Bills Digest no. 18 2007–08
Northern Territory national emergency response Bills
2007—interim Bills Digest
WARNING:
This Digest was prepared for debate. It reflects the legislation as
introduced and does not canvass subsequent amendments. This Digest
does not have any official legal status. Other sources should be
consulted to determine the subsequent official status of the
Bill.
CONTENTS
Passage history
Purpose
Overview
Social Security and Other Legislation Amendment
(Welfare Payment) Reform) Bill 2007
Northern Territory National Emergency Response
Bill 2007
Families, Community Services and Indigenous
Affairs and Other Legislation Amendment (Northern Territory
National Emergency Response and Other Measures) Bill 2007
Endnotes
Contact officer & copyright details
Note
For the final Bills Digests on the package of Bills covered by
this interim Bills Digest, please see the following:
Northern
Territory National Emergency Response Bill 2007, Bills
Digest, no. 28, 2007 08
Families,
Community Services and Indigenous Affairs and Other Legislation
Amendment
(Northern Territory National Emergency Response and Other Measures)
Bill 2007, Bills Digest, no. 21, 2007 08
Social
Security and Other Legislation Amendment (Welfare Payment Reform)
Bill 2007, Bills Digest, no. 27, 2007 08
Appropriation
(Northern Territory National Emergency Response) Bill (No. 1)
2007-2008, Bills Digest, no. 24, 2007 08
Appropriation
(Northern Territory National Emergency Response) Bill (No. 2)
2007-2008, Bills Digest, no. 25, 2007 08
Passage history
Social Security and Other
Legislation Amendment (Welfare Payment Reform) Bill
2007
Northern Territory
National Emergency Response Bill 2007
Families, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs and Other
Legislation Amendment (Northern Territory
National Emergency Response and Other Measures) Bill
2007
Date
introduced: 7
August 2007
House: House of Representatives
Portfolio: Families, Community Services and
Indigenous Affairs
Links: The relevant links to
the Bill, Explanatory Memorandum and second reading speech can be
accessed via BillsNet, which is at http://www.aph.gov.au/bills/.
When Bills have been passed they can be found at ComLaw, which is
at http://www.comlaw.gov.au/.
Note
Given the unusually short time-frames which
have been allowed for parliamentary consideration of this suite of
Bills, the decision has been made to issue this interim Bills
Digest with a view to issuing more detailed individual Digests in
due course. This document necessarily reflects the short
time-frames allocated to perusing the materials.
The purpose of
each individual Bill will be discussed along with the main
provisions.
The provisions in the present legislative
package flow from measures announced by the Prime Minister and the
Minister for Families, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs on
21 June, in response to the Report of the Northern Territory
Board of Inquiry into the Protection of Aboriginal Children from
Sexual Abuse, 2007, Ampe Akelyernemane Meke Mekarle Little
Children are Sacred - authored by Pat Anderson and Rex Wild
(Anderson/Wild report). [1] Many commentators have noted, however, that there
appears to be very little overlap between the 97 recommendations of
the NT report and the measures which the Federal Government
announced and to which it now seeks to give effect. Most of the
recommendations in the NT report were addressed to the NT
Government. The Federal Government has said that it is responding
to the issue raised in the NT report, not to its recommendations.
The Federal measures may not be called for in the NT report, but
that need not mean that these measures are inconsistent with those
being recommended in the report. It is noted that the authors of
the report have indicated their discontent with the federal
Government s response.
Anderson and Wild have repeatedly stressed the
critical importance of governments committing to genuine
consultation with Aboriginal people in design initiatives for
Aboriginal community, whether these are in remote, regional or
urban settings (see Recommendation 1). Such consultation has not
featured prominently in the Federal intervention.
An authoritative summary of the Anderson/Wild
report recommendations said:
The Anderson/Wild report found that Aboriginal people wanted to
engage with this process and were committed to solving problems and
helping their children in the face of a serious, widespread and
often unreported problem of sexual abuse. They found the situation
to be a reflection of past, current and continuing social problems
which have developed over many decades, and that the combined
effects of poor health, alcohol and drug abuse, unemployment,
gambling, pornography, poor education and housing, and a general
loss of identity and control have contributed to violence and to
sexual abuse in many forms . They highlighted the need for existing
programs to work more efficiently to break the cycle of poverty and
violence, and to improve coordination and communication between
government departments and agencies to end the current breakdown in
services and poor crisis intervention. Further, they declared that
these programs must have adequate resources and a long-term
commitment from all governments if they are to succeed.
A number of recommendations were specific to Northern Territory
institutions. For example, recommendations were made with respect
to the structural reorganisation of the DHCS Family and Community
Services Program, and the creation of a Commissioner for Children
and Young People. The report also focused considerable attention on
problems concerning the connection between disclosure and the legal
processes. Attention was also given to dealing with some of the
social determinants of health such as the lack of employment
opportunities and inadequate housing as well as strategies to
produce more resilient communities with a particular focus on the
role of education. [2]
He went on to argue that None of the measures
announced by Prime Minister Howard are to be found in the
strategies recommended by the Anderson/Wild report :
The Australian government response is framed as a top down
crisis intervention It is characterised as a short-term response to
be followed by medium- and long-term strategies none of which are
clear at this stage. So, for example, whilst the Anderson/Wild
report recommended strategies to increase policing in remote
communities in the long term the Howard plan only extends for six
months. Many of the government s proposals for instance, scrapping
the permit system, assuming control of Aboriginal land and
instituting welfare reform are simply not raised in the
Anderson/Wild report. No reason is given as to how measures such as
scrapping the permit system will address the problem of child
sexual abuse. Conversely, a number of the issues that are raised in
the report in relation to community justice process,
education/awareness campaigns in relation to sexual abuse,
employment, reform of the legal processes, offender rehabilitation,
family support services or the role of communities, for example
have not, as yet, been addressed by the Australian government
response.
There are significant differences in the recommendations that
relate to those issues that are canvassed both in the Australian
government approach and the Anderson/Wild report. For example,
there are nine recommendations in the Anderson/Wild report with
numerous sub-components in relation to alcohol none of which
include an immediate introduction of widespread alcohol
restrictions. Many remote communities are already dry and this
strategy could be incorporated into the recommended development of
community alcohol plans. Current evidence suggests that enforced
alcohol restrictions, in the absence of broader strategies to deal
with addictions, simply reduce supply and tend to shift problem
drinking into unregulated areas, such as Alice Springs town camps.
As a result, a single measure such as enforced alcohol restriction
may, in fact, result in increased harm from violence and abuse in
these communities.
The Secretary of the Department of Treasury,
Ken Henry, has also commented on the degree to which consultation
and engagement have been missing from the setting of the policy
direction:
To achieve progress in Indigenous development, there is a need
for increased ownership, by Indigenous people, of both the problems
and the policy solutions...
People who are affected by policy have a
right to be involved in its development
that is no more than a statement of the primary rationale for
democracy. And... people who are affected by policy also have a
responsibility to be involved in its
development.
The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
Social Justice Commissioner 2007 Social Justice Report has
made similar observations:
The greatest irony of this is that it fosters a
passive system of policy development and service delivery while at
the same time criticising Indigenous peoples for being passive
recipients of government services!
[3]
He also suggested that the Federal Government
s response had left many questions unanswered. For example:
First, on what basis will the government
intervene in one community as opposed to another? As Rex
Wild and Pat Anderson s report reveals, there is a lack of
statistics that reveal the true extent of the problem. So, in the
absence of any situational and needs analysis, how does the
government decide?
Second, and related to this question, is how will the
government decide the appropriate approach for the specific needs
of individual communities? I am concerned about a mismatch
that has already revealed it self between the public debate on
these issues and the findings of the Little Children are
sacred report.
Third, and of critical importance, is what role does the
community have in this process? I think it is intentional
that the government has described its announcements as an
intervention as opposed to a partnership with Indigenous
communities. We are now coming on three years since the
introduction of the new arrangements so why has the government not
built relationships with communities sufficiently that they can
approach the announcements as a partnership?
Fourth, if the government intends to make lasting change
how will it know when such change has occurred? In the
absence of regional and local level planning how will the specific
issues facing communities, and the connections between communities
on a regional basis, be addressed? This is something that
incidentally was intended to be a key feature of the new
arrangements but which has by and large failed to materialise as
yet.
And fifth, how does the NT announcement fit with the
processes that are continuing to be introduced as part of the new
arrangements to date? Will it require another
re-engineering of processes that are yet to be bedded down? For
example, the government has released an evaluation plan for
whole-of-government activities to address the critical problem of
lack of baseline data. The evaluation plan identifies that in the
coming year there will be reviews of some of the communities who
have previously been designated as communities in crisis, and
baseline data will be established for some new priority
communities. What is the impact of the NT announcement on this
plan? Does it re-direct these evaluation activities for new
communities to the NT rather than to communities in other states,
or will there be an expansion of the scope of the evaluative
framework? This would appear necessary to be able to effectively
understand the success or otherwise of the measures to be
taken.
Similarly, will the government seek to utilise
and expand its program of Shared Responsibility Agreements and
Regional Partnership Agreements as tools to implement its NT
announcements? It has previously foreshadowed the importance of
these as primary mechanisms for engagement. As the Social
Justice Report notes, these processes offer the potential to
embed a community development approach into the new arrangements,
but there is no evidence of this occurring to date.
The suite of NT emergency legislation does not
appear to answer any of these questions.
Commissioner Calma also noted that We are not
starting from scratch in dealing with this issue despite the
rhetoric and suggested that the government was failing to utilise
the planning tools and action plans developed by the ATSIC Regional
Councils and through other planning forums for health, housing,
criminal justice and so on . Many ATSIC Region Councils had, for
example, produced a detailed Family Violence Policy and Action
Plan.
Given the time-constraints imposed on this
interim Digest by the speed of the parliamentary process, we
provide an initial summary of two legal issues arising from the
Bills, namely racial discrimination and just-terms discrimination.
We then provide an analysis of individual Bills insofar as we were
able to address the major issues.
There is a legislative prohibition on racial
discrimination contained in the Racial Discrimination Act
1975 (the RDA). However this package of legislation suspends
part of the operation of the RDA. It treats people differently on
the grounds of race (the reliance on geographic location as the
feature differentiating among Australian residents would fall
within the definition of prohibited indirect discrimination i.e.
the geographic feature will predominantly affect members of a
particular race. It may still, arguably, qualify as direct
discrimination). The general prohibition has always contained a
recognition that special measures are legitimate to promote the
position of members of a particular race when that race is
disadvantaged. Special measures are also referred to as affirmative
action or positive discrimination.
Accepted special measures have been policies
or actions by organisations or governments which recognise that the
past or present disadvantage suffered by certain groups based on
their race has affected their access to equality of opportunity and
basic human rights.
The Human Rights Commission has used the
restriction of sales of alcohol to some Aboriginal people in the
Northern Territory as a classic example of a special measure. The
agreement they have recognised was established between the local
Pitjantjajara people, the relevant roadhouse proprietor and the
federal Race Discrimination Commissioner and was in response to a
request from the Pitjantjajara Council to the Commission to seek
assistance in dealing with the escalating problem of alcohol abuse
within its community. It is important to note that this special
measure was made with the acceptance, and at the request of, the
community involved. [4]
Special measures are generally kept in place
until the group affected has been able to reach substantive
equality with other members of the community.
The measures in the Social Security and other
Legislation Amendment (Welfare Payment Reform) Bill 2007 (the
Welfare Bill) are defined in the Bill as special measures.
The Bill is not proposing to allow judicial
scrutiny of the question as to whether the measures qualify as a
special measure, pre-empting the matter with the declaration that
they are a special measure. To the extent that a subsequent Bill
has the legislative capacity to over-ride the original RDA this may
be within the legislative power of the Commonwealth, however the
RDA s constitutional basis depends on the relevant UN treaty which
is the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms
of Racial Discrimination (CERD). [5]
Article 1(4) of CERD, from which the RDA s
special measures are concerned, provides as follows:
Special measures taken for the sole purpose of
securing adequate advancement of certain racial or ethnic groups or
individuals requiring such protection as may be necessary in order
to ensure such groups or individuals equal enjoyment or exercise of
human rights and fundamental freedoms shall not be deemed racial
discrimination, provided, however, that such measures do not, as a
consequence, lead to the maintenance of separate rights for
different racial groups and that they shall not be continued after
the objectives for which they were taken have been achieved.
The Australian courts have interpreted this
definition as containing four elements:
- a special measure must confer a benefit on some or all members
of a class;
-
the membership of the class must be based on
race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin;
-
a special measure must be for the sole purpose
of securing adequate advancement of the beneficiaries in order that
they may enjoy and exercise equally with others human rights and
freedoms; and
-
the circumstances of the special measure must
provide protection to the beneficiaries which is necessary in order
that they may enjoy and exercise human rights and freedoms equally
with others.
[6]
Furthermore a special measure must not be
continued after the objectives for which it was taken have been
achieved.
Looking at these criteria we see the central
question is: does the measure confer a benefit on some or all
members of a class. The class to be benefited must be a racial
group or individuals belonging to the group. In making this
assessment, courts have looked to both the benefits of a measure
and any costs or disadvantages borne by the beneficiaries of the
measure.
The Welfare Bill proposes to prevent
indigenous families from having unfettered access to their social
security payments. The assessment of whether this will confer a
benefit on an Indigenous community or on individuals in that
community would traditionally be an assessment conducted by the
courts, which would consider the impact of the conditions imposed
by the agreement on individuals and on the community. The
Government s choice to use a stipulative definition regarding
special measures may circumvent such a consideration.
If a Court were to conclude that there is, in
fact, no benefit conferred it would be inconsistent with the
character of a special measure. Difficult issues of fact would
arise here, and close scrutiny of the arrangement and its impact
would be required to consider such an argument.
A special measure must have the sole purpose
of securing adequate advancement of the beneficiaries. There are a
number of sources from which the purpose of a special measure can
be discerned. The purpose of a measure is discerned from its terms
and from the operation which it has in the circumstances to which
it applies. Any fact which shows what the persons who took the
measure intended it to achieve casts light upon the purpose for
which it was taken provided the measure is not incapable of
achieving what is intended.
The purpose of securing adequate advancement
for a racial group is not necessarily established by showing that
the person who takes the measure does so for the purpose of
conferring a benefit, if the group does not seek or wish to have
the benefit. In Gerhardy v Brown, Brennan J stated that
the wishes of the beneficiaries for the measure are of great
importance (perhaps essential) in determining whether a measure is
taken for the purpose of securing their advancement . Brennan J
went on to state:
The dignity of the beneficiaries is impaired and
they are not advanced by having an unwanted material benefit
foisted on them. An Aboriginal community without a home is advanced
by granting them title to the land they wish to have as a home.
Such a grant may satisfy a demand for land rights. But an
Aboriginal community would not be advanced by granting them title
to land to which they would be confined against their wishes.
[7]
Importantly, the terms and conditions upon
which the benefit is conferred have been relevant to the court s
assessment of the purpose of the agreement. The wishes of the
Indigenous community with whom the agreement was made may also be
relevant. Difficult issues have arisen for a court s consideration
where the wishes or views of the Indigenous community are not
uniform. There is also the distinction to be made that the Welfare
Bill s measures do not immediately constitute a material benefit ,
although it may been seen as giving a benefit to those children
with inadequate financial resources due to parental mismanagement
of their funds. [8]
The other question is whether the changes to
the Act proposed in this suite of Bills could be seen as severing
the necessary connection between the legislative head of power used
to enact the RDA (i.e. an implementation of an international treaty
under the foreign affairs power). [9] By re-defining special measures according to its
own legislative criteria the Government may be stepping outside of
the international understandings regarding what constitutes a
special measure. While it is well established that the Commonwealth
is not bound to comply with international law, the RDA has depended
on international law for its constitutional validity. Severing the
link by introducing, effectively, a new meaning of special measures
, as defined by the Government s stipulative use of the term may
lead to unintended consequences.
At the most recent Reporting session of the
Australian Government the Committee overseeing the Convention
commented on the lack of an entrenched protection of the principle
of non-discrimination:
The Committee, while noting the explanations provided by the
delegation, reiterates its concern about the absence of any
entrenched guarantee against racial discrimination that would
override the law of the Commonwealth. (article 2)
The Committee recommends to the State party that it work towards
the inclusion of an entrenched guarantee against racial
discrimination in its domestic law. [10]
Relations between the Government and the
Committee have had some well-publicised difficulties, with the
Committee challenging a number of Commonwealth policies over the
last decade. [11]
It is unlikely that the measures suspending or modifying the
operation of the RDA are likely to find favour with the
Committee.
There are two provisions relating to the
acquisition of property in the national Emergency Response Bill.
Some of the relevant issues are discussed here. The
Northern Territory (Self-Government) Act 1978 provides for
acquisition of property to be on just terms as follows:
50 Acquisition of property to be on just
terms
(1) The power of the Legislative Assembly conferred by section 6
in relation to the making of laws does not extend to the making of
laws with respect to the acquisition of property otherwise than on
just terms.
(2) Subject to section 70, the acquisition of
any property in the Territory which, if the property were in a
State, would be an acquisition to which paragraph 51(xxxi) of the
Constitution would apply, shall not be made otherwise than on just
terms.
In Grace
Bros Pty Ltd v Commonwealth (1946) 72 CLR 269, Dixon J
said that the inquiry should not be directed just to the question
of whether the individual owner is placed in a situation in which
in all respects he will be as well off as if the acquisition had
not taken place.
The inquiry must rather be whether the law
amounts to a true attempt to provide fair and just standards of
compensating or rehabilitating the individual considered as an
owner of property, fair and just as between him and the government
of the country. I say the individual because what is just as
between the Commonwealth and a State, two Governments, may depend
on special considerations not applicable to an individual.
[12]
According to Blackshield and Williams,
[13] just terms
does not necessarily require that a compensation package be
presented as part of the acquisition scheme. It is sufficient that
the scheme provides adequate procedures for determining fair
compensation. The High Court can scrutinise such procedures. Thus
in the Tasmanian Dams Case Deane J found the compensation
provision in the World Heritage Properties Conservation Act
1983 inadequate because of the intrinsic unfairness in the
procedure which in effect ensured that unless a claimant agreed to
accept the terms offered, he will be forced to wait years before he
could get a court determination. He said that section 17:
is quite unacceptable and unfair according to
the ordinary standards of fair dealing between the Australian
nation and an Australian State or individual in relation to the
acquisition of property for a purpose within the national
legislative competence :
Nelungaloo Pty Ltd v Commonwealth
[14]
Quick and Garran [15] have remarked that it was legitimate
to take into account any offsetting benefits the owner realised as
a result of the scheme involving the expropriation, but in some
cases the High Court has taken a view more favourable to the
property owner. For example in Georgiadis, Brennan J
stated:
In determining the issue of just terms, the
court does not attempt a balancing of interests of the dispossessed
owner against the interests of the community at large. The purpose
of the guarantee of just terms is to ensure that the owners of
property compulsorily acquired by government presumably in the
interests of the community at large are not required to sacrifice
their property for less than its worth. Unless it is shown that
what is gained is full compensation for what is lost, the terms
cannot be found to be just.
[16]
The law surrounding section 51(xxxi) of the
Constitution is complex in relation to its application to the
territories. This is for two reasons, that section 51(xxxi) is not
expressed to apply to territories, only the states, and secondly
because of the plenary nature of section 122 of the Constitution,
which allows the Commonwealth unlimited power to make laws for the
government of any territory.
For example, it was long thought that section
51(xxxi) had no application to acquisitions of property in the
Northern Territory. This flowed from the High Court s
interpretation of section 122 ( the territories power ) in
Teori Tau, a unanimous 1969 decision which was upheld in a
number of subsequent cases well into the 1990s. [17] However, in the
Newcrest decision in 1997, a majority of four to three
held that the constitutional requirement of just terms could apply
in the Northern Territory. Three judges over-ruled Teori
Tau, while Toohey J refused to do so but substantially
narrowed its application. [18] The upshot is that the application of section 51(xxxi)
in the Northern Territory is not a foregone conclusion, but that
present authority leans heavily towards its application to
acquisitions under Commonwealth law where they are referable to a
legislative power other than the territories power in section
122.
This issue was recently discussed in
Bennett v Commonwealth (2007) 234 ALR 204 at
paragraph 194 of the decision showing that the area is still open
for debate.
Teori Tau v The Commonwealth was
considered in
Newcrest Mining (WA) Ltd v The
Commonwealth, which was concerned with mining leases over land
in the Northern Territory. Commonwealth legislation purported to
operate on the land contained within those leases. A majority of
the Court (Toohey, Gaudron, Gummow and Kirby JJ) held that
s 51(xxxi) fettered the Commonwealth s legislative power
generally, while three Justices of the majority (Gaudron, Gummow
and Kirby JJ) would have overruled
Teori Tau v The
Commonwealth and found that s 51(xxxi) fettered
s 122 as well. Toohey J, however, thought it would be a
serious step to overrule a decision which has stood for nearly
thirty years and which reflects an approach which may have been
relied on in earlier years . His Honour was therefore unwilling to
overrule it.
[19]
Northern Territory National Emergency Provisions
There are two provisions relating to
compensation for acquisition of property in the main bill, the
National Emergency Response Bill, namely proposed section
60 and proposed section 134. The latter
is a provision to cover the entire Bill apart from Part
4, which deals with the acquisition of rights, titles and
interests in land and Part 4 is covered by proposed section
60. Proposed section 134 is in similar terms and will not
be dealt with at this stage.
Proposed section 60
disapplies subsection 50(2) of the Self Government Act. This means
that the in lieu of a provision that reflects the standard
Constitutional position a new formula which has not been the
subject of judicial scrutiny in this context is being proposed.
Proposed subsection 60(2)
states:
However, if the operation of this Part, or an
act referred to in paragraph (1)(b) or (c), would result in an
acquisition of property to which paragraph 51(xxxi) of the
Constitution applies from a person otherwise than on just terms,
the Commonwealth is liable to pay a reasonable amount of
compensation to the person.
This subsection seems to have three possible
distinctions:
- It does not specifically apply paragraph 51
(xxxi) to the acquisition
- It does not require just terms
- If the acquisition is otherwise than on just
terms, the Commonwealth is liable to pay a reasonable amount of
compensation , as distinct from just terms
Proposed subsection 60(3)
provides that in the effect that agreement cannot be reached on the
amount of compensation, the owner of the property can commence
proceedings.
Proposed section 61 requires
the court to take into account certain things in determining what
is a reasonable amount of compensation that is payable in relation
to land including rent paid by the Commonwealth, amounts of
compensation paid under the Special Purposes Leases Act or the
Crown Lands Act and any improvements to the land funded by the
Commonwealth, including improvements to buildings or
infrastructure.
The proposed compensation scheme could be read
as providing that the Commonwealth should provide just terms but if
not, then a reasonable amount of compensation is to be paid.
Proposed section 61 gives some guide as to how this can be
determined.
Note that when the Valuer-General is tasked to
determine what is a reasonable amount of rent to be paid by the
Commonwealth the Valuer-General must not take into account
the value of any improvements in the land (subsection
62(4)).
If subsection 50(2) were not suspended,
acquisition of property in the NT would be on just terms pursuant
to subsection 50(2) of the Self Government Act. This would be
interpreted in accordance with the common law, that is, it must be
fair and even if an amount is not specified, there should be a fair
and just procedural framework for the determination of
compensation.
Subsection 50(2) has been suspended by the
Commonwealth (which can be done as the Self Government Act is a
creature of the Commonwealth Parliament). There is some strong
judicial comment that section 51(xxxi), the just terms provision of
the Constitution, may have application in the NT, despite Teori
Tau not being explicitly overturned.
It is open on the drafting that just terms
should be paid in accordance with the common law meaning of the
expression, and that the reasonable compensation must be paid. The
Court must take into account the matters referred to in
proposed section 61 in deciding this question.
In explaining the operation of the similar
compensation provision, proposed section 134 the
Explanatory Memorandum states:
Therefore, where an acquisition of property that
occurs as a result of the operation of the terms of this bill is
excluded from the requirement under subsection 50(2) of the
Northern Territory (Self Government) Act 1978,
subclause 134(2) nevertheless requires the payment
of a reasonable amount of compensation.
This suggests that the intention is for
reasonable compensation as distinct from just terms.
Social
Security and Other Legislation Amendment (Welfare Payment) Reform)
Bill 2007
Generally, welfare payments are inalienable.
This applies to the income support and income supplement payments
provided under the Social Security Act 1991 (SSA) and also
to the family assistance payments provided under the A New Tax
System (Family Assistance) Act 1999 (FAA).
Payments
provided under the SSA are inalienable. Section 60 of the
Social Security (Administration) Act 1999 (SSAA) refers.
[20]
Section 61 of the SSAA allows the recipient to
elect to pay some part of their payment (deductions) to another
party, for example to an energy or electricity provider. Section
238 allows deductions to be made to the Taxation Commissioner or
the Child Support Agency for maintenance owed. Sections 1231 and
1234A of the SSA allow deductions to recover debts, section 1231
for debts arising under the SSA and section 1234A for deductions
for other debts with the person s consent. Other than these
specific exemptions, payments must be provided to the qualified
person.
There are
also provisions ensuring payments provided under the FAA are
inalienable. Section 66 of the A New Tax System (Family
Assistance) (Administration) Act 1999 (FAAA) refers. [21]
Inalienability basically means that where a
person is qualified to a payment and entitled to an amount of
payment, the payment is their legal right and cannot be not
provided at all or provided to someone else.
The Social Security and Other Legislation
Amendment (Welfare Payment Reform) Bill 2007 will add another
circumstance where, notwithstanding the current inalienability of
payment provisions in the SAA and the FAAA, there will be
circumstances where an individual qualified to receive a payment
will not be provided with that payment, in whole or in part. This
will be where the income management regime (IMR) provisions in this
Bill are to apply.
In the broad, a person may become subject to
the IMR provisions in this Bill for one of the following
reasons:
-
for the protection of a child of the
person,
-
the person is subject to the jurisdiction of
the Queensland Commission and the Commission request the IMR
provisions to apply,
-
the person is a resident of a specified area in
the Northern Territory, or
-
the person s child is subject to the
unsatisfactory child attendance situation.
Generally, the specific individual
circumstance that might arise where a person might be considered
for and subject to the IMR provisions in this Bill are not set out
in this Bill. The details of the circumstances where an individual
might be subjected to the IMR provisions are to be set out in
various different Legislative Instruments to be made by the
Minister.
A person may be subject to the IMR provisions
for reasons of child protection of a child. The child protection
IMR provisions will require a State or Territory child protection
officer to request the IMR provisions to be applied and then
applied where, amongst other things, subject to principles to be
set out in a Legislative Instrument to be made by the Minister.
Where the
Queensland Commission requests in writing that the Secretary place
the person under the IMR provisions, the IMR provisions are to
generally be applied. The IMR provisions are to be applied unless
the case involves circumstance where they should not be applied.
These circumstances are not set out in the Bill but are to be set
out in principles in a Legislative Instrument to be made by the
Minister.
The person is a resident of a specified area in the Northern
Territory
Where a
person is a resident of a specified area in the Northern Territory
(specified in this Bill), the Secretary can determine that a person
is subject to the IMR provisions in this Bill. The Secretary must
have regard to, amongst other things, principles to be set out in a
Legislative Instrument to be made by the Minister. These principles
are not set out in the Bill.
For the
child attendance at school provisions, the IMR provisions can be
applied where it is considered there is unsatisfactory school
attendance situation. The Secretary will be empowered to declare
the IMR should apply to a person subject to amongst other things,
principles to be set out in a Legislative Instrument to be made by
the Minister.
The
Secretary will also be able to issue to a parent a requirement to
provide documentary evidence about the child s attendance at
school. Where the notice is not complied with, the Secretary can
determine the child has not been attending school, subject to
provisions to be set out in a Legislative Instrument to be made by
the Minister.
The
provisions in this Bill only really set out in the broad
circumstances where the IMR provisions are to be applied. The
specific details of where an individual person can be subjected to
the IMR provisions is yet to be seen as they are to be described in
principles to be set out in a Legislative Instrument made by the
Minister.
There is no set period ascribed in the Bill as
to how long an IMR is to apply to an individual. The period an IMR
can be applied will be set out in principles to be set out in a
legislative instrument made by the Minister.
There are various different payment deduction
or payment withdrawal (not paid) provisions in the Bill. The
amounts to be deducted or withdrawn vary depending on whether the
origins of the IMR for the individual refer to a Northern Territory
resident, a request by the Queensland Commission, or a child
protection case or a child non attendance at school case.
In child protection cases, 100 per cent of the
payment may be withheld. In other cases, only 50% of the payment
deducted or a different deduction amount to be described in a
Legislative Instrument by the Minister.
The Community Development Employment Projects
(CDEP) commenced in 1977. Under the scheme, members of
participating Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities or
organisations can forgo any Centrelink Income Support benefit
(except Abstudy or full time student Youth Allowance) for a
wages grant paid to the community. Although CDEP has been referred
to as a work for the dole scheme there are significant differences
including the ability of all welfare recipients to participate and
also a more generous income allowance on top of CDEP wages than
available to Newstart recipients.
The CDEP scheme was funded and administered by
the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC). In
monetary terms it was ATSIC's largest program with a total budget
of $484 million in 2002 2003. Since July 2004 the program has been
funded and administered by the Department of Employment and
Workplace Relations (DEWR).
In February 2007 the Minister for Employment
and Workplace Relations, the Hon. Joe Hockey MP, announced changes
to the Community Development Employment Projects (CDEP) programme
to take effect from 1 July 2007. These changes included funding
additional Structured Training Employment Projects (STEP) brokers
instead of funding the CDEP programme in urban and major regional
areas; [22] the
closure of all Indigenous Employment Centres (IECs) because of the
strengthened link between Job Network and CDEP organisations; and
the introduction of a 26 week CDEP placement incentive payment for
CDEP service providers who place participants into long term
work.
In Senate estimates DEWR officials stated that
about 5,000 CDEP participants will be affected by moving urban and
regional CDEPs to STEP and Newstart. Furthermore the move is
estimated to save $30.9 million which will partly fund the 2007-08
budget measure of normalising employment arrangements for
Australian government services which is estimated to cost $97.2
million over four years and provide 825 ongoing jobs currently
provided by CDEPs. [23] The DEWR website states that in remote locations and
regional locations with weaker labour markets, CDEP will continue
to be funded in 2007 08 subject to the usual competitive funding
process. [24]
However, as a result of the Northern Territory emergency response
the fifty Northern Territory CDEP programs with approximately 8,000
participants, almost totally in remote locations, will be the
exception.
As part of the Northern Territory emergency
response all Northern Territory CDEP programs were informed that
from 1 July 2007 their funding agreements would be reduced from
twelve to three months and on 23 July 2007, the Hon Mal Brough MP,
the Minister for Families, Community Services and Indigenous
Affairs, and the Hon Joe Hockey MP, the Minister for Employment and
Workplace Relations, announced that CDEP in the Northern Territory
will progressively be replaced with real jobs, training and
mainstream employment programmes . [25] However a more significant outcome,
at least initially, will be the move from CDEP wages to income
support a requisite of the welfare payment reform provisions in the
Bill. The fact sheet accompanying the media release states that
moving CDEP participants onto income support will allow a single
system of quarantining to apply to welfare payments. This
initiative will stem the flow of cash going towards alcohol and
substance abuse and ensure that money meant for children s welfare
is used for that purpose. [26]
The Bill provides for a Northern Territory
CDEP transition payment available to CDEP participants in the
Northern Territory until 30 June 2008. The transition payment will
compensate those CDEP participants who received other income above
the income support payment.
Northern Territory
National Emergency Response Bill 2007
This part overrides the Northern Territory s
Liquor Act 1978, Liquor Regulations and Police
Administration Act 1978, to ban the consumption, possession or
supply of liquor within prescribed areas. There is an exemption for
people engaged in recreational boating and commercial fishing. The
maximum penalty for a first offence is a fine of $1100, and for
further offences $2200. Where more than 1350 ml of alcohol is
transported or supplied, the maximum penalties increase to
$74 800 or 18 months imprisonment, but if a person can prove
that he or she did not intend to supply the alcohol, no offence is
committed.
The Commonwealth Minister is empowered to vary
liquor licences to prohibit the sale of liquor for consumption on
or off licensed premises (clause 13).
The Minister may also vary permits to prohibit
the sale or consumption of liquor in prescribed areas.
Permit-holders and their guests are currently allowed to consume
liquor within what will become prescribed areas. The Explanatory
Memorandum states that these permits will be reviewed. [27]
This Part requires filters accredited by the
Minister to be installed and maintained on publicly-funded
computers within prescribed areas. This includes computers owned or
loaned by bodies or individuals that receive government funding, or
that directly or indirectly receive funding for employment
programs. There is an exemption for a period if for purposes of
work, research or study a person needs to access material that
would otherwise be blocked by a filter. Presumably the regulations
will specify more detail about the requirement to maintain and
update filters.
Records must be kept for three years about
each person who uses such a computer, and the time when it was
used.
The Minister may determine matters that must
be included in acceptable-use policies. These policies must state
that the computers may not be used for illegal purposes, notably
for criminal activity or incitement, obscenity, harassment or
stalking. There is no defence for not developing an acceptable-use
policy.
These computers must be audited twice a year,
on specific days, and audit reports must be given to the Australian
Crime Commission within two weeks. If a person knows or is reckless
that illegal material has been accessed or stored on a computer, an
additional audit must be performed as soon as practicable.
Fines of $550 apply to failures to filter a
computer, keep records, develop an acceptable-use policy, or
perform audits. Fines of $1100 apply when a person fails to ensure
a computer audit with the result that illegal material is not
identified. These offences commence 28 days after Royal Assent,
giving computer administrators one month to install filters, create
user logs and prepare acceptable-use policies.
Issues that Parliament may wish to
consider:
- whether it is discriminatory to impose filtering and auditing
on publicly-funded computers in Aboriginal areas of the
Northern Territory, but not in Australia in
general, and if so, whether the discrimination is legally
justifiable under the Racial Discrimination Act 1975
-
whether it is an infringement of free speech to
impose filtering that may well hinder access to material that is
perfectly legal
-
the efficacy of filters in general: there was a
recent report that the Government s $116 million NetAlert project
to provide nationwide ISP-level internet filtering would get off
the ground within weeks , although the same report stated that
technical trials were scheduled to go ahead later this year, and
that the internet industry believed that the system would be
unworkable.
[28]
-
the burden of the requirement to keep
computer-use logs for three years
Part 4 of the Northern Territory National
Emergency Response Bill 2007, provides for the acquisition of
right, titles and interests in land, and Division 1 for the grants
of leases for 5 years. Acquiring townships prescribed by the
Australian Government through five year leases including payment of
just terms compensation had been one of the measures announced by
the Government on 21 June 2007 [29],
Although this measure has been presented in
the context of responding to child abuse in the Northern Territory,
it comes in the context of a long debate over the merits of
offering indigenous individuals in the Northern Territory the
possibility of subleasing back as private land communal land that a
community has agreed to lease out long-term to a government body or
agency. It is also in the context of the Federal Government s
long-expressed interest in making this possible.
As long ago as 1998 John Reeves , in his
Review of the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act
1976, Building on Land Rights for the Next Generation,
[30] recommended,
among other things, giving the Northern Territory Government power
to compulsorily acquire Aboriginal land for public purposes, and
the development of leasing arrangements to enable Aboriginal people
to own their homes on communal land. The Reeves report prompted
several further reviews, including one by the House of
Representatives Standing Committee on Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander Affairs (HORSCATSIA); and a joint response to the Reeves
Report by the NT Government and Land Councils.
The NT Government was also developing its own
model for township leasing, and in July 2004 sent an options paper
to the four NT Land Councils for consideration. However, the
Commonwealth s amendments to the ALRA overtook this plan and in
2005 the NT Government wrote to the Australian Government
suggesting a voluntary leasing plan which would recognise the right
of traditional owners to make decisions over their land.
In April 2005 the Prime Minister stated:
I believe there is a case for reviewing the
whole issue of Aboriginal land title, in the sense of looking
towards private recognition. I certainly believe that all
Australians should be able to aspire to owning their own home and
having their own business. Having the title to something is the key
to your sense of individuality; it s the key to your capacity to
achieve, and to care for your family and I don t believe that
indigenous Australians should be treated any differently in this
respect.
[31]
In June 2005 the National Indigenous Council
(the NIC, the advisory body to the government on indigenous
matters) presented its Indigenous
Land Tenure Principles to Government. While acknowledging that
communal interest in land is fundamental to Indigenous culture and
should be inalienable, the Council considered that individuals and
families [should be able] to acquire and exercise a personal
interest in those lands, whether for the purposes of home ownership
or business development. Further, it said, the consent of
traditional owners should not be unreasonably withheld to requests
for individual leasehold interests and that involuntary measures
should not be used except as a last resort. [32]
A number of Indigenous leaders have criticised
these proposals. Noel Pearson has commented:
The concern from
the indigenous community that I m hearing is that the legitimate
issue of home ownership might be used as a Trojan horse for a
reallocation of land rights a taking of rights away from Aboriginal
people.
[33]
In his Native Title Report 2005,
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner,
Tom Calma pointed to existing leasing provisions in statutes like
the ALRA and commented:
As a consequence, it is not necessary to put the communal tenure
of Indigenous land at risk as the NIC Principles propose.
The NIC Principles are premised on the idea that private land
ownership will lead to economic development because the land owners
will have an economic interest in seeing land value improved. The
NIC Principles also assume that communal land ownership will not
lead to development, and the interests of the land will not be
protected.
International experience demonstrates that individual title does
not lead to improved economic outcomes. [34]
In a 2005 Oxfam Australia report, an
Australian National University team found no evidence to suggest
that individual land ownership is either necessary or sufficient to
increase economic development or housing construction. [35] They concluded:
The evidence does not support the notion that private individual
ownership of low-value land in remote settings can be the driving
force in addressing housing or other needs. The principal issues
for any new policy framework continue to be contemporary Indigenous
poverty, and the historic lack of services, housing and associated
infrastructure. The notion that land rights reform can be the main
driver for economic development should be reconsidered in light of
the legacy of disadvantage, cultural difference and structural
factors faced by these communities. Such debates must also
recognise that there are fundamental Indigenous cultural reasons
for attachment to land, irrespective of its commercial potential,
as well as unique and diverse Indigenous perspectives on what
development is appropriate for their communities and country.
The report concludes that very significant structural issues
must be addressed to encourage economic development and address
housing needs, including the remoteness of communities from
mainstream markets; relatively low populations and population
densities; the need for greater investment in education and
vocational skills; poor infrastructure; and the generally
economically marginal nature of most Aboriginal lands.
A contrary view was put by researchers at the
Centre for Independent Studies. In A New Deal for Aborigines
and Torres Strait Islanders in Remote Communities, Professor
Helen Hughes and Jenness Warin argue:
Communal ownership of land, royalties and other
resources is the principal cause of the lack of economic
development in remote areas. Commonwealth, State and Territory
legislative and regulatory frameworks have to make it possible for
Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders who choose to do so to
become individual land owners and entrepreneurs. Royalties from
mining, fishing, telecommunications and other sources must become
transparent and flow to individuals. An end to communal ownership
and asset management would cut into the power of councils,
associations and their big men , making income distribution more
equitable and greatly reducing the need for bargaining and
political power plays that make life miserable and lead to
incessant violence. Investment in land and other assets has to
become viable. With individual property rights, land could be used
for collateral to borrow for business, allowing the application of
capital and technology to create productive enterprises with
employment capacity. Private property rights in land are essential
to attracting outside investment that is a pre-requisite to a major
expansion in employment opportunities.
In the course of 2005 the Government committed
itself further to reform in the area of indigenous home ownership,
offering additional funding for purchasing homes, and a scheme to
facilitate township leasing was included in the 2006 ALRA
amendments. Under section 19A of the ALRA, a Land Trust may grant a
99 year lease of a township to an approved entity , which means
either a Commonwealth or NT entity, if both the Minister and the
Land Council agree to the granting of the lease. The Commonwealth
was added at the last moment, with Federal doubts mounting as to
the NT s commitment to the plan. After 69 years, the Land Trust may
grant another lease to the same entity, to ensure certainty for
home owners and other lessees (subsection 19A(5) of the ALRA).
The Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern
Territory) Amendment (Township Leasing) Bill 2007, 24 May
2007, sought to establish the office of Executive Director of
Township Leasing, to enter into and administer township leases on
Aboriginal land in the Northern Territory, under the
Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976.
For more on concerns
raised with respect to these recent development see Jennifer
Norberry and John Gardiner-Garden s Bill Digest on the Aboriginal
Land Rights (Northern Territory) Amendment Bill 2006. [36]
Although the 5 year lease being proposed in
the current bill may in the short term have a very different
purposes to that of the above discussed 99 year leases, given the
above context, it is not surprising that one of the main concerns
raised with respect the proposed compulsory 5 year leases is that
it may prove a stepping stone to 99 year leases with failure to
solve all community problems inside 5 years being used down the
track for extensions of the arrangement.
Division 1 of Part 4 sets out
the conditions under which the Commonwealth will assume five-year
leases of Aboriginal lands.
Clause 31 grants to the
Commonwealth a five-year lease over all Aboriginal land as defined
by the ALRA, land granted to an association under subclause 46(1A)
of the Lands Acquisition Act of the Northern Territory, and some
other lands already subject to leases (surrounding Finke,
Kalkarindji, Daguragu and Pine Creek).
Land which is already covered by a registered
lease, for example a 99-year township lease as introduced in the
2006 ALRA amendments, is excluded from the five-year Commonwealth
lease (clause 31(3)).
If during the Commonwealth s five-year lease,
a Land Trust decides to enter into a 99-year township lease (under
section 19A of the ALRA), then the Commonwealth s lease under
proposed s.31 is terminated at the time the township lease takes
effect (clause 37 (6) to (9)).
Any existing rights, title or other interests
in land (excluding native title rights) are preserved by
subclause 34(3). Subclause 34(4) provides that if
the land owner has granted any rights, title or interests to
another party, it is taken to be in force as if the Commonwealth
had granted that right, title or interest on the same terms and
conditions. However, clause 34(5) allows the
Minister to determine in writing that the existing grant of rights,
title or interests in land, as allowed in s. 34(4) do not have
effect during the five-year lease. The Minister s determination is
not a legislative instrument (therefore cannot be disallowed by
Parliament) and there is no avenue of appeal.
Land Trusts may continue to grant leases
according to s. 19 of the ALRA, however the consent of the Minister
will be required (clause 52) during the five-year
Commonwealth lease period. If the Minister consents to such a
lease, then the s.31 Commonwealth lease covering that area of land
will be varied to exclude that part.
The Northern Territory laws regarding
subdivision will not apply to the Commonwealth leased land
(clause 57). Clause 58 would
allow the Commonwealth to make regulations modifying Northern
Territory law relating to planning, infrastructure, subdivision or
transfer of land, local government, or other matters, for land
covered by the provisions of this Bill.
Under the Northern Territory
Special Purposes Leases Act, the NT Government has
granted leases in perpetuity to entities to administer Aboriginal
town camps which surround urban areas. For example, the Tangentyre
Council, on behalf of 18 Indigenous Corporations, manages a Special
Purpose lease for town camps surrounding Alice Springs, and the
Julalikari Aboriginal Corporation administers the Tennant Creek
camps.
Management of the town camps has been a
contentious issue and the Commonwealth Government has attempted to
negotiate with town camp leaseholders to return the leases to the
Northern Territory government, in exchange for Commonwealth funding
for housing and other services.
Upon the Commonwealth Government s
announcement that it was considering whether it could compulsorily
acquire leases for town camps, the Northern Territory Government
responded that it would be working with town camps to see if the
Australian Government s objectives can be achieved without
compulsory acquisition. [37]
Under clause 44, references
in the Special Purposes Leases Act to the Northern
Territory Minister or the Administrator will also be taken to be
references to the Commonwealth Minister.
Proposed subclause 44(2) states:
To avoid doubt, the Commonwealth Minister
forfeits a lease of land, or resumes a land, under the Special
Purposes Lease Act on behalf of the Northern Territory Minister or
the Administrator of the Northern Territory.
Under section 28(a) of the Special
Purposes Leases Act, the Administrator may, by Proclamation
resume any land comprising, or included in, a lease...for any
public purpose which he thinks fit. Section 29 of the Act requires
six months notice of a resumption of a lease. However,
clause 44(b)(i) would reduce the notice time to 60
days.
Therefore, the Commonwealth Minister,
empowered to act as the NT Minister or Administrator can, under the
Special Purposes Leases Act, acquire town camp leases.
Clause 46 makes the same
arrangements for the NT
Crown Lands Act, under which some town camp leases are
granted.
Subdivision C of Part 4 vests
rights, titles and interests in land in the Commonwealth. Upon
giving the Northern Territory government a notice that it is
acquiring a lease under the Special Purposes Leases Act or the
Crown Lands Act, all rights, titles and interests are taken to be
vested in the Commonwealth and freed and discharged from all other
rights, titles and interests and any trusts, obligations, mortgages
etc (clause 47). The notice given under s. 47 may
recognise that some rights, titles and interests are to be
preserved (clause 48). However the Commonwealth
reserves the ability to terminate any such rights, titles or
interest in land by writing (clause 49).
The Commonwealth has the power to interpret,
modify and use Northern Territory legislation, as it has done in
this section dealing with town camp leases, via the Territories
power in the Constitution (s. 122).
Clause 51 sets out the parts
of the Bill to which Division 3 of Part 2 of the Native Title
Act 1993 (the future act provisions) does not apply.
Under the Public Works Act 1969,
Parliament s Joint Committee of Public Works must recommend that
the Parliament approve expenditure on Commonwealth-funded capital
works above $15 million.
Clause 53 would stipulate
that this requirement would not apply to any work carried out on
land covered by a s.31 lease agreement, land in which a
Commonwealth interest exists, or town camp land resumed under the
Special Purposes Leases Act.
The most significant
amendments in Part 5 are contained in 'Division 4 Commonwealth
management in business management areas'. Subdivision A relates to Commonwealth management of
community government councils.
The proposed amendments contained in Division
4 modify Northern Territory legislation only so far as is
necessary, in order to provide the Commonwealth with the same
powers as the Northern Territory though with appropriate
adaptations. These amendments are designed to bring particular
types of community services entities under external
administration. This initiative is in response to the failures
relating to the provision of Commonwealth or Northern Territory
funded services in business management areas. [38]
Community services entities charged
with providing services in business management areas by
and large tend to be community government councils which are
incorporated either under the Local Government Act or the
Associations Act (NT). The changes proposed in Division 4
modify the Local Government Act and the Associations
Act so as to give powers under that legislation to the
Commonwealth Minister. However, the powers given to the
Commonwealth Minister under that legislation are delimited.
The EM states that:
Part 6 amends Northern Territory law to prohibit
the relevant authority, when exercising bail or sentencing
discretion in relation to Northern Territory offences, from taking
into consideration any form of customary law or cultural practice
to lessen or aggravate the seriousness of the criminal behaviour of
offenders and alleged offenders. Part 6 also strengthens Northern
Territory bail provisions to better secure the safety of victims
and witnesses in remote communities.
Clauses 90 and 91 are modelled closely on the
Crimes Amendment (Bail and Sentencing) Act 2006 which
amended the sentencing and bail provisions in the Crimes Act
1914 in accordance with the decisions made by the Council of
Australian Governments (COAG) on 14 July 2006.
COAG agreed that no customary law or cultural
practice excuses, justifies, authorises, requires, or lessens the
seriousness of violence or sexual abuse. All jurisdictions agree
that their laws will reflect this, if necessary by future amendment
. COAG also asked the Standing Committee of Attorneys-General
(SCAG) to report to the next COAG meeting on the extent to which
bail provisions and enforcement take particular account of
potential impacts on victims and witnesses in remote communities
and to recommend any changes required.
The COAG meeting followed the recommendations
of the Intergovernmental Summit on Violence and Child Abuse in
Indigenous Communities on 26 June 2006.
For full background on the Commonwealth
measures, see the Senate
Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional Affairs
Crimes Amendment (Bail and Sentencing) Bill 2006 tabled 16
October 2006, and the Bills
Digest No 56, 27 November 2006.
The Bills Digest
explains in detail the political impetus for the Summit and the
bill originated in public debate around the sentencing decision in
the GJ v R case involving customary law in the Northern
Territory.
The Bill was clearly framed by the Government
as an attempt to provide leadership and set an example to the
States in the context of ongoing negotiations. But it also was
linked to funding. The Minister for Families, Community Services
and Indigenous affairs, the Hon Mal Brough MP, has indicated that
state and territory funding for indigenous programs will be linked
to states and territories amending their laws so as to remove
cultural background from mandatory consideration when sentencing
offenders. The funding linkage was opposed by ACT Chief Minister,
Jon Stanhope and the WA Attorney-General. [39]
The Senate report notes a series of criticisms of
that bill, including that the Bill s focus is misdirected , because
of the absence of any Federal laws relating to violence or sexual
abuse in Indigenous communities that will be affected or changed as
a result of the Bill . The same could not be said of the current
amendments, which will clearly affect NT indigenous residents. At
present, the sentencing guidelines under section 5 of the NT
Sentencing Act merely allow the judge discretion to
consider the offender s background in the context of the
seriousness of the offence. Under section 104A, only the way the
judge receives any information on customary law is regulated.
HREOC has previously argued that there needs
to be formalised recognition inserted into the Sentencing Act
1995 (NT) to require the courts to always consider whether
customary law is a relevant consideration and to apply it
consistently with human rights principles.
The Committee also voiced concerns about the
haste with which the proposals in the Bill have been drafted and
introduced into Parliament, without adequate, if any, consultation
with Indigenous and multicultural groups .
Finally, the Committee considered that the
most concerning feature of the Bill is the symbolic message that it
sends to the judiciary (and the community at large), and the
judicial uncertainty it may create .
As well as those general concerns which are
relevant to the present amendments, other constitutional questions
arise. The Commonwealth Parliament does not have a general power to
legislate with respect to criminal law in a manner which would bind
the states and territories. However, the Commonwealth Parliament
does have a plenary power in respect of territories. The
proposed policy measures would limit judicial discretion in
sentencing matters. The constitutionality of this arose in the
mandatory-sentencing debate as to whether limiting or completely
usurping judicial discretion in sentencing constitutes an
impermissible interference with the judicial power. This occurs
when the legislature vests in a court capable of exercising the
federal judicial power, a power which is incompatible with the
judicial process. [40]
The Explanatory Statement states that Part 7
aims to address:
long-standing concerns that some stores in
Indigenous communities are poorly managed and have low quality
goods sold at high prices. Many Indigenous communities in the
Northern Territory have only one community store. In very remote
communities there may be no other store within hundreds of
kilometres and even these may not be accessible during the wet
season. Hence, the way community stores operate and the quality of
the food that they provide are critical to the Australian
Government s efforts to improve the lives of Indigenous people in
the Northern Territory.
[41]
In effect, it appears that Part 7 of the Bill,
which introduces a new licensing regime for community stores, aims
to maximise the relative value of Government welfare payments, in
comparison to the cost of living in remote Indigenous communities
in the Northern Territory. By closely regulating the quality,
quantity and range of groceries sold by licensed stores, the Bill
also seeks to achieve an ancillary effect of increasing the quality
of produce available to the communities, which may have a direct
impact on the health and lifestyle.
Part 7 of the Bill deals with licensing of
community stores. It introduces a new licensing regime, empowering
the Secretary of the Department to grant community store licences .
The licensing regime is designed to enable the Secretary to assess
a community stores practices, including:
-
the capacity to comply with the
income
management regime [42]
-
the quality, quantity and range of groceries
and consumer items, with an express inclusion of healthy food and
drink
-
the business practices of the store, including
pricing and other financial aspects (such as wages), and
-
other matters considered relevant at the
Minister s discretion, or those later specified by the
Minister.
Clause 92 outlines the
meaning of community store , to broadly include any business which
provides grocery items and drinks as one of its main purposes. The
definition expressly excludes takeaway and fast food shops,
roadhouses, and other kinds of business expressly excluded by
regulation. As the definition is broadly defined, it might also
include businesses such as petrol stations (although if this were
unintended, they could be expressly excluded later by
regulation).
Under the Bill, community stores would not be
licensed until they are assessed by appointed authorised officers
(proposed Division 2). Assessment occurs in the
community store, with the store operator being given at least 7
days notice that the assessment will occur (clause
95).
Community store licences are granted (or
refused) by the Secretary, following assessment of the community
store(s) (clauses 97-98). The Secretary may,
having regard to the outcome of the store assessment (and any other
relevant matters), refuse to grant a licence.
Clause 104 states that it is
a condition of any community store licence that the holder of the
licence must operate the store in a satisfactory manner (having
regard to the assessable matters, above). Other licence conditions
are dealt with in clauses 102-105. The Bill also
provides for licence revocation, variation, surrender and transfer
(clauses 106 111).
Clause 119 creates strict
liability offences for store operators who refuse to produce
documents and material that are reasonably necessary for the store
assessment (60 penalty units), or who fail to provide assistance
and facilities which are necessary and reasonable for the
assessment (10 penalty units).
The Bill also provides the Secretary with a
power to request information (clause 120), within
a specified time and in a specified form or manner (at the
Secretary s discretion), should the Secretary suspect that a person
possesses information that relates to the assessment of a community
store. Non-compliance with the request attracts a penalty of 10
units; provision of false or misleading information attracts a
penalty of 60 units. The proposed section provides an exemption for
people with a reasonable excuse for non-compliance (however, this
does not include excuses relating to the commercial sensitivity or
confidentiality of the information).
Parliament may wish to consider the extent of
discretionary power that the proposed new licensing regime provides
to the Secretary and officers. The Bill lacks a balance that could
be provided by the inclusion of appeal provisions and less
discretion (for example, at proposed subclause 120
(2)). This is particularly important for those provisions
which impose a criminal penalty.
While businesses are required to be
satisfactorily assessed at the time of licensing, it is unclear how
the proposed legislation will ensure that the satisfactory state of
business practices is maintained.
Overall, the licensing regime does not sit
comfortably with general concepts of fair trading. Parliament may
wish to consider the wider implications of imposing Government
control upon the practices of small business operators.
Schedule 1 amends the Commonwealth
Classification (Publications, Films and Computer Games) Act
1995 (the Classification Act) to prohibit the possession,
control and supply of pornography in prescribed areas . [43]
Pornography or prohibited material as it is
described in the Bill, is films (including DVDs and videos) or
publications, that have been classified by the Commonwealth
Classification Board according to the Classification Code as RC
(Refused Classification), X18+ (sexually explicit material) and
Category 1 or Category 2 Restricted material, as well as
unclassified material likely to be classified in those
categories.
The Classification Act facilitates the
operation of a national classification scheme, a cooperative
arrangement between the Commonwealth, states and territories. The
Classification Act provides that the Classification Board
classifies films (including videos and DVDs), computer games and
certain publications according to the National Classification Code.
As part of the national scheme, each state and territory has
enacted complementary classification enforcement legislation that
prescribes penalties for classification offences and provides for
enforcement of classification decisions in the particular
jurisdictions. [44]
In the Northern Territory, the
Classification of Publications, Films and Computer Games Act
2005 (NT) provides the framework for prohibitions on dealing
with pornography of different classification categories and
enforcement. Restrictions apply to the sale, exhibition, attendance
at and copying of films and computer games which are unclassified,
or classified RC, or films which are classified X18+. In addition
there are restrictions on the sale or delivery of publications
which are unclassified, classified RC or classified Category 1
Restricted or Category 2 Restricted [45]. Although X18+ classified material is
restricted in the Northern Territory, unlike in the States, the
sale and hire of X18+ material is permitted.
The Bill in proposed section
101 makes the possession or control of prohibited
material an offence in prohibited areas. Unlike existing offences
in Northern Territory legislation, the prohibition applies to mere
possession of the prohibited material without any intention of
copying, selling or hiring. The penalty for this offence is 50
penalty units. The penalty for the offence of possession of RC
material is set at 100 penalty units (clause 102)
the rationale being that the impact of this material is higher.
Proposed section 101
prohibits the supply of prohibited material in and to prescribed
areas. The provision would apply in all states and territories.
Supply is defined broadly and includes distribution on a not for
profit basis. The penalty is 100 penalty units. For the supply of 5
or more prohibited items the onus of proof is reversed and the
penalty is 200 penalty units and/or imprisonment for two years.
Proposed sections 106 109
provides for police powers to seize and destroy prohibited material
. Entry and search must be done by warrant or consent in accordance
with Part 1AA of the Crimes Act 1914.
Proposed sections 100 and
111 clarify that the offences are to apply in
addition to State and Territory legislation.
The Explanatory Memorandum states that the
amendments in Part 6 to the powers and functions of the Australian
Crime Commission (ACC) and Australian Federal Police (AFP) are
designed to 'protect Aboriginal children in the Northern Territory
from harm'. [46]
Schedule 2, Part 1 amends the
Australian Crime Commission Act 2002 (ACC Act).
The Australian Crime
Commission (ACC), (formerly the National Crime Authority but
with enhanced intelligence functions), commenced operations on 1st
January 2003. Under Section 7A of the ACC Act, the aim of the ACC
is to 'reduce the incidence and impact of serious and organised
criminal activity on the Australian community'.
To achieve this aim, the ACC has a range of
special coercive powers such as the capacity to compel the
attendance at Examinations, to produce documents and to answer
questions (similar to a Royal Commission). The ACC also has an
intelligence-gathering capacity and a range of investigative powers
common to law enforcement agencies, such as the power to tap
phones, use surveillance devices and participate in controlled
operations. These powers will be expanded if the Crimes Legislation
Amendment (National Investigative Powers and Witness Protection)
Bill 2006 currently before the Senate is passed by the Parliament.
[47] Another Bill
before the Parliament, the Telecommunications (Interception and
Access) Bill 2007, if passed will deem all child pornography
offences to be serious offences for the purpose of obtaining a
warrant to intercept phone calls, emails, and other forms of
telecommunications. [48]
The National
Indigenous Violence and Child Abuse Intelligence Task Force
(NIITF) was announced in July 2006, and will lead national
coordination in the collection and sharing of information and
intelligence relating to child abuse, violence, drugs, alcohol,
pornography and fraud affecting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island
communities. [49]
Activities will be coordinated by the Task Force s operational
head, based in Alice Springs, with support from ACC and
jurisdictional staff working from Darwin and other ACC offices.
Subject to ACC Board approval, the NIITF will operate until late
2008, with a final report to the ACC Board due in mid 2009. The ACC
website for the NIITF states:
The fundamental drivers of Indigenous violence
and child abuse are social and economic. Accordingly, the NIITF is
adopting an approach which is non punitive and respectful of
Indigenous people and cultures. National and regional level
consultative arrangements will be established, where possible
utilising existing structures. In these processes, particular
efforts will be made to engage with and involve Indigenous elders,
leaders and women s groups.
[50]
The Law Society of the NT was critical of this
development at the time because of the 'Star Chamber' powers of the
ACC and stated in a media release that:
Threatening witnesses with gaol is unlikely to
help if Indigenous people are already facing an environment of
threats and intimidation.
[51]
Under existing subsection 7C(c), the Board can
to authorise, in writing, the ACC to undertake intelligence
operations or to investigate matters relating to federally
relevant criminal activity. [52]
The main change made by Division 1,
items 1 to 14 is that the words 'serious and organised
crime' are deleted from the definition of federally relevant
criminal activity (and elsewhere in the definitions subsection
4(1)) and replaced with the term relevant crime.
Item 6 inserts a new
definition of relevant crime into subsection 4(1) to
include:
(a) serious and organised crime; or
(b) Indigenous violence or child abuse.
Indigenous violence or child abuse is further
defined widely in item 5 as 'serious violence or
child abuse committed by or against, or involving, an indigenous
person'. Serious violence is further defined in
item 9 as limited to an offence punishable by a
minimum three years imprisonment. Child abuse is also
defined in item 2 as limited to an offence
punishable by a minimum three years imprisonment.
The Explanatory Memorandum explains that the
government fully intends the full range of ACC powers to be
directed at the issue, and that it is clearly envisaged by the
government that these offences would not normally be caught by the
term 'organised crime'.
Offences concerning Indigenous violence or child abuse
(including sexual offences) are unlikely to meet the first set of
elements, which require that the offence involves two or more
offenders, substantial planning and organisation, and the use of
sophisticated methods and techniques. Even if the first set of
elements were met, not all offences relevant to Indigenous violence
or child abuse would be captured by the list of the type of
offences which for present purposes would be limited to violence
offences and certain Commonwealth child sex offences involving the
use of a carriage service.
The government wishes to ensure that the existing special
coercive powers of the ACC should be available for the purpose of
an operation/investigation (or special operation/investigation)
into Indigenous violence or child abuse, should the ACC Board
decide that their use for this purpose should be authorised.
[53]
The amendments in Division 2
would allow an ACC examiner to request or compel information,
documents or things held by a State or Territory agency that are
relevant to an operation/investigation, provided an arrangement is
in force between the Commonwealth and the State or Territory.
Presumably this will allow the ACC to compel information from the
NT government.
The Division 3 amendments
would extend the term of appointment for ACC Examiners from five to
10 years. The EM does not explain how this amendment is in any way
connected to the Bill's purpose.
Schedule 2, Part 2 amends the
Australian Federal Police Act 1979 (the AFP Act) to put
beyond doubt that members of the Australian Federal Police (AFP)
deployed to the Northern Territory Police Service (NTPOL) and
appointed special constables can exercise all of the powers and
duties of a member of the NTPOL under Northern Territory
legislation.
The amendments made to the ACC Act go far
beyond the current situation in the Northern Territory. The
Division 1 amendments are not geographically defined or
time-limited, but affect the mandate of the ACC itself, dependent
of the deliberations of the Board.
The amendments in Division 3 do not seem to
relate to the purpose of the Bill in that they are not obviously
directed to the NT plan at all, and in this sense appear
opportunistic.
Definitions of key terms such as federally
relevant crime were predicated on the need to carefully
delimit the capacity to deploy the ACC's special coercive powers
only against serious and organised crime.
The Parliamentary Joint Committee on the
Australian Crime Commission report Review of the Australian Crime
Commission Act 2002, tabled in 10 November 2005 summarised
that:
The ACC therefore exists to provide
investigations that operate across jurisdictional boundaries,
equipped with the necessary specialist expertise and resources, and
able to focus exclusively on organised crime rather than street
crime/volume crime.
[54]
The second reading speech for the Bill
introducing the previous National Crime Authority noted:
The National Crime Authority does not deal with
simple street level crime, but with the web of complex criminal
activity engaged in by highly skilled and resourceful criminal
syndicates.
Whilst the allegations of child abuse and
violence in the Northern Territory are extremely serious and
alarming, the question remains whether the ACC is an appropriate
body to deal with such abuse. Family violence within Australian
society generally may be endemic and serious in both the moral and
legal senses of the term, but most Australians would not categorise
it as organised crime. The NIITF itself recognises that a
'non-punitive approach' is therefore appropriate. There do not
appear to be any trans-boundary/organised crime elements to the
allegations which would normally justify engaging the controlled
operations/coercive powers of the ACC. Parliament may wish to
consider, in the absence of such elements, whether good community
policing is more appropriate to the task.
Even if Parliament answers that question in
the negative, there is a strong argument that these amendments
should not be rushed. The Attorney-General's Department is
currently conducting a
review of specific provisions of the National Crime Authority Act
1984 and the Australian Crime Commission Act 2002, with the
final report imminent. Mr Mark Trowell QC is conducting the review
on behalf of the Australian Government. Any major amendments to the
scope and nature of the ACC should arguably not be made until the
outcome of the review is tabled and considered.
Finally, the amendments in Division 1 do not
appear consistent with international law, in the sense that they
could in operation apply punitive measures in a racially
discriminatory manner. [55]
Schedule
4 Access to Aboriginal land
The Commonwealth Aboriginal
Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act
1976 (ALRA) currently enables the permit system on Aboriginal
land in the Northern Territory. Section 70 makes it an offence for
a person to enter or remain on Aboriginal land except (among other
things) in accordance with the ALRA or with a law of the Northern
Territory (penalty: $1000). Section 73 gives the Northern Territory
Legislative Assembly power to make laws regulating or authorising
entry onto Aboriginal land, but any such laws must provide for the
right of Aboriginals to enter such land in accordance with
Aboriginal tradition.
In the Aboriginal Land Act (NT),
authorised by section 73 of the ALRA, section 4 makes it an offence
for people to enter or remain on Aboriginal land and certain roads
without a permit (penalty: $1000). Section 8 says the legislation
does not authorise the entry of a person to a living area without
the permission of the owner or the occupant. Section 11 empowers
the Administrator on the recommendation of a Land Council to
declare an area of Aboriginal land or a road to be an open area or
open road which can be entered without a permit.
Permits can be issued by the traditional
owners of the area concerned, the relevant Land Council, the
Administrator of the Northern Territory (where a person has applied
for a permit to use a road and been refused or the permit has not
been issued in a reasonable time) and, if in respect of certain
Commonwealth or Northern Territory Government employees, the
relevant Northern Territory Minister.
The Land Council and the traditional owners
can revoke their own or each other s permits and delegate their
authority to issue permits. Most permits are issued without
charge.
Reform of the
permit system was first recommended in Building on Land Rights
for the Next Generation Report of the Review of the Aboriginal
Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976 August 1998. John Reeve
Q.C. found that:
In many respects the permit system is a carry
over from the native welfare system that applied to Aboriginal
reserves in the Northern Territory prior to the introduction of the
Act. Under that system, Aboriginal people were not allowed to
travel off those reserves without permission and other Australians
were not allowed to enter those reserves without permission. Whilst
the former aspect has not been retained in the permit system, the
latter has.
It is patently clear that the permit system is in need of
reform.
If the permit system were removed and Aboriginal
people were provided with similar rights in relation to their land
to those held by other Territorians, Aboriginal people would not be
disadvantaged in the process. Indeed, in my view, they would be
considerably advantaged by being unburdened of a system they do not
support and from the improvement in race relations that would
probably follow as a result of the removal of a racially
discriminatory measure.
[56]
-
Section 70 of the Act should be repealed;
-
Part II of the Aboriginal Land Act (NT) should
be repealed;
-
Amendments should be made to the Trespass Act
(NT) to make it applicable to Aboriginal land and to allow
Aboriginal landowners to make better use of it.
In the years that followed there were few
other public challenges to the wisdom of the permit system but it
was questioned by a magistrate in 2002. [57] On 12 September 2006, the Minister
for Families, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs, the Hon
Mal Brough MP, announced a reconsideration of Commonwealth
legislation allowing for the permit system that restricts entry to
some remote Indigenous communities. The Minister put the view that
increased external scrutiny would be in the interests of vulnerable
in what are closed communities, and that liberalisation would also
bring economic benefits that would help to promote the
self-reliance and prosperity of Aboriginal people in remote
communities.
In October 2006 Minister Brough issued a
discussion paper [58] to examine and seek
comment on options for an improved system of access to Aboriginal
land under the ALRA and related legislation that both respects the
integrity of Aboriginal land and facilitates the normal
interactions necessary for social and economic development.
Minister Brough presented the problem of the current arrangements
as follows:
The permit system restricts entry on Aboriginal land, including
into communities that are essentially townships of more than
several hundred people. Originally designed to protect Aboriginal
people from the worst aspects of modern society, the permit system
has contributed to denying Aboriginal people access to the normal
advantages of mainstream Australian society. External scrutiny,
from the media for example, while sometimes unnecessarily
intrusive, acts as a check and balance on unhealthy or even
criminal behaviour. But in remote Aboriginal communities,
restricted media access has created what some have called a
monopoly of silence .
Many Aboriginal communities on Aboriginal land in the Northern
Territory are already remote geographically. The permit system has
operated to maintain or even increase that remoteness both
economically and socially. It has hindered effective engagement
between Aboriginal people and the Australian economy. This has
prevented Aboriginal people from benefiting fully from their land
rights. It has detracted from self-reliance and contributed to
Aboriginal disadvantage. The ability of some members of a community
to use their power to exclude other members has also led to
community disharmony or worse. Individual Aboriginal people who
have wanted to engage in the market economy or mainstream
Australian society have, in effect, been prevented by gate
keepers.
The permit system is a vestige of the former protectionist
system of Aboriginal reserves under which entering or leaving
Aboriginal lands was restricted. While Aboriginal people are now of
course free to leave, entry restrictions for non-Aboriginal people
remain. While the current system was put in place with the best of
intentions, its maintenance is no longer appropriate. With modern
communications having broken down many of the barriers of
remoteness, the current paper system of permits is increasingly
anachronistic and ineffective. It is clear that, despite its
restrictions, the current permit system has not prevented the
scourge of drug trafficking or violence and abuse occurring in many
communities.
Of course, given the vastness of the Aboriginal land estate and
the consequent difficulties in applying normal laws of trespass,
the permit system has operated to respect the privacy and culture
of Aboriginal people. Proper enforcement of trespass laws requires
adequate policing. For trespass laws to be effective in townships,
a proper police presence would be necessary. For the vast bulk of
Aboriginal land, police involvement to remove trespassers may not
occur in a timely manner.
However, the permit system is not an alternative to adequate
policing. Arguably the permit system serves only to restrict those
inclined to respect the law not those who already flout the law and
operate in spite of the permit system.
Brough argued that a new system regulating
access to Aboriginal land should operate to:
-
ensure the normal interactions of society can
occur, including external scrutiny
-
allow individual Aboriginal people to engage
with and benefit from the market economy without hindrance
-
distinguish between communal or public space
and private space on Aboriginal land
-
ensure open access to public space , including
townships and related roads
-
protect the privacy of private space ,
including residences and most Aboriginal land
-
respect Aboriginal culture on traditional
lands, particularly in the support it gives to protection of sacred
sites and to ceremonies
-
continue to allow for effective land management
by Aboriginal groups, and
-
be simple to administer, preferably by
government, to ensure transparency and accountability.
Minister Brough presented 5 options.
1. Adjust the existing framework only as and when required to
cater for access to leased townships. This option would allow for
low cost incremental adoption across the Territory but could create
ad hoc, confusing and conflicting arrangements across the Territory
and would not significantly open up remote Aboriginal communities
to public accountability and scrutiny.
2. Provide open access to communal or public space (such as
townships and roads) and maintain the current permit-based system
of restricted access to non-public spaces (such as private
residences and sacred sites) This option would need legislation and
work defining public and non-public spaces, but give greater
potential for inhabitants to engage with the market economy and
mainstream society.
3. Widen the current permit-based system by expanding the
categories of people eligible to enter Aboriginal land without
permission to include, for example representatives of the media,
people conducting legitimate business. This legislative option
would give some of the benefits of greater access but be
administratively complex.
4. Reverse the current system to provide that people only need
to apply for a permit to enter areas which have, on the strength of
a case put by traditional owners, been designated as restricted.
This legislative option would be low cost and might offer the
benefits of openness while also allowing Aboriginal people to
protect areas of their land where there are legitimate reasons.
5. Remove the permit system altogether and replace with the laws
of trespass, with any necessary modification for Aboriginal land.
This legislative option would normalise access arrangements for
Aboriginal land but the vastness of the Aboriginal land estate and
associated coastline would present difficulties for effective
trespass enforcement.
It was not clear which of the above options
was being favoured by the Government when the Minister announced
the National emergency response to protect Aboriginal children in
the NT Media Release 21/06/2007.
The Minister s release included the stated intention of
scrapping the permit system for
common areas, road corridors and airstrips for prescribed
communities on Aboriginal land . That announcement, along with
earlier and subsequent ones, however, drew many expressions of
concern. Some argued that the permit system was not a major
contributor to community underdevelopment and social dysfunction,
that its scrapping was not one of the recommendations of the
Every Child is Sacred report, and would only make the
control of alcohol, drugs and outside predators even more
problematic.
Schedule 4 of the Bill effectively scraps the
existing permit system and allows entry for a wide range of people
(highlighted in options 2 and 3 of the Brough discussion paper,
outlined above).
Item 9 repeals existing
subsection 70(2A) of the ALRA and replaces it with a new
subsection 70(2A) which details a long list of people who
may enter or remain on Aboriginal land, including:
-
the Governor-General or appointees
-
the Northern Territory Administrator or
deputy
-
a member of the Commonwealth Parliament or the
Northern Territory Legislative Assembly
-
a candidate for election to the Commonwealth
Parliament (representing an NT electorate or as an NT Senator) or
to the Northern Territory Legislative Assembly
-
a person performing functions under the ALRA or
another law of the Commonwealth or under a law of the Northern
Territory
-
a person performing functions as a Commonwealth
or Northern Territory officer (ie an employee)
-
a person performing functions as a NT local
government officer, member or employee, or
-
a person acting in accordance with the ALRA or
a law of the
Northern Territory.
In addition, under proposed
new section 70(2BB) the Minister would be able to
authorise a specified person, or any person included in a specified
class of persons, to enter or remain on Aboriginal land. This
provision has a sunset clause of five years from commencement
(70(2BD).
Under proposed section 70F, a
person would be able to enter and remain on a common area within
community land, if the entry or remaining was not for a purpose
that is unlawful. A common area is defined as an area that is
generally used by members of the community concerned, but does not
include a building, a sacred site, or other areas which may be
prescribed by regulation (subsection 70F(20)).
Some temporary restrictions may apply to protect privacy for events
such as cultural ceremonies.
Access to common areas would not apply in
relation to areas that are covered by leases under section 19 of
the ALRA (subsection 70F(2)). Regulations may be
made providing that specified common areas are taken to be public
parks for the purposes of NT law relating to public parks
(subsection 70F(5)). The relevant Land Trust will
not be obliged to maintain a common area to a level that is
suitable for use by the public, and will not be liable for any
loss, damage or injury to a person using a common area
(subsection 70F(8)).
Schedule 7 details all
community land in the NT.
Proposed new sections 70B, 70C and 70D
and 70E allow a person to use a road, aerodrome or boat
landing place to travel to and from any community land, provided
that the purpose of access to the community land is not unlawful.
Some temporary restrictions may apply to protect privacy for events
and to protect public health and safety (for example for road
upgrades or repairs).
A person will be able to enter or remain on
Aboriginal land to attend a court hearing (proposed s.
70G).
Contributing authors include Bronwen Jaggers,
Coral Dow, Diane Spooner, John Gardiner-Garden, Juli Effi Tomaras,
Kirsty Magarey, Mary Anne Neilsen, Moira Coombs, PaoYi Tan, Patrick
O'Neill, Peter Yeend and Susan Harris-Rimmer.
Endnotes
[3] In his speech Continuity and change through the new
arrangements Lessons for addressing the crisis of child sexual
abuse in the Northern Territory , launch of the Social Justice
Report and Native Title Report 2006, Tuesday, 3 July 2007, Turner
Hall, Sydney Institute of TAFE, Ultimo.
[5] Adopted and opened for signature and ratification by
General Assembly resolution 2106 (XX) of 21 December 1965, entry
into force 4 January 1969. Australia ratified on 30 Oct 1975.
[7] Gerhardy v Brown (1985) 159 CLR 70 at 135.
[9] The well established constitutional principle that the
stream cannot rise above its source maybe applicable in this case,
Australian Competition and Consumer Commission v CG Berbatis
Holdings Pty Ltd [2003] HCA 18; Residual Assco Group v
Spalvins [2000] HCA 33; 202 CLR 629; 172 ALR 366; 74 ALJR 1013 (13
June 2000).
[10] Consideration of Reports Submitted by States Parties
under Article 9 of the Convention, Concluding observations of the
Committee on Australia CERD/C/AUS/CO/14, March 2005. Committee on
the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, Sixty-sixth session, 21
February - 11 March 2005. The source of the Concluding Observations
are the advance unedited version issued by the Committee, http://www.humanrights.gov.au/cerd/report.html.
[13] A.R. Blackshield and G. Williams, Australian
Constitutional Law and Theory, 4th edition, Federation Press,
Annandale, 2006, p.1289.
[15] J. Quick and R. Garran, The annotated constitution
of the Australian Commonwealth, Angus & Robertson, Sydney,
p. 641.
[20] Protection of
social security payment
60. (1) A social security payment is absolutely
inalienable, whether by way of, or in consequence of, sale,
assignment, charge, execution, bankruptcy or otherwise.
60. (2) This section has effect subject to:
(b)
sections 1231 and 1234A of the 1991 Act.
[21] Protection of
payments under this Part
66.(1) Payments of the following are absolutely
inalienable, whether by way of, or in consequence of, sale,
assignment, charge, execution, bankruptcy or otherwise:
(a) family tax benefit;
(b) family tax benefit advances;
(c) maternity payment;
(d) maternity immunisation allowance;
(e) child care benefit;
(f) payments of advances under
section 219R;
(g) one-off payment to families.
[23] Senate Estimates hearings, DEWR, 29 May 2007
[27] Explanatory Memorandum, p. 15.
[28] Andrew Colley, Internet predator protection in weeks ,
The Australian, 31 July 2007, p. 32.
[29] Minister Brough, National emergency response to
protect Aboriginal children in the NT, media release,
21 June 2007.
[33] Pearson warns PM on home title fears , The
Australian, 14 April 2005.
[35] Jon Altman, Craig Linkhorn and Jennifer Clarke,
assisted by Bill Fogarty and Kali Napier, Land rights and
development reform in remote Australia, Oxfam Australia, 2005,
p. 5.
[38] . The proposed definition of a business management area
is an area of land:
-
that is covered by a five year lease granted
under proposed paragraph 31(1)(b);
-
that is referred to in Parts 1 to 3 of
Schedule 1 to this Bill; or
-
a place in the Northern Territory that is
specified in Schedule 2; or
-
a place in the Northern Territory that is
declared by legislative instrument to be a business management
area.
[39] . R. Peake, Stanhope to defy Brough on law ,
Canberra Times, 10 July 2006, p. 3. A. Buckley-Carr,
State stands firm as controversy rages , The Australian,
16 June 2006, p. 24.
[41] . Explanatory Memorandum, 'Outline'.
[42] Explanatory Memorandum, p. 56. The income management
regime, a statutory scheme which Government intends to establish
under what will be the Social Security and Other Legislation
Amendment (Welfare Payment Reform) Act 2007, may involve
arrangements where a portion of a welfare recipient s payment will
be paid to an account established for this purpose by a community
store so that the recipient can use the amounts credited to
purchase food and other goods from the store.
[43] . The definition of prescribed area will be the same as
that contained in the Northern Territory National Emergency
Response Bill 2007.
[44] . Annual Report for the Classification Board and
the Classification Review Board, 2005 2006, pp. 9 10.
[45] . These terms are defined in the Classification
Code.
[49] . According to the ACC website, the NIITF has the
following objectives:
- improving national coordination in the collection and sharing
of relevant information and intelligence;
-
enhancing national understanding about the
nature and extent of violence and child abuse in Indigenous
communities;
-
providing related intelligence and other
advice, including on organised criminal involvement in drugs,
alcohol, pornography and fraud; and
-
conducting research on intelligence and
information coordination and identification of good practice in the
prevention, detection and responses to violence and child abuse in
Indigenous communities.
These are being addressed through:
-
building an enhanced national intelligence
capability in relation to violence and child abuse in Indigenous
communities; and
-
informing future law enforcement, and wider
government, decisions on addressing violence and child abuse in
Indigenous communities.
[51] . 'Safeguards needed to ensure Task force success', 19
July 2007.
[52] . The ACC currently has four Special Investigations on
foot:
There are five Special Intelligence
Operations:
-
Illicit Firearm Markets
-
Amphetamines and Other Synthetic Drugs
-
Serious and Organised Fraud
-
Crime in the Transport Sector
-
Illegal Maritime Importation and Movement
Methodologies
and finally two Task Forces:
[55] . The Committee for the Elimination of Racial
Discrimination, General recommendation XXXI on the prevention
of racial discrimination in the administration and functioning of
the criminal justice system, A/60/18, pp. 98-108.
Law and Bills Digest Section
Social Policy Section
7 August 2007
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