Chapter 2
Concluded matters
2.1
This chapter considers the responses of legislation proponents to
matters raised previously by the committee. The committee has concluded its
examination of these matters on the basis of the responses received.
2.2
Correspondence relating to these matters is included at Appendix 1.
Criminal Code Amendment (Animal Protection) Bill 2015
Sponsor: Senator
Chris Back
Introduced: Senate,
11 February 2015
Purpose
2.3
The Criminal Code Amendment (Animal Protection) Bill 2015 (the
bill) proposes to amend the Criminal Code Act 1995 to
insert new offences in relation to failure to report a visual recording of
malicious cruelty to domestic animals, and interference with the conduct of
lawful animal enterprises.
2.4
Measures raising human rights concerns or issues are set out below.
Background
2.5
The committee previously considered the bill in its Twenty-fourth
Report of the 44th Parliament (previous report) and requested
further information from the legislation proponent as to whether a number of
measures in the bill were compatible with human rights.[1]
Requirement to report malicious cruelty to animals
2.6
The bill would introduce an offence provision to provide that a person
recording what they believe to be malicious cruelty to an animal or animals
commits an offence if they fail to report the event to the relevant authorities
within one business day of the event occurring, and to provide all recorded
material within five business days.
2.7
The committee previously considered that the bill engages and limits the
right not to incriminate oneself.
Right to a fair trial and fair
hearing rights
2.8
The right to a fair trial and fair hearing is protected by article 14 of
the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The right
applies to both criminal and civil proceedings, to cases before both courts and
tribunals. The right is concerned with procedural fairness, and encompasses
notions of equality in proceedings, the right to a public hearing and the
requirement that hearings are conducted by an independent and impartial body.
2.9
Specific guarantees of the right to a fair trial in the determination of
a criminal charge guaranteed by article 14(1) are set out in article 14(2) to
(7). These include the presumption of innocence (article 14(2)) and minimum
guarantees in criminal proceedings, such as the right to not incriminate
oneself (article 14(3)(g)) and a guarantee against retrospective criminal laws
(article 15(1)).
Compatibility of the measures with
the right to a fair trial and fair hearing rights
2.10
The committee considered that the bill engages and limits the right not
to incriminate oneself as providing a recording of cruelty to animals to the
relevant authorities may provide evidence of the individual undertaking the
recording committing an offence, such as criminal trespass.
2.11
However, the statement of compatibility does not identify the measure as
limiting the right to protection from self-incrimination in this way, and
therefore provides no justification for the limitation.
2.12
The committee's usual expectation where a measure may limit a human
right is that the accompanying statement of compatibility provide a reasoned
and evidence-based explanation of how the measure supports a legitimate
objective for the purposes of international human rights law.
2.13
The committee therefore sought the advice of the legislation proponent
as to whether the limitation on the right to freedom from self-incrimination is
compatible with the right to a fair trial, and particularly whether the
proposed changes are aimed at achieving a legitimate objective, whether there
is a rational connection between the limitation and that objective, and whether
the limitation is a reasonable and proportionate measure for the achievement of
that objective.
Legislation proponent's response
Self-incrimination
1.23 and 1.24 of the Report state:
"The committee's assessment of the requirement to report
malicious cruelty to animals against article 14 of the International Covenant
on Civil and Political Rights (right not to incriminate oneself) raises
questions as to whether the requirement to potentially incriminate oneself is
justifiable.
As set out above, the requirement to report malicious
cruelty to animals engages and limits the right not to incriminate
oneself. The statement of compatibility does not provide an assessment as to
the compatibility of the measure with this right. The committee therefore seeks
the advice of the legislation proponent as to whether the limitation on the
right to freedom from self-incrimination is compatible with the right to a fair
trial, and particularly:
-
whether the proposed changes
are aimed at achieving a legitimate objective;
-
whether there is a rational
connection between the limitation and that objective; and
-
whether the limitation is a
reasonable and proportionate measure for the achievement of that
objective."
Response:
Firstly, it is clear and self-evident that the proposals are
aimed at achieving a legitimate objective, namely to require the timely
reporting of malicious cruelty to animals to allow immediate preventative
action to be taken.
Secondly, there is indisputably a rational connection between
the possible limitation and the twin objectives of preventing cruelty to
animals and preventing illegal interference in the lawful operation of animal
enterprises.
Whether a limitation regarding self-incrimination actually
exists at all is an arguable point, however if it does exist then the magnitude
of the limitation is certainly very minimal in comparison to the seriousness of
illegal and malicious cruelty against animals.
Thirdly, the limitation is a reasonable and proportionate
measure for the achievement of the objective of addressing malicious cruelty
because it requires a person with records of illegal activities to soon present
them to the appropriate enforcement agencies for immediate action. The
legitimate purpose of this legislation is to make responsible enforcement
authorities aware of what may or may not be illegal activity.
The handing over of a visual recording does not in itself
necessarily imply any association or potential culpability, nor does it impact
on an individual's subsequent right for a fair trial.
Importantly the requirement to disclose materials detailing
animal cruelty to authorities in a timely manner is wholly consistent with
norms of responsible citizenry and delivers the opportunity for the acts of
cruelty to be swiftly interrupted.
By way of a simple comparison, under State legislation it is
an offence to fail to report a traffic accident to enforcement agencies as soon
as possible. This absolute reporting requirement exists even if no other person
is present at the scene of the accident and whether or not there are liability
considerations for the person making the report. This requirement does not
limit the right to not incriminate oneself, and there is no impact whatsoever
on procedural fairness nor upon the presumption of innocence.
Another notable comparison relates to the issue of child
abuse where Parliaments in all Australian states and territories have enacted
mandatory reporting laws of some description (for professionals). While not
wishing to link or associate the subject matter in any way, the legal principle
provides an example of a requirement to report egregious activities of cruelty.
The key point is that it is immaterial as to whether or not
the person disclosing the information to authorities has themselves potentially
participated in any illegal activities, the primary requirement to report is
simple and absolute.
Of course one could envisage certain circumstances where the
person who is required to hand over the material might themselves be complicit
with the illegal activities or may have already withheld the information in
contravention of the reporting requirements. However similar situations can
exist in the provided examples of mandatory reporting of child abuse and
traffic accidents. However the reporting is a discrete requirement in its own
right and does not in itself constitute any limitation on the right to freedom
from self-incrimination nor the right to a fair trial.
To reaffirm this point, the Bill requires a person who has
acquired significant information regarding illegal animal cruelty to
immediately provide this to enforcement agencies regardless of whether
the person has participated in the activities or has potentially committed an
ancillary offence.[2]
Committee response
2.14 The committee thanks the Senator for his response. The response
states that 'it is clear and self-evident' that the bill seeks to achieve a
legitimate objective, 'namely to require the timely reporting of malicious
cruelty to animals to allow immediate preventative action to be taken.' Under
international human rights law, a legitimate objective must address a pressing
or substantial concern and not simply seek an outcome regarded as desirable or
convenient. There must be evidence and reasoning to support a claim that
illegal and malicious cruelty against animals is a pressing or substantial
concern that requires a limitation on fair hearing rights. Without that
evidence, there is a question as to whether the bill pursues a legitimate
objective for the purposes of international human rights law.
2.15
The response also states that 'there is indisputably a rational
connection' between the measure and the objective being achieved, namely the
twin objectives of preventing cruelty to animals and preventing illegal
interference in the lawful operation of animal enterprises. However, no
evidence is provided to support this claim, and it is possible that the measure
would have the opposite effect; it could be, for example, that individuals may
be discouraged from filming, and therefore reporting on, animal cruelty as a
result of the bill for fear of being liable for criminal trespass. As a result,
less instances of animal cruelty could come to light, making the problem of
animal cruelty worse. In the absence of evidence or information to establish
the likely efficacy of the measure there is a question as to whether there is a
rational connection between the measure and the objective being achieved.
2.16
To show the proportionality of the bill, the bill could have included,
for example, a requirement that any evidence of animal cruelty provided by an
individual may not be used against that individual if they themselves were not
involved in the cruelty (known as a 'use immunity' and a 'derivative use
immunity'); this would have protected against self-incrimination. Because the
bill does not include a safeguard such as this the limitation on fair hearing
rights and on the specific protection against self-incrimination is not proportionate.
2.17 The committee considers that the measure engages and limits the right
not to incriminate oneself. In order to avoid being incompatible with this
right the committee recommends that the offence provision include a 'use' and
'derivative use' immunity so that an individual who provides footage of animal
cruelty to the police may not have that footage or evidence obtained as a
result of that footage used against them in a criminal trial (provided that the
individual is not involved in the animal cruelty).
Offence provision for conduct that destroys or damages property
2.18
The bill provides that a person commits an offence if they engage in
conduct that destroys or damages property used in carrying on an animal
enterprise, or belonging to a person who carries on, or is associated with, a
person who carries on an animal enterprise. A person who causes economic damage
exceeding $10 000 is liable to a maximum five year prison term.
2.19
The committee considered that this offence provision engages and may
limit the prohibition against arbitrary detention.
Right to liberty (prohibition against
arbitrary detention)
2.20
Article 9 of the ICCPR protects the right to liberty, understood as the
procedural guarantee not to be arbitrarily and unlawfully deprived of liberty.
The prohibition against arbitrary detention requires that the state should not
deprive a person of their liberty except in accordance with law. The notion of
'arbitrariness' includes elements of inappropriateness, injustice and lack of
predictability.
2.21
Accordingly, any detention must not
only be lawful, it must also be reasonable, necessary and proportionate in all
the circumstances. Detention that may initially be necessary and reasonable may
become arbitrary over time if the circumstances no longer require the
detention. In this respect, regular review must be available to scrutinise
whether the continued detention is lawful and non-arbitrary.
Compatibility of the measures with
the right to liberty
2.22
The committee previously noted that the Guide to Framing Commonwealth
Offences states that 'a penalty should be consistent with penalties for
existing offences of a similar kind or of a similar seriousness'.[3]
As it not clear that a prison term of five years for economic damage in excess
of $10 000 is comparable to similar types of offences, the committee considered
that the penalty may be so excessive as to be unjust (and therefore could
amount to arbitrary detention under article 9 of the ICCPR).
2.23
However, the statement of compatibility does not identify the measure as
limiting the right to liberty, and therefore provides no justification for the
limitation.
2.24
The committee further noted that, as other legislation already includes
provisions that make property damage a criminal offence, it is important that
the human rights assessment of the bill address the question of whether the
proposed offence provisions may be regarded as necessary in pursuit of a
legitimate objective for the purposes of international human rights law.
2.25
The committee therefore sought the advice of the legislation proponent
as to whether the proposed changes are aimed at achieving a legitimate
objective, whether there is a rational connection between the limitation and
that objective, and whether the limitation is a reasonable and proportionate
measure for the achievement of that objective.
Legislation proponent's response
Arbitrary detention
1.34 of the Report states:
"The committee's assessment of the offence provision
against article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
(right not to be arbitrarily detained) raises questions as to whether the
offence may be excessive or disproportionate having regard to the breadth of the
provision."
Response:
The Bill does not propose arbitrary detention.
Arbitrary detention involves the arrest or detainment of an
individual in a case in which there is no likelihood or evidence that they
committed a crime against a legal statute, or in which there has been no proper
due process of law.
The drafting of the proposed Bill is consistent with the
existing Criminal Code provisions and alleged offenders will be fully subject
to normal legal due process. While there are maximum penalties for serious
offences which may involve imprisonment, these could only be implemented
following the normal judicial process. The maximum penalties are certainly not
mandatory.
By way of background explanation, the words "maximum
penalty" used to appear in Commonwealth legislation, but this expression
is no longer used in new Acts. Additionally the older references in statutes
are gradually being amended to the new standard. To be clear, the current
reference to "penalty" in this Bill is still intended to be a maximum
penalty, and it is a matter for the court, in the exercise of judicial
discretion, to determine what level of penalty to impose.
A court always has a range of penalty options at its disposal
which it will readily choose to utilise according to the circumstances of the
offence or the character of the offenders.
It is envisaged that in ordinary circumstances, many of the
indictable offences can be summarily dealt with before a Magistrate in the
Local Court where the maximum penalty which can be imposed for an offence is
generally two years imprisonment. This is regardless of the stated maximum
penalty for the offence.
The Local Court hearing might apply to less significant
breaches such as simple trespass or minor damage. However, there are some
indictable offences which rightfully may be considered too serious to be dealt
with in the Local Court. The hearings for these offences may well start off in
the Local Court but be then referred to the District or Supreme Court for trial
or sentencing. However if the alleged offences are clearly of a strictly
indictable nature which requires arraignment, then the Local Court would be
avoided altogether.
If found guilty, the accused would then face a penalty which
is appropriate to both the level of offence seriousness and the specific case
circumstances. The decision of the Court regarding a penalty would presumably
also be influenced by many other factors which might include the testimony of
character witnesses, existing criminal history, degree of repentance and the
guidance of pre-sentence or psychiatric reports.
As such the accused may possibly face a strong penalty in a
superior Court for serious offences conducted with wilful intent, or for lesser
offences may just receive a fine, community service or a suspended sentence.
The key point is that the normal array of checks and balances
will always apply in the Court and there is certainly nothing arbitrary or
mandatory proposed in this Bill with regard to detention, sentencing or maximum
penalties.
Once more, to be clear with regard to the concerns raised in
1.34, the penalties are reasonable and certainly not excessive or
disproportionate. Further discussion and evidence to demonstrate this is
provided in following section.
Degree and consistency of penalty
While a clarification has not been specifically sought by the
Committee, I feel bound to respond to two concerns contained in point 1.30,
notably:
"a penalty should be consistent with penalties for
existing offences of a similar kind or of a similar seriousness"; and
"As it not clear that a prison term of five years for
economic damage in excess of $10,000 is comparable to similar types of
offences, the committee considers that the penalty may be so excessive as to be
unjust".
I wish to state that the proposed penalties in this Bill are
fully consistent with normal practice and neither excessive nor unjust. The
high-end of contemplated offences are serious activities with direct
consequences for human and animal life and as such they beckon a firm
deterrent.
The proposed maximum penalties are in most cases less than
comparable State and Territory legislation for malicious property damage.
As a test of relativity, in NSW under s195 of the Crimes
Act 1900, a person who intentionally or recklessly destroys or damages property
is liable for imprisonment for up to five years; or if the damage is caused by
fire or explosion, for up to ten years. However if the offences are carried out
in the company of another, the maximum terms are longer.
Under s29 of the Commonwealth Crimes Act 1914,
destroying or damaging Commonwealth property by fire has a maximum penalty of
10 years imprisonment.
Under the Australian Capital Territory Crimes Act 1900,
offenders can be imprisoned for 15 years plus 1500 penalty units, or up to 20
years if they acted dishonestly with a view to gain. Indeed, even threatening
to damage property by fire has a maximum of 7 years jail plus 700 penalty
units.
In Tasmania, under the Criminal Code Act 1924, a
person placing combustible material with the intent to injure property faces a
maximum jail term of 21 years plus a discretionary fine. In my home state of
Western Australia, under s144 of the Criminal Code the maximum
penalty for wilful damage to property by fire is 14 years.
It is clear that the proposed penalties in the Criminal Code
Amendment (Animal Protection) Bill 2015 are moderate by comparison.
Necessary nature
While a clarification has not been specifically sought by the
Committee, I would like to respond to a statement contained in point 1.33,
notably:
"as other legislation already includes provisions
that make property damage a criminal offence ........ whether the proposed
offence provisions may be regarded as necessary in pursuit of a legitimate
objective for the purposes of international human rights law".
As exemplified earlier in this document, the various levels
of penalties within Commonwealth, State and Territory Criminal Codes are quite
inconsistent. This Bill will provide some consistency by way of federal
legislation.
While some elements of the possible suite of offences might
be provided for in existing legislation (such as trespass or arson) there are
other costly nuisance activities which may impact upon a primary producer
attempting to lawfully conduct their business (such as biosecurity breaches,
releasing animals from captivity, preventing the transportation of stock and
interfering with husbandry practices) which are not.
Whatever the reason, it is abundantly apparent that
incidences of the types of unruly activities contemplated in this Bill are
currently not being prosecuted through normal channels. Therefore there is
ample justification for legislation which defines and captures the central
nature of the problem relating to animals and primary producers so that the
enforcement action which is currently not being taken will be taken in the
future.
I also wish to comment on the question as to whether or not
the intent of this Bill is a legitimate objective for the purposes of
international human rights law. The answer is yes.
I bring the Committee's attention to the right of a farmer,
primary producer or animal enterprise manager to support their family and
lawfully conduct their business or operations without illegal interruption from
those who simply do not respect this right. Just the same as all other citizens
in the community, they hold the right to protection under the law when their
fundamental rights to maintain the safety of their property and person are
threatened, as supported by Article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
which states:
"Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security
of person."
Furthermore, Article 8 states: "Everyone has the
right to an effective remedy by the competent national tribunals for acts
violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or by
law."
Importantly, Article 7 states: "All are equal before
the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the
law."
With regard to those who choose to offend their universal
civic obligations as set out in Article 1 to: "act towards one another
in a spirit of brotherhood," they will rightly face appropriate
sanctions when undertaking illegal activities against primary producers.
In this regard Article 10 states: "Everyone is
entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by an independent and
impartial tribunal, in the determination of his rights and obligations and of
any criminal charge against him."
As such I would contend that human rights considerations are
implicitly central to both the purpose and utility of this Bill. The
legislation as proposed provides a degree of protection for law-abiding
citizens in the pursuit of activities such as primary production, while also
providing offenders the right to fairly defend their actions in a court of law.
From a human rights perspective this supports the universal
recognition that basic rights and fundamental freedoms are inalienable and
equally applicable to all human beings.[4]
Committee response
2.26 The committee thanks the Senator for his detailed response. The
Senator states that arbitrary detention only arises where the detention is
unlawful and that the bill would only result in individuals being detained as a
result of a criminal conviction in accordance with Australian domestic law. However,
arbitrary detention under international human rights law is much broader than
unlawful detention. The UN Human Rights Committee has explained:
...arrests or detentions may be in violation of the applicable
law but not arbitrary, or legally permitted but arbitrary, or both arbitrary
and unlawful.[5]
2.27
Accordingly, detention that is lawful under Australian law may
nevertheless be arbitrary and thus in breach of Australia's obligations under
article 9 of the ICCPR. The UN Human Rights Committee has further explained:
The notion of "arbitrariness" is not to be equated
with "against the law", but must be interpreted more broadly to
include elements of inappropriateness, injustice, lack of predictability, and
due process of law.[6]
2.28
The legislation proponent's response was that the offences in the bill
are modest by comparison with a number of Commonwealth offences and offences
under state and territory law.
2.29
However, the offences cited are not directly comparable to the offences
in the bill. For example, under section 195 of the Crimes Act 1900
(NSW), a person who destroys or damages property is liable for imprisonment for
up to five years. Whereas under the bill, a person who recklessly destroys or
damages property could be liable to a penalty of up to 20 years imprisonment
should their actions lead to economic damage of a specified amount. The accused
person would not be able to ascertain in advance the quantum of economic damage
that might be caused by their actions and so the penalty may go up
significantly depending on the nature of the business involved.
2.30
Further, the terms 'economic damage' and 'animal enterprise' are defined
so broadly that it would not necessarily be evident when the provision applies
to a situation and when it does not as well as the nature of the penalty that may
apply to conduct. Individuals who do the same act may be treated differently
and subject to a different penalty depending on the economic consequences of
their action even though there may be no intention to cause economic damage and
the likely amount of economic damage was completely unforeseen. These outcomes
are also inconsistent with the Guide to Framing Commonwealth Offences,
Infringement Notices and Enforcement Powers.
2.31
Because of the breadth of the offence provision as drafted, the
uncertainty in its application and the size of the penalty, it may result in a
term of imprisonment being imposed that could amount to arbitrary detention.
2.32
The legislation proponent also states that the offence provision is
necessary on the basis that 'incidences of the types of unruly activities
contemplated in this Bill are currently not being prosecuted through normal
channels'. No information is provided to support the claim that there is a gap
in the existing criminal law rather than a failure of police to properly
prosecute offenders using existing offences. Moreover, no statistics are
provided to support the claim that there is an endemic or significant problem
with the 'types of unruly activities contemplated in the bill.'
2.33 The committee considers that the offence provision for conduct that
destroys or damages property causing 'economic damage' engages and limits the
right not to be arbitrarily detained. In order to be compatible with
this right the committee recommends that the legislation proponent seek the
advice of the Attorney-General to ensure that the offence provision is drafted
consistently with the Guide to Framing Commonwealth Offences, Infringement
Notices and Enforcement Powers.
Social Services Legislation Amendment (Youth Employment and Other Measures)
Bill 2015
Portfolio:
Social Services
Introduced:
House of Representatives, 28 May 2015
Purpose
2.34
The Social Services Legislation Amendment (Youth Employment and Other
Measures) Bill 2015 (the bill) seeks to amend the Social Security Act 1991
and the Social Security (Administration) Act 1999 to:
-
extend the ordinary waiting period for all working age payments
from 1 July 2015;
-
remove access to Newstart Allowance and Sickness Allowance to 22
to 24 year olds and replace these benefits with access to Youth Allowance
(Other) from 1 July 2016;
-
provide for a four-week waiting period for certain persons aged
under 25 years applying for Youth Allowance (Other) or Special Benefit
from 1 July 2016;
-
pause indexation on certain income free and income test free
areas and thresholds for three years; and
-
cease the low income supplement from 1 July 2017.
2.35
Measures raising human rights concerns or issues are set out below.
Background
2.36
The bill reintroduces a number of measures previously included in the
Social Services and Other Legislation Amendment (2014 Budget Measures No. 4)
Bill 2014 (the No. 4 bill). The No. 4 bill reintroduced some measures
previously included in the Social Services and Other Legislation Amendment
(2014 Budget Measures No. 1) Bill 2014 (the No. 1 bill) and the Social Services
and Other Legislation Amendment (2014 Budget Measures No. 2) Bill 2014 (the No.
2 bill).
2.37
The committee reported on the No. 1 bill and No. 2 bill in its Ninth
Report of the 44th Parliament,[7]
and concluded its examination of the No. 2 bill in its Twelfth Report of the
44th Parliament.[8]
In that report, the committee requested further information from the Minister
for Social Services regarding measures contained within the No. 1 bill.[9]
2.38
The committee then considered the No. 4 bill in its Fourteenth Report
of the 44th Parliament, and in the Seventeenth Report of the
44th Parliament concluded its consideration of the No. 1 bill
and No. 4 bill.[10]
2.39
The committee considered the bill in its Twenty-fourth Report
of the 44th Parliament, and requested further information
from the Minister for Social Services as to whether the bill was compatible
with Australia's international human rights obligations.[11]
2.40
The bill was negatived in the Senate on 9 September 2015.
Schedule 2 – Age requirements for various Commonwealth payments
2.41
Schedule 2 of the bill would provide that 22-24 year olds are no longer
eligible for Newstart Allowance (or Sickness Allowance), and are instead
eligible for Youth Allowance. Existing recipients of Newstart Allowance (or
Sickness Allowance) would continue to receive those payments until such time as
they are no longer eligible.
2.42
The committee considered in its previous analysis that increasing the age
of eligibility for various Commonwealth payments engages and limits the right
to equality and non-discrimination.
Right to equality and
non-discrimination
2.43
The right to equality and non-discrimination is protected by articles 2
and 26 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
(ICCPR).
2.44
This is a fundamental human right that is essential to the protection
and respect of all human rights. It provides that everyone is entitled to enjoy
their rights without discrimination of any kind, and that all people are equal
before the law and entitled without discrimination to the equal and
non-discriminatory protection of the law.
2.45
The ICCPR defines 'discrimination' as a distinction based on a personal
attribute (for example, race, sex or religion),[12]
which has either the purpose (called 'direct' discrimination), or the effect
(called 'indirect' discrimination), of adversely affecting human rights.[13]
The UN Human Rights Committee has explained indirect discrimination as 'a rule
or measure that is neutral on its face or without intent to discriminate',
which exclusively or disproportionately affects people with a particular
personal attribute.[14]
Compatibility of the measure with
the right to equality and non-discrimination
2.46
The changes to the threshold for Newstart eligibility in Schedule 2 of
the bill reintroduce measures previously contained within Schedule 8 of the No.
2 bill and Schedule 6 of the No. 4 bill, which the committee has previously
considered.
2.47
The statement of compatibility for the bill does not identify the
measures as engaging and potentially limiting the right to equality and
non-discrimination.
2.48
However, as the committee noted in its Ninth Report of the 44th
Parliament, a measure that establishes criteria for access to social
security based on age is likely, on its face, to limit the right to equality
and non-discrimination. That is, by reducing access to the amount of social
security entitlements for persons of a particular age, the measure appears to
directly discriminate against persons of this age group.
2.49
A measure which appears directly discriminatory in this way may
nevertheless be justifiable under international human right law. The human
rights assessment of the measure therefore must establish that the proposed age
cut offs are necessary, reasonable and proportionate in pursuit of a legitimate
objective.
2.50
As the statement of compatibility for the bill does not identify the
measure as engaging and potentially limiting the right to equality and
non-discrimination, it therefore provides no assessment as to the compatibility
of the measure with reference to the committee's previous examination of the
measures.
2.51
The committee noted its usual expectation that where a measure that it
has previously considered is reintroduced, previous responses to the
committee's requests for further information be used to inform the statement of
compatibility for the reintroduced measure.
2.52
The committee therefore sought the advice of the Minister for Social
Services as to whether the proposed changes are aimed at achieving a legitimate
objective, whether there is a rational connection between the limitation and
that objective, and whether the limitation is a reasonable and proportionate
measure for the achievement of that objective.
Minister's response
The measure in schedule 2 to
extend the Youth Allowance (other) eligibility age is aimed at achieving
consistency across payments, as well as encouraging young people to undertake
or participate in education or training to better ensure that they are able to
achieve long term sustainable employment outcomes.
Since 1998, there have been two different maximum ages for
Youth Allowance - one for full-time students on Youth Allowance (student) and
one for young unemployed people on Youth Allowance (other). Once a young person
passes the maximum age for youth allowance as a job seeker (currently 21) they
transition to Newstart Allowance, which is paid at a higher rate of payment.
For full-time students, however, the transition from Youth
Allowance (student) to the adult student payment, Austudy, occurs at the age of
25 years.
Evidence suggests that education and training can play a
significant role in improving a person's chances of finding and maintaining
employment, particularly for young people. However, the higher rates of
Newstart Allowance and Sickness Allowance (currently paid to around 73,000
unemployed youth aged 22 to 24 years) can act as an incentive for young people
to stay on Newstart Allowance or Sickness Allowance instead of pursuing
full-time study or employment, or to give up study in order to receive these
payments. This measure achieves the dual objective of removing this perverse
incentive and achieving consistent eligibility criteria, by placing all under 25
year olds on the same payment level, whether they are unemployed or studying
full-time.
Australia's social security system is designed to be highly
targeted and to provide for different payments, rates and other settings that
reflect the needs and circumstances of different cohorts. For this reason,
age-based eligibility criteria are already part of a number of social security
payments, including Youth Allowance as outlined above. To the extent that this
measure may limit the right to non-discrimination by affecting only a
particular age group, this is reasonable and proportionate to the objective of
ensuring that payment rates are aligned for young people aged under 25 with
similar needs and circumstances, irrespective of whether they are studying or looking
for work.
Affected young people will continue to be supported by a
range of programmes and other services provided by the Commonwealth and state
governments. Grandfathering arrangements will apply to young people aged 22
years or over who are in receipt of Newstart Allowance or Sickness Allowance as
at 1 July 2016 to ensure that no existing recipients will have their payment
rate reduced.[15]
Committee response
2.53 The committee thanks the Minister for Social Services for his
response. The committee notes the minister's advice that the measure is
aimed at achieving consistency across payments for young people as well as to
encourage young people to undertake or participate in education or training to
help achieve long term sustainable employment outcomes. The committee also
notes that currently there are higher rates of payments to young people on
Newstart and Sickness Allowances than to those on Youth Allowance, which may
act as a disincentive to pursue full-time study.
2.54 Accordingly, the committee considers that the measure may be
compatible with the right to equality and non-discrimination and has concluded
its examination of this matter.
Schedule 3 – Income support waiting periods
2.55
Schedule 3 of the bill would introduce a requirement from 1 July 2016
that individuals under the age of 25 be subject to a four-week waiting period,
as well as any other waiting periods that may apply, before social security
benefits become payable.
2.56
The measure would apply to applicants seeking Youth Allowance (Other)
and Special Benefit. The four-week waiting period may be reduced if a person
has previously been employed, and there are a range of exemptions for parents
and individuals with a disability.
2.57
The committee considered previously that the income support waiting
periods engage and limit the rights to social security and an adequate standard
of living.
Right to social security
2.58
The right to social security is protected by article 9 of the
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). This
right recognises the importance of adequate social benefits in reducing the
effects of poverty and plays an important role in realising many other
economic, social and cultural rights, particularly the right to an adequate
standard of living and the right to health.
2.59
Access to social security is required when a person has no other income
and has insufficient means to support themselves and their dependents.
Enjoyment of the right requires that sustainable social support schemes are:
-
available to people in need;
-
adequate to support an adequate standard of living and health
care; and
-
accessible (providing universal coverage without discrimination
and qualifying and withdrawal conditions that are lawful, reasonable,
proportionate and transparent; and
-
affordable (where contributions are required).
2.60
Under article 2(1) of ICESCR, Australia has certain obligations in
relation to the right to social security. These include:
-
the immediate obligation to satisfy certain minimum aspects of
the right;
-
the obligation not to unjustifiably take any backwards steps that
might affect the right;
-
the obligation to ensure the right is made available in a
non-discriminatory way; and
-
the obligation to take reasonable measures within its available
resources to progressively secure broader enjoyment of the right.
2.61
Specific situations which are recognised as engaging a person's right to
social security, include health care and sickness; old age; unemployment and
workplace injury; family and child support; paid maternity leave; and
disability support.
Right to an adequate standard of living
2.62
The right to an adequate standard is guaranteed by article 11(1) of the
ICESCR, and requires state parties to take steps to ensure the availability,
adequacy and accessibility of food, clothing, water and housing for all people
in Australia.
2.63
In respect of the right to an adequate standard of living, article 2(1)
of the ICESCR also imposes on Australia the obligations listed above in
relation to the right to social security.
Compatibility of the measure with
the rights to social security and an adequate standard of living
2.64
The introduction of the four-week waiting period in Schedule 3 of the
bill re‑introduces, with some amendments (particularly to the timeframe),
the proposal for a 26-week waiting period previously contained in Schedule 9 of
the No. 2 bill and Schedule 7 of the No. 4 bill.
2.65
The committee previously concluded, in its Twelfth Report of the 44th Parliament,
that the measure was incompatible with the right to social security and an
adequate standard of living.[16]
2.66
In comparison to the previous measure, the bill would reduce the waiting
period to four weeks rather than 26 weeks; and introduce an additional $8.1
million in funding that will be allocated to Emergency Relief providers to
provide assistance for those that have been disproportionately impacted by the
measure.
2.67
The statement of compatibility for the bill acknowledges that the
measure engages the rights to social security and an adequate standard of
living, and states that the objective of the measure is to 'encourage greater
participation in work through establishing firm expectations for young job
seekers'.[17]
2.68
The committee considered that this may be regarded as a legitimate
objective, and that the measure is rationally connected to that objective, for
the purposes of international human rights law.
2.69
However, the committee considered that the statement of compatibility
has not demonstrated that the measure is proportionate to its stated objective,
that is, that it is the least rights restrictive means of achieving that
objective.
2.70
In particular, the statement of compatibility has not addressed how young
people are to sustain themselves and provide for an adequate standard of living
during the four-week period without social security.
2.71
Further, while the committee welcomes additional funding for Emergency
Relief providers, the bill provides no explicit guarantee that individuals
subject to the measure will be able to access support from the charitable
organisations allocated the funding. In addition, the statement of
compatibility provides no justification as to how this additional funding
supports the compatibility of the measure with the right to social security
(which is broader than the receipt of charity) and the right to an adequate
standard of living.
2.72
The committee therefore sought the advice of the Minister for Social
Services as to whether the measure is a proportionate means of achieving the
stated objective.
Minister's response
Right to social security
Unemployment rates for young people have increased
significantly since the global financial crisis. As at June 2015, the youth
unemployment rate was 13.4 per cent, compared with an average total
unemployment rate of six per cent. The proportion of young Australians not in
employment, education or training is also high, with young people in this
category at particular risk of social exclusion. The 2014 report by National
Centre for Vocational Education Research, How young people are faring in the
transition from school to work, indicates that in 2012 more than a quarter
of 21 year olds (27.4 per cent) were either not engaged or not fully engaged in
employment, education or training. The report also notes that not all young
people in this category are 'vulnerable' and that some may be in this category
voluntarily. This measure seeks to address youth unemployment by establishing
firm expectations for young people to accept jobs or move into education and
training, rather than relying on income support in the first instance at the risk
of becoming disengaged, both socially and economically.
The risk this measure could be considered to limit the right
to social security by restricting immediate access to income support is
mitigated by the specific targeting of the measure to those young people who
are job ready (in Stream A of jobactive) and able to support themselves through
paid work.
Job seekers who have been assessed as having significant
barriers to work will be exempt from the measure. This will include job seekers
in Stream B and C of jobactive, parents with 35 per cent or more care of a
child, young people in or leaving state care and those with a temporary
activity test exemption of more than two weeks, such as pregnant women in the
six weeks before they are expected to give birth, or people testing their
eligibility for Disability Support Pension. The Bill before Parliament also
allows the Minister to make further exemptions via a legislative instrument.
These exemptions ensure that young people who face more complex and/or multiple
barriers to finding work and are less able to fully support themselves will
continue to receive income support.
In recognition of the importance of education and training in
preventing future unemployment, young people who return to school or full-time
vocational education or university study will be able to access student
payments, such as Youth Allowance (student), and therefore will not subject to
a four week waiting period.
Evidence also suggests that this measure will be most
effective if it is supported by an appropriate level of employment services,
targeted at job seeker deficits[18].
Job seekers subject to a four week waiting period will continue to be supported
by the full range of programmes and assistance currently available under
jobactive to enable them to find employment. Job seekers will also be required
to participate in rapid activation activities designed to enhance their chances
of moving into work as quickly as possible.
To the extent that this measure may limit the right social
security, this limitation is reasonable and proportionate to the objective of
encouraging young people to be either working or studying as targeted cohort
are those who are job ready and capable of finding and maintaining a job.
Right to an adequate
standard of living
Income support data (as at June 2015) shows that a majority
of young job seekers are receiving support from their parents, with 54 per cent
of Youth Allowance (other) recipients considered to be dependent on their
parents for the purposes of calculating their rate of payment. This indicates
that a large proportion of affected recipients will have access to external
support in order to maintain an adequate standard of living.
From 1 July 2016, pending the implementation of the measure,
around $8.1 million over three years in additional funding will be available to
Emergency Relief providers to provide basic material aid to young people during
the four week waiting period. This assistance is not intended to provide
assistance to all young people affected by this measure. It is also not meant
to meet affected individuals' living costs during the waiting period.
Assistance will vary according to the needs and circumstances of the person.
This additional Emergency Relief funding will become
available only following the implementation of the measure. The Department will
undertake an analysis of payments data and consult with the Emergency Relief
sector to inform the targeting and distribution of available funds to those
most affected by the measure.
The limitation of the availability of income support is
reasonable and proportionate as the measure is targeted at those who are job
ready and able to be self-supporting through work and a large proportion of the
targeted cohort will have access to parental support and additional Emergency
Relief funding will be available for those in need.[19]
Committee response
2.73
The committee thanks the Minister for Social Services for his response.
The committee notes that it had previously accepted that the measure
pursues a legitimate objective and that the measure is rationally connected to
that objective. Accordingly, the committee sought further information from the
minister in relation to the proportionality of the measure. Of particular
concern to the committee was whether the measure was the least rights
restrictive approach.
2.74
The committee notes the minister's advice that the measure specifically
targets those young people who are job ready and that there are important
protections for parents and those assessed as unable to work who will be exempt
from the measure. However, the measure will apply to all individuals assessed
as job ready (in Stream A of jobactive) and there will be no individual
assessment of each job seeker's engagement with seeking work, nor an individual
assessment of their ability to find jobs. Currently, there is a youth
unemployment rate of 13.4 per cent which suggests there are more job seekers
than jobs available. Evidence is not provided to confirm that all jobseekers
will be eligible and able to immediately engage with education and immediately
gain income support.
2.75
The measure does not also allow for an individual assessment of the
individual's capacity to live without social security support for four weeks
and there is no discretion that would enable Centrelink to waive the waiting
period if the individual does not meet the set exemptions. In the absence of
these protections, the measure cannot be said to be the least rights
restrictive means of achieving a legitimate objective and therefore does not
impose a proportionate limitation on the right to social security.
2.76
In relation to an adequate standard of living, the response suggests
that 46% of young people do not live at home and are thus not fully supported
by their parents. The majority of these would appear to be in private rental
accommodation of some sort. It is not clear from the response how those young
people will meet the costs of housing during the waiting period and meet other
basic living costs to provide an adequate standard of living.
2.77
While the response states that the department will analyse payment data
and consult with the Emergency Relief sector to inform the targeting and
distribution of available funds to those most affected by the measure, the
response does not suggest that Emergency Relief will ensure that all
individuals affected by the measure will be able to provide an adequate
standard of living.
2.78
The measure does not appear to be proportionate as it does not include
an individual assessment for each person affected by the measure nor does it
provide safeguards to ensure that no individual is left unable to meet their
basic needs during the waiting period.
2.79
The committee's assessment of the proposed income support waiting
period for young people aged under 25 against articles 9 and 11 of the
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (right to social
security and an adequate standard of living) raises questions as to whether the
changes are justifiable under international human rights law.
2.80
However, as the bill has been negatived in the Senate, the committee
draws the preceding analysis to the attention of the minister and has concluded
its examination of the bill.
Right to equality and
non-discrimination
2.81
The right to equality and non-discrimination is protected by articles 2
and 26 of the ICCPR. More information is provided above at paragraphs [2.43]
to [2.45].
Compatibility of the measure with
the right to equality and non-discrimination
2.82
The committee previously concluded that the measure in the No. 2 bill
was incompatible with the right to equality and non-discrimination on the basis
of age (direct discrimination).[20]
2.83
In comparison to the previous measure, the bill provides that the
waiting period will apply to persons under the age of 25, rather than those
under the age of 30.
2.84
The statement of compatibility for the bill acknowledges that the
measure engages the right to equality and non-discrimination on the basis of
age, but concludes that 'those subjected to a waiting period are young enough
to reasonably draw on family support to assist them during the waiting period'.[21]
2.85
However, a measure that impacts differentially on or excludes
individuals based on their age is likely, on its face, to be incompatible with
the right to equality and non-discrimination. In this respect, by imposing a
four-week waiting period based on a person's age, the measure appears to
directly discriminate against persons under 25 years of age.
2.86
As noted above, a measure which appears directly discriminatory in this
way may nevertheless be justifiable under international human right law. The
human rights assessment of the measure must establish that the proposed age cut
offs are necessary, reasonable and proportionate in pursuit of a legitimate
objective.
2.87
However, the committee considered previously that the statement of compatibility
had not established how persons under the age of 25, who will be impacted by
the measure, will be able to 'reasonably draw on family support' any more than
those over the age of 25.
2.88
In addition, no information was given as to how persons affected by the
measure, who do not have the ability to draw on family support, could maintain
housing and an adequate standard of living during the waiting period.
2.89
The committee therefore sought the advice of the Minister for Social
Services as to whether the measure is a proportionate means of achieving the
stated objective.
Minister's response
Young unemployed people under 25 years have a significantly
higher rate of unemployment compared to the general population, with a large
number in the cohort also facing increased risk of social exclusion due to
disengagement from work and education. The targeting of this measure to those
under 25 is specifically aimed at addressing the risks for this particular
cohort by providing incentives for these young job seekers to pursue work or
further education or training, which evidence suggests will reduce their
chances of becoming long-term unemployed.
Additionally, around 43 per cent of the young people on
unemployment payments aged under 25 years are still living in the parental
home, compared to only seven per cent for those aged over 25. This shows that
the cohort targeted by this measure is more likely to be drawing on family
support and have secure housing than their older counterparts and therefore may
be less likely to face hardship while serving a waiting period.
To the extent that this measure may limit the right to
equality and non-discrimination by affecting only a particular age group, this
is reasonable and proportionate in the context of factors particular to this group
such as higher youth unemployment rates, high rates of youth disengagement from
employment, education and training, and increased access to parental support.[22]
Committee response
2.90
The committee thanks the Minister for Social Services for his
response. The committee notes that it had previously accepted that the
measure pursues a legitimate objective and that the measure is rationally
connected to that objective. Accordingly, the committee sought further
information from the minister in relation to the proportionality of the
measure.
2.91
In terms of proportionality, the statement of compatibility concludes
that 'those subjected to a waiting period are young enough to reasonably draw
on family support to assist them during the waiting period'.[23]
The minister's response states that 43 per cent of young people receiving
unemployment benefits are living at home with their parents, compared with 7
per cent of those aged over 25. This shows there is some evidence that the
measure is targeted at young people taking into account their ability to seek
support from their parents. However, the response does show that the majority
of young people on unemployment payments are not living at home (and are thus
likely to have private rental costs) and are less likely to be able to rely on
their parents for support during the waiting period. These figures also do not
show whether a person living at home with their parents are doing so on a
rent-free basis or whether such persons might be financially supporting their
family members.
2.92
A human rights assessment of the measure must establish that the
proposed age cut offs are necessary, reasonable and proportionate in pursuit of
a legitimate objective. The response does not demonstrate that nearly all, or
even a majority, of individuals aged 25 or under will be able to rely on their
parents for economic support and, as such, the measure does not appear
sufficiently targeted to impose a proportionate limitation on the right to
equality and non-discrimination based on age.
2.93
The committee's assessment of the proposed income support waiting
periods for young people aged under 25 against articles 2, 16 and 26 of the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (right to equality and
non-discrimination) raises questions as to whether the changes are justifiable
under international human rights law.
2.94
However, as the bill has been negatived in the Senate, the committee
draws the preceding analysis to the attention of the minister and has concluded
its examination of the bill.
The Hon Philip Ruddock MP
Chair
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