly to the
indigenous Fijians, that he and his government, as he promised the
BLV, are indeed 'servants to all the people' of Fiji. He has
already demonstrated superb political skills and sensitivities to
key issues during and after the elections. This will need to be
sustained.
Endnotes
-
- See Nicholas Thomas, 'Regional Politics, Ethnicity, and Custom
in Fiji', Contemporary Pacific, vol. 2, no. 1, Spring
1990, pp. 131-46.
- For details see Eddie Dean and Stan Ritova, Rabuka No Other
Way, Doubleday, Sydney. 1988. 90 per cent of the Fijian armed
forces is made up of indigenous Fijians.
- See Roger Barltrop, 'Fiji, Crown and Commonwealth', The
Round Table, no. 337, 1996, pp. 83-9.
- Rt. Hon. Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, 'Fiji's Constitution: Product
of a complex history', The Parliamentarian, vol LXXII,
no.4, October 1991, p. 276.
- Brij Lal, Another Way: the politics of constitutional
reform in post-coup Fiji, NCDS Asia Pacific Press, ANU,
Canberra., 1998, p. 57.
- For an overview, see Stephen Sherlock, 'Constitutional and
Political Change in Fiji', Research Paper no. 7,
Department of the Parliamentary Library 1997-98. A more detailed
study is provided by Brig Lal, op.cit.
- Brij Lal, ibid., p. xii. For a critical view see Hugh Hickling,
Fiji A Constitution Too Far, Occasional Paper no. 1, 1998,
Centre for Southeast Asian Law, Northern Territory University,
Darwin.
- Under s. 80 (1) of the Constitution the Speaker is elected by
members after a general election. After the May election the former
Speaker Dr Apenisa Kurisaqila was re-elected in the new parliament
but according to the press, is expected to vacate it in favour of a
new Speaker, Ratu Joni Madraiwiwi, High Court judge of Lakutoka
when the latter completes his present commitments.
- For details of some of these issues see Sanjay Ramesh, March
1999: Prelude to the May 1999 Elections in Fiji, Pacific Island
Report, University of Hawaii, Manoa, 31 March 1999.
- Quoted by Brij Lal, ibid., p. 56.
- For details see Malakai Tadulala, Land Leases in Fiji,
Background Paper no.1, July 1997, Information and Research Unit,
Parliament of Fiji Library.
- The Daily Post, 5 April 1999.
- Quoted in Pacific Journalism Review, vol. 5, no.1,
March 1999.
- On this issue, the party said it would not support the
erections of roadblocks, as in the past, on Sundays but will uphold
a policy to ensure that 'essential services are maintained
throughout the day'. The Fiji Times, 8 April 1999.
- The Fiji Times, 19 May 1999.
- The Daily Post, 2 April 1999.
- The Daily Post, 2 April 1999.
- The Daily Post, 11 April 1999.
- The Fiji Times, 3 April 1999.
- The Daily Post, 6 April 1999.
- The Daily Post, 11 April 1999.
- The Daily Post, 13 April 1999.
- The Fiji Times, 15 April 1999.
- The Fiji Times, 12 April 1999.
- It was not possible to calculate the percentage of votes won by
parties because it would appear that the counting stopped once a
candidate achieved 50 per cent plus one vote. This was the case in
28 seats.
- Pacific Report, vol. 12, no. 10, 10 May 1999.
- The Fiji Times, 8 June 1999.
- The Fiji Times, 19 May 1999.
- ibid.
- Pacific Report, vol.11, no.10, 25 May 1999.
- The Fiji Times, 19 May 1999.
- The party initially won two seats but after a court challenge
and a recount, the FAP was declared the winner.
- The Fiji Times, 26 May 1999.
- The Fiji Times, 19 May 1999.
- The Fiji Times, 22 May 1999.
- The Daily Post, 9 June 1999.
- The Fiji Times, 19 May 1999.
- The Fiji Times, 25 May 1999.
- The Fiji Times, 19 May 1999.
- The Fiji Times, 21 May 1999. The position was reported
to be held by Chaudhry for former Housing Authority executive, Ratu
Viliame Volavola. The Daily Post, 19 June 1999.
- ibid.
- The Fiji Times, 19 May 1999.
- ibid.
- The Daily Post, 11 June 1999.
- Pacific Report, 25 May 1999.
- The Fiji Times, 21 May 1999.
- The Fiji Times, 20 and 25 May 1999.