Bills Digest No. 42 2003-04
Protection of
Australian Flags (Desecration of the Flag) Bill
2003
WARNING:
This Digest was prepared for debate. It reflects the legislation as
introduced and does not canvass subsequent amendments. This Digest
does not have any official legal status. Other sources should be
consulted to determine the subsequent official status of the
Bill.
CONTENTS
Passage History
Purpose
Background
Main Provisions
Concluding Comments
Appendix
Endnotes
Contact Officer & Copyright Details
Passage History
Protection of Australian
Flags (Desecration of the Flag) Bill 2003
Date Introduced:
18 August 2003
House: House of Representatives
Portfolio: Private Members
Bill(1)
Commencement:
Royal
Assent
To amend the Flags Act 1953 in order
to criminalise the desecration, dishonouring or destruction of the
Australian National Flag (or the Flag ), the Australian Merchant
Navy Ensign, the Royal Australian Navy Ensign and the Royal
Australian Air Force Ensign.
Background
The Background section of this Digest
describes the Flags Act, some of the proposals that have been made
previously to prohibit flag burning in Australia, other criminal
laws that may be relevant if a person burns the Flag, and some of
the responses to the Protection of Australian Flags (Desecration of
the Flag) Bill 2003.
There is
no head of power in the Commonwealth Constitution dealing with
flags. However, the Commonwealth Parliament s ability to make laws
about flags appears securely grounded in the executive power
(section 61) combined with the express incidental power [section
51(xxxix)]. The implied nationhood power may be another source of
constitutional power to make laws about flags.
The
Commonwealth Parliament did not use its power to make laws about
flags until 1953. In his Second Reading Speech for the Flags Bill
1953, Prime
Minister Robert
Menzies commented:
The bill will
set out legislatively something that represents common practice and
a common view in our country. It declares the Australian Blue
Ensign to be the Australian National Flag. It re-designates the
Australian Red Ensign to be the Australian marine flag. It gives
the Governor-General power over certain matters of detail. Finally,
the bill preserves the right of any person, if that is necessary,
to fly the Union
Jack.(2)
As
Prime Minister
Menzies indicated, the Flags Act:
-
gives legislative
recognition to two flags the Australian National Flag(3)
and the Australian Red Ensign(4)
-
enables the
Governor-General, on the advice of Federal Executive Council, to
proclaim other flags and ensigns of Australia .(5) The Royal Australian Navy Ensign, the Royal
Australian Air Force Ensign, the Aboriginal Flag, the Torres Strait
Islander Flag and the Australian Defence Force Ensign are the flags
and ensigns that have been proclaimed under the Flags Act,
and
-
enables the
Governor-General, on advice of the Federal Executive Council, to
make and publish guidelines for flying and using flags or
ensigns.
There have
been few substantive amendments to the Flags Act. Most recently,
the Act was amended to provide that the Australian National Flag
can only be changed if the Flag and a new flag or flags are
submitted to the Australian electors and a majority of all electors
who actually vote agree on a new flag.(6)
The issue
of flag protection has been raised in Parliament on a number of
occasions. For example, during the Second Reading Debates on the
Flags Bill 1953, Arthur Calwell (ALP) called for legislation
modelled on US
laws, remarking:
The Americans
will not permit their flag to be defaced. The Stars and Stripes is
honoured in America and nobody is allowed to place upon it a
superscription of any kind or to do anything to interfere with the
approved design.(7)
In 1967,
in answer to a question about whether the Government would
legislate to criminalise flag burning, Attorney-General Nigel Bowen
(Lib) replied:
It is not an offence
against the law at the present time to burn an Australian flag.
Whether any change should be made in the law is perhaps a matter of
policy, but one could express the view that in the past we have
been able to count on the good sense of the Australian people and
their sentiment for their flag to ensure that the flag is given
proper respect. Isolated acts that may have been committed recently
do not seem to constitute a case at the moment for making a
specific law about this matter.(8)
In 1989,
a private member s bill was introduced by Michael Cobb MP (Nat) to
make it an offence to desecrate, dishonour, burn, mutilate or
destroy the Australian National Flag or an Australian Ensign,
without lawful authority.(9) An Australian Ensign was
defined as the Australian White Ensign, the Australian Red Ensign
or the Royal Australian Air Force Ensign. The maximum penalties
were 2 years imprisonment or a fine of $5,000 or both.
Mr Cobb re-introduced his Bill in 1990, 1991 and 1992.(10) On
each occasion, the Bill lapsed.
In 1996, Roger Price MP (ALP) said in
Parliament that he had earlier developed a private member s bill
[preventing] the burning or defacing of the Australian flag
.(11) He continued:
but I regret that circumstances prevented me from
proceeding with that bill. On my side of the House, a lot of people
would probably object very vigorously to that provision, so great
do they hold this democracy of ours in Australia. They believe that
people have an inalienable right to protest and that a test of that
protest even comes when symbols of our country are damaged in that
way (12)
In
November 2002, Deputy
Prime Minister Anderson called for anti-flag burning laws after an
anti-war protest in Melbourne during which Australian and
United States
flags were
burned.(13) In March 2003, there were further calls for
flag protection laws after another anti-war protest, this time
in Perth, involved the burning of the Australian
Flag.(14) United States flags were also reportedly burned in
protests in Sydney, Melbourne and Canberra in March 2003.(15)
On
16 April
2003, a Flag Protection
Bill was introduced into the Western Australian Parliament by
Opposition Leader Colin Barnett. As introduced, the Bill contained
offences of burning, damaging, or otherwise physically mistreating
the Australian National Flag, the Western Australian State Flag or
a reproduction(16) of either flag in a manner
that:
-
is intended to cause offence
to any person or persons; or
-
could reasonably be expected to cause, and
which in fact causes, offence to any other person or
persons.
The
penalty is a fine of $6000.
Suggestions have sometimes been made that
an offence of burning a foreign flag should be created. For
example, when the Indonesian flag was burnt in Darwin in 1995 and then in Melbourne by protesters, the Defence Minister,
Senator Robert Ray (ALP), suggested that the Government might have
to consider outlawing the burning of foreign flags.(17)
This suggestion was rejected by other ALP members, such as then ALP
President, Barry
Jones. The Shadow Minister for Foreign
Affairs, Alexander Downer (Lib), said he regretted that the
Indonesian flag had been burned but thought that prohibiting the
burning of foreign flags would be impractical, generate substantial
publicity and could be
counter-productive.(18)
The
absence of flag burning laws from Australian statute books does not
mean that, in appropriate cases, no charges are available. For
instance, Commonwealth, State and Territory criminal law includes
public order offences and offensive or disorderly conduct offences.
In answer to a question asked in Parliament in 1989, following an
incident where the Flag was burned in the forecourt of Parliament
House, Madam Speaker said:
It would appear that the only offences available
are as follows: offensive behaviour contrary to section 546a of the
Crimes Act 1900 of New South Wales in its application to the
Australian Capital Territory; behaving in an offensive or
disorderly manner contrary to section 12 of the Public Order
(Protection of Persons and Property) Act; and malicious damage to
property by fire under section 128 of the Crimes Act 1900 if it
could be established that the flag was burnt without the
owner's consent.
In the context of the above offences, offensive
behaviour has been held by the courts to be conduct calculated to
wound feelings, or arouse anger, resentment, disgust or outrage in
the mind of a reasonable person. While I personally think that the
burning of an Australian flag was offensive, the nature
of any response in such circumstances must be left to the
discretion of the law enforcement officers in attendance, who are
always mindful of the need not to provoke confrontation or
violence. However, the offences I have just detailed may be of
assistance to them if there is a similar occurrence in the
future.(19)
When the Flag was burned in Perth early in
2003, a charge of disorderly conduct by creating a disturbance in
St Georges Terrace, Perth, contrary to section 54 of the Police Act
was laid against a youth who participated in setting fire to the
flag.(20)
It has been reported that the Bill has the
support of a number of Government members.(21) The
Deputy Prime Minister, Peter Costello, Opposition Leader, Simon
Crean, and Australian Democrats Leader, Senator Andrew Bartlett are
all reportedly opposed to banning flag burning.(22)
Initially, it appeared that the Bill would be
debated and Government members allowed a conscience vote. However,
recent reports indicate that the Prime Minister does not support
the Bill and that it is unlikely to be considered by
Parliament.(23)
Item 1 of the Schedule
inserts proposed section 7A into the Flags Act
1953. It appears that the reference in the Bill to section 27
of the Flags Act should be a reference to section 7 of that
Act.
Proposed subsection 7A(1)
will create offences of:
-
desecrating or otherwise dishonouring the Australian National
Flag or an Australian Ensign, or
-
burning, mutilating or otherwise destroying the Australian
National Flag or an Australian Ensign, without lawful
authority.
The application of Chapter 2 of the Criminal
Code [see proposed subsection 7A(5)] means that
fault (or mental elements) will need to be proved for the physical
element of each offence. For instance, the prosecution will need to
show that the desecration or dishonouring was an intentional
act.
The maximum penalty is set at 100 penalty
units ($11 000).
The Australian National Flag is the dark blue
flag described in Schedule 1 of the Flags Act and reproduced in
Schedule 2 of that Act.(24) Its distinguishing features
are the Union Jack, the Federation Star and the Southern Cross.
The expression, Australian Ensign , is defined
in proposed subsection 7A(2) of the Bill to mean
the ensigns of the Australian Merchant Navy (the Australian Red
Ensign(25)), the Royal Australian Navy (the Australian
White Ensign(26)) and the Royal Australian Air
Force.(27)
Two defences are set out in proposed
subsections 7A(3) and (4). Thus, it will not be an offence
if:
-
an image of an Australian Flag or an Australian Ensign is
reproduced on an item or article and that image is damaged as a
result of ordinary use of the item or article, or
-
a person disposes of an Australian Flag or an Australian Ensign
because it is worn, soiled or damaged .
The proposed offences raise some
definitional and other issues.
The offence proposed in paragraph
7A(1)(a) involves desecrating or otherwise dishonouring . The
Macquarie Dictionary defines desecrate as:
To divest of sacred or hallowed character or
office; divert from a sacred to a profane purpose; treat with
sacrilege; profane.
Among the meanings of dishonour found in
the Macquarie Dictionary are:
to deprive of honour; disgrace; bring
reproach or shame on.
A wide range of behaviours might
conceivably come within the ambit of desecrating or dishonouring
protected flags and ensigns, including cutting them up, trampling
on them and spitting on them. However, the offences are not strict
liability offences. Because Chapter 2 of the Criminal Code applies,
the prosecution will need to prove an intention to desecrate or
dishonour. The Criminal Code says that a person will have intention
with respect to conduct if he or she means to engage in that
conduct. (28)
As well as covering conduct involving
the Flag itself and protected ensigns, the Bill
appears to extend to conduct involving reproductions and
images of the Flag and protected ensigns. If the relevant physical
and fault elements are proved by the prosecution might there be
circumstances where a person could be convicted of an offence of
desecrating or dishonouring the Flag because of the way that it is
reproduced or where it is reproduced? Further, does the reach of
the Bill extend beyond physical objects
to poems, songs or other words that intentionally dishonour the
Flag and protected ensigns?
How easy it will be for the prosecution
to prove an intention to desecrate or dishonour the Flag or a
protected ensign is another matter.
The second offence contained in
the Bill is that proposed in paragraph
7A(1)(b). This does not require an intention to desecrate or
dishonour but rather an intention to burn, mutilate or otherwise
destroy, without lawful authority. The Macquarie
Dictionary defines mutilate as to injure, disfigure, or make
imperfect by removing or irreparably damaging parts . It defines
destroy as to reduce to pieces or to a useless form; ruin; spoil,
demolish .
The wording of the second offence raises
a number of questions. For example, would an artist who cuts up a
protected Flag for an artwork, such as a collage, be caught by the
offence? Further, while the Bill attempts
to protect ordinary uses of reproduced flags, some reproductions
may not be protected. Because the words mutilate and destroy are
not expressly restricted to physical mutilation of a Flag, might
they extend to disfiguring or spoiling an image of the Flag for
instance, as part of a campaign to change the Flag itself? In 1992,
the following question was asked in Federal Parliament:
Senator PARER My question is directed to the
Minister for Administrative Services. I ask the Minister, as the
custodian of national symbols, whether his office is promoting the
desecration and denigration of our flag by selling T-shirts
imprinted with the national flag but with the Union Jack removed
and in its place the words Jack Off .(29)
The Minister for Administrative
Services, Senator Nick
Bolkus, replied:
I think it is fair to say that a lot of
people in Australia an overwhelming, and
a growing, number of people in Australia
are, in one way or another, getting into the debate on the
flag. One of my staff has, at no cost to the Government or the
public, been selling T-shirts for some time now as a fund-raiser. I
am glad to see that last week she sold out, but she will be getting
more. She has raised an enormous amount of money as a fund-raiser,
as I have said. In response to the first part of Senator Parer s
question, my office is not desecrating the
flag.(30)
Might producing the fund-raising T-shirt
described above give rise to an offence under proposed
paragraph 7A(1)(b) of intentionally mutilating or
destroying the Flag? Might there be circumstances where a producing
a mutilated image of the Flag would result in a person being
charged with intentionally desecrating or dishonouring the Flag
under paragraph 7A(1)(a)?
Proposed paragraph
7A(1)(b) creates an offence of burning, mutilating or
otherwise destroying a protected flag or ensign without lawful
authority . It is not clear whether without lawful authority is an
element of the offence, which would need to be proved by the
prosecution or whether it is a defence, which would place an
evidential burden on the defendant.
The defences found in proposed
subsections 7A(3) and (4) are designed to protect innocent
disposal of protected Flags and ensigns, and innocent damage to
images of those Flags and ensigns. However, they raise a number of
questions.
Proposed subsection
7A(3) seeks to cover the situation where an image of a
protected flag is reproduced on an item like a tea towel or quilt
cover and the image is damaged through ordinary use . In these
circumstances, criminal liability will not be incurred. Ordinary
use might include such things as washing or ironing or wear and
tear over time. But what are the outer boundaries of ordinary use ?
Is ordinary use defined by way of an objective or a subjective
test? Further, what happens if damage occurs not as a result of
ordinary use but because the person no longer has any need for the
item? And, it would seem that this defence would not extend to the
image on the T-shirt produced for Senator Bolkus office or other
altered or distorted images of the Flag or protected ensigns that
might be reproduced in a wide range of contexts.
Proposed subsection
7A(4) provides that if a person disposes of a flag because
it has been worn, soiled or damaged , they will not have committed
an offence. Again, what happens if a person disposes of a flag
simply because they no longer need it or want to retain
it?
The defences in proposed
subsections 7A(3) and (4) refer to an Australian Flag or
an Australian Ensign . The expression Australian Flag is not
defined either in the Bill or in the
Flags Act. It is unclear whether what is meant is a reference to
the Australian National Flag or whether it is to other official or
unofficial flags and, if so, what flags might be
included.
The penalty provided for an offence
against proposed subsection 7A(1) is 100 penalty
units. Based on the current value of the penalty unit ($110), this
translates to $11 000.
Unlike earlier private member s bills
banning flag desecration, this Bill does
not include a custodial option. Questions might be raised, however,
about the size of the maximum penalty. It should also be noted that
this is the maximum penalty for individuals. The effect of
subsection 4B(3) of the Crimes Act 1914 (Cwlth) is that a
court has a discretion to impose a penalty of up to five times this
amount if the offender is a body
corporate.(31)
The Flags Act refers specifically to the
Australian National Flag and the Australian Red Ensign. It also
empowers the Governor-General, who would act on Federal Executive
Council advice, to appoint other flags and ensigns of
Australia . Such appointment is done by
Proclamation. As indicated above, proclamations have been made
declaring the Royal Navy Ensign and the Royal Australian Air Force
Ensign to be ensigns of Australia . There
is also an Australian Defence Force Ensign.
Other proclamations have been made under
the Flags Act. In 1995, the Governor-General proclaimed the
Aboriginal Flag(32) and the Torres Strait Islander Flag
under section 5 of the Act. The Proclamations stated that the flags
were the flags of the Aboriginal peoples of
Australia and the Torres Strait Islander people
of Australia , respectively and that they
were flag[s] of significance to the Australian nation
generally.
There are other official flags and
ensigns. Some are derivatives of the Australian National Flag. For
instance, the Civil Aviation Act 1988 provides for a Civil
Air Ensign of Australia.(33)
The Civil Air Ensign is a light blue flag with a dark blue cross,
the Union Jack, the Federation Star and the South Cross.
The Bill draws
a line between some official flags and ensigns (the Australian
National Flag, the Australian Merchant Navy Ensign, the RAN Ensign
and the RAAF Ensign) and other official flags and ensigns. Thus, it
is not proposed to create offences in relation to the dishonouring,
desecration or destruction of the Aboriginal Flag, the Torres
Strait Islander Flag, the Civil Air Ensign or the Australian
Defence Force Ensign.
The objects of the
Bill include ensuring that the Australian Flag
is treated with dignity and respect and protected against vandalism
.(34) In doing so, it reaches beyond activities in the
public arena and into the private sphere for example, the home.
Thus, if the physical and fault elements of the proposed offences
are proved and relevant defences are not made out, it will be
immaterial that the proscribed conduct took place in
private.
The High Court of Australia has
indicated that US First Amendment(35) jurisprudence
should be treated with some caution by Australian
courts.(36) However, US Supreme Court decisions about
flag burning laws may be of interest to readers of this
Digest.
In 1989 the US Supreme Court,
in
Texas v.
Johnson(37),
found that a Texas law criminalising the desecration of venerated
objects in a manner that the actor knows will seriously offend one
or more persons likely to observe his action was unconstitutional
as applied to a protester who burned a US flag during a
demonstration against the policies of the Reagan Administration.
The judgment affected similar laws in some 47 other US
States. Brennan
J, for the
majority(38), stated:
If there is a bedrock principle underlying
the First Amendment, it is that the government may not prohibit the
expression of an idea simply because society finds the idea itself
offensive or disagreeable.
And he
continued:
We never before have held that the
Government may ensure that a symbol be used to express only one
view of that symbol or its referents.
To conclude that the government may permit
designated symbols to be used to communicate only a limited set of
messages would be to enter territory having no discernible or
defensible boundaries. Could the government, on this theory,
prohibit the burning of state flags? Of copies of the Presidential
seal? Of the Constitution? In evaluating these choices under the
First Amendment, how would we decide which symbols were
sufficiently special to warrant this unique
status? To do so, we would be forced to consult our own political
preferences, and impose them on the citizenry, in the very way that
the First Amendment forbids us to do.
In the minority,
Chief Justice
Rehnquist said that the
constitutionally protected freedom was not absolute. He also
remarked:
The flag is not simply another idea or point
of view competing for recognition in the marketplace of ideas.
Millions and millions of Americans regard it with an almost
mystical reverence regardless of what sort of social, political, or
philosophical beliefs they may have. I cannot agree that the First
Amendment invalidates the Act of Congress and the laws of 48 of the
50 States, which make criminal the public burning of the
flag.(39)
In response to the decision in
Texas v. Johnson the US Congress repealed an existing
federal flag burning statute(40) because of fears that
it might be unconstitutional and replaced it with new legislation
designed to avoid the constitutional problems identified in
Texas v. Johnson. The Flag Protection Act 1989 made it an
offence to knowingly mutilate, deface, physically defile, burn or
trample the US
flag.(41)
In 1990 the US Supreme Court held
in two cases that the Act was unconstitutional because it violated
the free speech right guaranteed by the First Amendment to the
Constitution. The cases were
US v.
Eichman(42)
and US v. Haggerty.(43) In both
cases, the defendants were charged with offences against the
Flag Protection Act 1989.
Protected flags or reproductions of
those flags might conceivably be dishonoured, destroyed or
mutilated as a political protest or as part of a campaign for a new
Australian flag. Part of the debate about flag destruction laws has
centred on whether such laws would impermissibly infringe the
implied freedom of political communication contained in the
Commonwealth Constitution. For instance, in her tabling
speech, Mrs Draper
stated:
I expect during this debate to hear the
argument that this bill infringes on the right to protest. I
categorically reject that argument. There is nothing in this bill
which would take away the rights [of] Australians to air their
views and grievances, either privately or publicly. The freedoms of
speech, assembly and association are in no way diminished by this
bill and nor would we seek to undermine these cornerstones of our
democracy. But you can protest without burning our flag, you can
speak your mind without desecrating our national symbol and you can
criticise the system without humiliating the
people.(44)
Contrasting legal opinion was cited in debates on the
Flag Protection Bill 2003 in the Western Australian Parliament. The
WA Opposition quoted the Dean of Law at the University of Notre
Dame, Professor
Greg
Craven, as
saying:
under the Constitution there is an implied
freedom of political speech, but I don t think that would protect
flag burning. The reality is you could have free political speech
without having to set fire to a flag as an
accompaniment.(45)
On
the other hand, the WA Attorney-General,
Jim
McGinty, said that advice
from the WA Solicitor-General was that the
Bill would be very likely to
be found to be invalid for infringing the implied freedom of
political communication. (46)
Two
High Court judgments Lange
and Levy may be relevant in the context of
flag burning laws. Both were decided in 1997.
The High Court
agreed unanimously in Lange
v Australian Broadcasting
Corporation(47)
that two questions must be
asked when deciding whether a law infringes the implied freedom.
They are:
-
does the law effectively burden freedom of
communication about government or political matters either in its
terms, operation or effect?
-
if it does, is the law reasonably
appropriate and adapted to serve a legitimate end the fulfilment of
which is compatible with the maintenance of representative and
responsible government as set out in the Constitution?
A law will only
be unconstitutional if the answers to these questions are 'Yes' and
'No', respectively.(48)
Levy v
Victoria(49)
also considered the implied freedom. In this case, an
animal rights activist wanted to enter a duck shooting area and
retrieve and display dead and injured animals. However, the
Wildlife (Hunting Season) Regulations prohibited anyone who did not
hold a game licence from entering a permitted hunting area . Levy
asked the High Court for a declaration that one of the regulations
(regulation 5) was invalid because it infringed his
constitutionally protected freedom of political
communication.(50)
The Court held that regulation 5
was valid as a reasonable restriction in the interests of public
safety because it was appropriate and adapted to one of its stated
objectives ( to ensure a greater degree of safety of persons in
hunting areas during the open season for duck in 1994 ). The Court
re-stated its earlier position that the implied freedom is not an
absolute one. However, a number of things are important about the
decision. It re-affirmed the implied freedom. It said that
expressive conduct was protected by the implied
freedom.(51) Further, although Levy lost, it appears
that the Court s decision was made in the absence of argument
(which had earlier been abandoned) that the purpose of the
regulation was stifling protest rather than protecting human
safety.(52)
It is interesting to note that when the
youth who had burned a flag in Western
Australia early in 2003 was charged with disorderly
conduct under section 54 of the Police Act, his lawyer argued that
his actions were an exercise of his implied freedom of political
communication and that section 54 should not be construed as
abrogating that freedom.(53) In that case, notices were
served on each Australian Attorney-General under section 78B of the
Judiciary Act 1903, indicating that the case raised a
constitutional question.(54) Newspaper reports indicate
that the charge was dropped after legal advice from the WA
Solicitor-General.(55)
Flag protection laws in some overseas
jurisdictions are set out in the Appendix. One of the consistent
features of similar provisions in overseas laws is that destruction
or dishonouring must be done publicly before it is an offence.
Austria
Penal
Code (StB), Besonderer Teil (Special Part), Vierzehnter
Abschnitt (Fourteenth Section), Hochverrat und andere Angriffe
gegen den Staat (High treason and other Attacks against the
State)
248 Herabw rdigung des Staates und
seiner Symbole (The denigration of the State and its
symbols)
(1) Wer auf eine Art, da die Tat einer breiten
ffentlichkeit bekannt wird, in geh ssiger Weise die Republik
sterreich oder eines ihrer Bundesl nder beschimpft oder ver chtlich
macht, ist mit Freiheitsstrafe bis zu einem Jahr zu bestrafen.
(Whosoever, in such a manner that the act becomes known to the
general public, in a malicious way, insults and brings into
contempt the Austrian Republic and its States, is liable for
imprisonment for up to one year.)
(2) Wer in der im Abs. 1 bezeichneten Art in geh
ssiger Weise eine aus einem ffentlichen Anla oder bei einer
allgemein zug nglichen Veranstaltung gezeigte Fahne der Republik
sterreich oder eines ihrer Bundesl nder, ein von einer
sterreichischen Beh rde angebrachtes Hoheitszeichen, die
Bundeshymne oder eine Landeshymne beschimpft, ver chtlich macht
oder sonst herabw rdigt, ist mit Freiheitsstrafe bis zu sechs
Monaten oder mit Geldstrafe bis zu 360 Tagess tzen zu bestrafen.
(Whosoever, in the manner described in Paragraph 1, in a
malicious manner and at a public occasion or a function open to the
public, insults, brings into contempt or belittles the flag
displayed for official purposes or the national or state anthems of
the Austrian Republic or its States, is liable for imprisonment of
up to 6 months or a fine of up to 360 times the fixed daily
rate.)
Canada
Canada currently has no legislation but there
have been attempts by private members to introduce flag burning
legislation.
Bill C-330 was introduced by Mr Speller on 4
April 2001 to amend the Criminal Code(57), while a
similar bill (Bill C-426) was introduced by Mr Bailey on 30 January
2002.(58) The bills did not proceed to a second
reading.
China
Under the Criminal Code the penalty for
insulting the national flag is up to three years imprisonment. An
extract from an unofficial translation of the Code reads:
Chinese Criminal Code. Article 299. Whoever
purposely insults the national flag, national emblem of the PRC in
a public place with such methods as burning, destroying,
scribbling, soiling, and trampling is to be to be sentenced to not
more than three years of fixed-term imprisonment, criminal
detention, control or deprived of political
rights.(59)
Hong Kong
A similar penalty was introduced into Hong
Kong after its return to China. Although it was challenged in the
Hong Kong courts, the appeal court stated that that the law was
necessary for national cohesion despite its conflict with
international human rights instruments. The American Civil
Liberties Union commented:
In urging senators to reject the proposed
amendment, the ACLU also stressed the parallels between China, a
country known for its violations of human rights, and congressional
efforts to adopt flag protection legislation. In one of its first
actions after coming to power last year, the China-appointed Hong
Kong legislature made defacing the Chinese and Hong Kong flags a
crime punishable by up to three years in prison or a fine of more
than $6000.(60)
Hong
Kong s
National Flag and National Emblem
Ordinance, Chapter 2401, Section 7 states:
Protection of national flag and national
emblem
A person who desecrates the national flag or
national emblem by publicly and wilfully burning, mutilating,
scrawling on, defiling or trampling on it commits an offence and is
liable on conviction to a fine at level 5 and to imprisonment for 3
years.(61)
The following summary of a case on desecrating
the flag appeared in a report to the European Parliament by the
European Commission on the Special Administrative Region of Hong
Kong.(62)
A further legal test case
with individual freedom implications relates to the interpretation
of provisions on the desecration of national and regional flags.
The Court of Appeal(63) ruled in March 1999 that certain
parts of the National Flag and National Emblem Ordinance enacted
on 1st July 1997 were contrary to Art. 39 of the Basic Law
in that they restricted rights and freedoms enjoyed by Hong Kong
residents under the provisions of the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The Government argued
that the limits to freedom of
speech introduced by the Ordinance were justifiable and not
contrary to the Basic Law or the ICCPR. The Hong Kong SAR
Government requested the Court of Final Appeal to review its
judgement.
On 15
December, the Court of Final Appeal issued its
judgment.(64) The CFA overruled the Court of Appeal s
decision and upheld the consistency of the Ordinance with both the
Basic Law and the International Covenant on Civil Rights. The Court
stressed in its reasoning that the type of restrictions on the
freedom of speech contained in the Ordinance were limited and
justified by the need to protect other values, which were also
worthy of constitutional protection. The CFA cited as reference
decisions of Italian and German courts upholding the
constitutionality of laws which protect the national flag and
punish, by imprisonment or imposition of fines, the non-respect of
their provisions.
France
According to the London Times, France
passed a law in 2003 which makes it an offence to insult the
national flag or anthem. The penalty is a fine or up to 6 months
imprisonment. It is possible that the new French law would not be
upheld if a complaint is made to the European Court of Human
Rights. The article from the Times is reproduced below:
French face
jail for insulting the flag. By Charles Bremner in Paris.
The
Times, 15 February
2003, p.25.
ANYONE who
jeers at the Marseillaise or insults the Tricolour may be jailed or
fined for "offending against the dignity of the Republic" under a
new law that symbolises President Chirac's
promise to impose order in France.
The legal protection for the national anthem and flag is part of a
package of "internal security" measures that will become law next
week amid strong public support but criticism from civil rights
groups and intellectuals.
The move to ban
abuse of the Republican symbols was a response to national anger
last year, when youths booed the Marseillaise at a
France v Algeria football match, causing M Chirac to leave his
box in the stadium until an apology was made. Police say that the
law, which provides for fines of up to 6,000 and six months in
jail, will be unenforceable. Also included in the security law,
drafted by Nicolas Sarkozy, the tough minded Interior Minister, are
fines and imprisonment for youths who intimidate by congregating in
stairwells; for beggars, squatters, travellers who trespass and
women deemed to be "passively soliciting" for prostitution. Weakly
defined, this offence can apply to any woman who dresses
provocatively, rights activists say.
Insulting
anyone who serves the public, from firemen and bus conductors to
teachers and housing estate caretakers, also becomes a punishable
offence. In another measure, police will no longer be required to
advise criminal suspects of their right to remain silent. The
crackdown is the centrepiece of M Sarkozy's campaign to reinstate
the authority of the State and to calm the anxiety over crime and
antisocial behaviour that dominated the presidential and general
elections of last spring. Most of the measures are so popular that
the Socialist Opposition voted with the Government on Thursday's
final passage through Parliament. However, the Socialist and
Communist groups from the Senate and National Assembly have lodged
an appeal with the Constitutional Council, asking it to strike down
as a "breach of the exercise of liberty" the clauses in the
Security Bill dealing with prostitution, travellers and
congregating youths.
They also asked
it to rule that the penalties for insulting national symbols were
excessive. As the ultimate legal authority, the council may annul
laws that it deems breach the Republic's Constitution. The law on
the flag and anthem have raised a chorus of ridicule from the
intellectual world, including some right-wing thinkers, on the
grounds that it smacks of American or Third World practices and reflects an attempt to impose a
"new moral order" on France.
More than 100
university teachers have signed a petition: "Among other measures
that have already provoked justified criticism, the law on the flag
and anthem inspires particular concern," they said. "This forced
obedience to the symbols of the nation evokes unhappy past times.
Respect is earned. It cannot be imposed." Alain-Gerard Slama, a
conservative commentator who normally backs M Chirac, said that the
flag and anthem law was a mistake.
Germany
Section 90(a) of the Criminal Code
(Strafgesetzbuch, StGB) states as follows:
Disparagement of the State and its Symbol
(1) Whoever publicly, in a meeting or through the
dissemination of writings (Section 11 subsection (3)):
1. insults or maliciously maligns the Federal
Republic of Germany or one of its Lands or its constitutional
order; or
2. disparages the colors, flag, coat of arms or
the anthem of the Federal Republic of Germany or one of its
Lands,
shall be punished with imprisonment for not more
than three years or a fine.
(2) Whoever removes, destroys, damages, renders
unusable or unrecognizable, or commits insulting mischief upon a
publicly displayed flag of the Federal Republic of Germany or one
of its Lands or a national emblem installed by a public authority
of the Federal Republic of Germany or one of its Lands shall be
similarly punished. An attempt shall be punishable.
(3) The punishment shall be imprisonment for not
more than five years or a fine if the perpetrator by the act
intentionally gives support to efforts against the continued
existence of the Federal Republic of Germany or against its
constitutional principles.(65)
India
Section 2 of the Prevention of Insults to
National Honour Act of 1971 provides for a maximum jail term
of three years and a fine.
2. Insults to Indian National Flag and
Constitution of India.
Whoever in any public place or in any other place
within public view burns, mutilates, defaces, defiles disfigures,
destroys, tramples upon or otherwise brings into contempt (whether
by words, either spoken or written, or by acts) the Indian National
Flag or the Constitution of India or any part thereof, shall be
punished with imprisonment for a term which may extend, to three
years, or with fine, or with both.(66)
In January 2003 a newspaper reported that
amendments were being considered to strengthen the Act.
The Union Cabinet today approved the decision to
impose strong punishment, including imprisonment, for showing any
disrespect to the National Flag. The Cabinet decided to bring about
an amendment to the Prevention of Insults to the National Honour
Act, 1971. Briefing newspersons after the Cabinet meeting, which
met under the chairmanship of the Prime Minister here, an official
spokesperson said the amendment would also define insult in broader
detail. A minimum imprisonment of one year was proposed in case of
second or subsequent offence of deliberate insult to the
Tricolour.
The changes in the Flag Code were in accordance
with the recommendations of a high-level committee of the Home
Ministry headed by then Additional Secretary P.D. Shenoy. High
Court and Supreme Court judges are now permitted to fly the
Tricolour on their car. The high court had also passed certain
orders on the issue of the National Flag in 2001, but Home Ministry
sources said the government had initiated action in October, 2000,
when the Shenoy Committee was set up. The Centre had also included
in the new Flag Code stringent punishment and penalty of fine for
deliberate insult, as recommended by the Shenoy Committee in its
report in April, 2001.(67)
Iraq
According to a speech made in the US House of
Representatives in June 2003 during a debate on a Congressional
proposal to make flag burning an offence in the United States, flag
desecration under the regime of Saddam Hussein was a criminal
offence punishable by up to 10 years
imprisonment.(68)
Italy
The Italian Penal Code states:
Codice Penale
(Penal Code of
Italy)
LIBRO Secondo - Dei Delitti In Particolare (VOLUME
II Particular Crimes in Detail)
TITOLO I - Dei Delitti Contro La Personalit Dello
Stato (Title 1 Crimes Against the State)
Capo II - Dei Delitti Contro La Personalit Interna
Dello Stato (Heading II Crimes Against the State Internally)
Art. 292 - Vilipendio
alla bandiera o ad altro emblema dello Stato (Publicly
insult or vilify the flag or any other emblem of the State)
Chiunque vilipende la bandiera nazionale o un
altro emblema dello Stato punito con la reclusione da uno a tre
anni. Agli effetti della legge penale, per "bandiera nazionale"
s'intende la bandiera ufficiale dello Stato e ogni altra bandiera
portante i colori nazionali. Le disposizioni di questo articolo si
applicano anche a chi vilipende i colori nazionali raffigurati su
cosa diversa da una bandiera.
This can be translated as:
Anyone who publicly insults or vilifies the
national flag or other emblem of the State is punished by
imprisonment from one to three years. The effects of the criminal
law are intended for the national flag the official flag of the
State and for every other flag bearing the national colours. The
provisions of this article also apply to those who publicly insult
or vilify the symbols of the national colours as something distinct
from the flag.(69)
Japan
There is
no law against damaging the Japanese flag however there are laws
that prevent the burning of foreign flags as this may be offensive
to the foreign country.(70)
New Zealand
Section 11 of the Flags, Emblems, and
Names Protection Act 1981
provides:
11. Offences involving New Zealand Flag
(1) Every person commits an offence against this
Act who,
(a) Without lawful authority, alters the New
Zealand Flag by the placement thereon of any letter, emblem, or
representation:
(b) In or within view of any public place, uses,
displays, destroys, or damages the New Zealand Flag in any manner
with the intention of dishonouring it.(71)
Portugal
Portuguese Penal Code provides:
C digo Penal , Artigo 332 , (estado :
01/01/99)
Art. 332 Ultraje de s mbolos nacionais e
regionais
1 Quem publicamente, por palavras, gestos ou
divulga o de escrito, ou por outro meio de comunica o com o p
blico, ultrajar a Rep blica, a bandeira ou o hino nacionais, as
armas ou emblemas da soberania portuguesa, ou faltar ao respeito
que lhes devido, punido com pena de pris o at 2 anos ou com pena de
multa at 240 dias.
2 Se os factos descritos no n mero anterior forem
praticados contra as regi es aut nomas, as bandeiras ou hinos
regionais, ou os emblemas da respectiva autonomia, o agente punido
com pena de pris o at um ano ou com pena de multa at 120
dias.(72)
Article 332(1) of the Portuguese Penal Code is
translated as:
Anyone who by words, gesture, in writing or by any
other means of public communication, desecrates the Republic,
national flag or the national anthem the symbols or emblems of the
Portuguese sovereignty, or in any other way fails to pay them their
due respect, shall be punished with a prison sentence of up to 2
years or with a pecuniary penalty of up to 240 days.
Norway
There is
no law relating to the desecration of Norway's own flag but there is a law protecting
the flag or national coat of arms of a foreign country.
The General Civil Penal Code with
amendments to 1 July 1994 provides:
95. Any person who in the realm publicly insults
the flag or national coat of arms of a foreign State, or who is
accessory thereto, shall be liable to fines or to detention or
imprisonment for a term not exceeding one year. The same penalty
shall apply to any person who in the realm offends a foreign State
by committing violence against or by threatening or offensive
behaviour towards any representative of that State, or by intruding
into, causing damage to, or soiling any building or room used by
any such representative, or who is accessory
thereto.(73)
Taiwan
Article 160 of the Criminal Code prohibits
desecration of the national flag as well as that of Taiwan s
founding father Sun Yat Sen. Article 118 criminalises desecration
of foreign national flags and emblems.(74)
Turkey
Information from guides, written for
travellers to Turkey, state that it is against the law to insult
the Turkish nation in any way. This includes defacing or destroying
Turkish currency or the national flag and insulting the founder,
Atat rk, or the president of the Republic of Turkey.
United States
Proposals are still being pursued in the US
Congress for a constitutional amendment enabling the Congress to
prohibit the physical destruction of the US flag. The latest of
these attempts (H. J. RES. 4) is for a joint resolution by both
Houses of Congress. It passed the House of Representatives on 3
June 2003. On the 4th June, the Senate referred it to
the Committee on the Judiciary.(75)
Should a proposed constitutional amendment
pass both Houses with the required majorities, three-quarters of
the States would then need to ratify it in order for the amendment
to succeed.
-
The Bill was presented by Mrs Trish Draper MP (Makin). Her
co-sponsor is Mr Don Randall MP.
-
House of Representatives, Hansard, 20 November 1953, p.
367.
-
Subsection 3(1), Schedule 1 and Part 1 of Schedule 2, Flags
Act.
-
Section 4, Schedule 1 and Part II of Schedule 2, Flags Act.
-
Section 5, Flags Act.
-
Subsections 3(2) and (3), Flags Act inserted by the Flags
Amendment Act 1998.
-
House of Representatives, Hansard, 2 December 1953, p.
817.
-
House of Representatives, Hansard, 28 February 1967, p.
157.
-
Crimes (Protection of Australian Flags) Bill 1989.
-
Crimes (Protection of Australian Flags) Bill 1992.
Introduced for the fourth time on 5 March 1992 (House Hansard, page
783).
-
House of Representatives, Hansard, 11 December 1996. p.
8193.
-
ibid.
-
Outlaw flag burning, Anderson urges , The Age, 5
November 2002.
-
It was reported that
charges of disorderly conduct brought against the flag burner were
dropped on advice from the State s Solicitor-General that flag
burning was protected as an expression of political communication
under the Commonwealth Constitution. Flag burning sparks
rights row , West Australian, 14 June 2003; Flag flies for
all our freedoms (editorial), West Australian, 11 June
2003.
-
Frenzied protest flares in Sydney , Canberra Times, 27
March 2003; Protesters anger fuels flag burning at Canberra rally ,
Canberra Times, 22 March 2003.
-
It appears that this provision appeared in error. The Leader of
the Opposition indicated his intention that the clause relating to
reproductions would be deleted so that the Bill only applied to a
flag and not a reproduction of a flag. See WA Legislative Assembly,
Hansard, 4 June 2003.
-
Minister advocates that the burning of national flags should be
illegal but the President of the ALP is not so sure , AM,
18 August 1995.
-
Alexander Downer MP, Flag burning bill , Media Release,
18 August 1995.
-
House of Representatives, Hansard, 2 March 1989, p.
328.
-
WA Legislative Assembly, Hansard, 4 June 2003. The case
was Lockwood v. Kraus and was set down to be heard in the
Children s Court of Western Australia.
-
The Canberra Times reported that those in favour of the
Bill include the following Coalition MPs Paul Neville, De-Anne
Kelly, Ken Ticehurst, Sophie Panopoulos, Joanna Gash, Don Randall
and Jim Lloyd. Push to legally protect Aust flag , Canberra
Times, 20 August 2001. Deputy Prime Minister, John Anderson,
is also said to support the Bill Bill to protect flag in pipeline ,
West Australian, 20 August 2003.
-
Flag burners (editorial), Herald Sun, 23 July
2003; RSL joins flag burn crime push , Herald Sun, 22 July
2003.
-
PM kills flag-burn ban , West Australian, 17 September
2003; PM halts bid to ban burning of flag , Canberra
Times, 17 September 2003.
-
Subsection 3(1) and Schedule 1, Flags Act.
-
The Australian Red Ensign is the ensign of the Australian
Merchant Navy and is given legislative status by section 4 of the
Flags Act. The Australian Red Ensign is described in Schedule 1 of
the Flags Act and reproduced in Schedule 2 of that Act.
-
The Royal Australian Navy Ensign is a white ensign which was
officially adopted by a Proclamation made on 16 February 1967 by
the Governor-General under section 5 of the Flags Act.
-
The Royal Australian Air Force Ensign is a light blue ensign to
be the official ensign for the RAAF. The Governor-General signed
the Proclamation for the RAAF ensign on 29 April 1982.
-
Subsection 5.2(1), Criminal Code.
-
Senate, Hansard, 4 May 1992, p. 2031.
-
ibid.
-
Subsection 4B(3) of the Crimes Act applies if the contrary
intention does not appear and the court thinks fit .
-
Proclamations made on 27 July 1995, with effect from 14 July
1995.
-
Section 19, Civil Aviation Act 1988 until an ensign is
proclaimed under section 5 of the Flags Act. It is an offence to
fly or display the Civil Air Ensign except in the circumstances
specified in section 19 of the Civil Aviation Act.
-
See Mrs Trish Draper, First Reading Speech, Protection of
Australian Flags (Desecration of the Flag) Bill 2003, House of
Representatives, Hansard, 18 August 2003, p. 18432.
-
The First Amendment reads Congress shall make no law ...
abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press.
-
See Levy v. Victoria (1997) 189 CLR 579 per
Brennan CJ at 594 and Theophanous
v. Herald & Weekly Times
(1994) 182 CLR 104 at per Mason CJ, Toohey
& Gaudron JJ at 125.
-
http://laws.findlaw.com/us/491/397.html.
-
Marshall, Blackmun, Scalia and Kennedy JJ. Rehnquist CJ, White
and O Connor JJ in dissent.
-
Texas v. Johnson 491 US 397
(1989).
-
That Act [former 18 USC 700(a)] made it an offence to knowingly
cast contempt upon any flag of the United States by publicly
mutilating, defacing, defiling, burning, or trampling upon it.
-
18 USC 700. The penalty was a fine or one year s imprisonment,
or both. The flag meant any flag of the United States, or any part
thereof, made of any substance, of any size, in a form that is
commonly displayed. An exception was created in the case of
disposal of worn or soiled flags.
-
http://laws.findlaw.com/us/496/310.html.
-
731 F.Supp. 415, 416 (WD Wash). 1990.
-
House of Representatives, Hansard, 18 August 2003, p.
18432.
-
WA Legislative Assembly, Hansard, 16 April 2003.
-
WA Legislative Assembly, Hansard, 4 June 2003.
-
(1997) 189 CLR 520.
-
N. Hancock, Terrorism and the Law in Australia: Legislation,
Commentary and Constraints , Department of the Parliamentary
Library, Research Paper No. 12 2001-2002, p. 48.
-
(1997) 189 CLR 579.
-
For a summary, see Tony Blackshield & George Williams,
Australian Constitutional Law. Commentary and Materials,
3rd ed, 2002.
-
In Levy,
Brennan CJ said
that the constitutional protection covers not only political speech
but also deeds and conduct and that it:
denies legislative or executive power to
restrict the freedom of communication about the government or
politics of the Commonwealth, whatever be the form of the
communication, unless the restriction is imposed to fulfil a
legitimate purpose and the restriction is appropriate and adapted
to the fulfilment of that purpose. In principle, therefore,
non-verbal conduct which is capable of communicating an idea about
the government or politics of the Commonwealth and which is
intended to do so may be immune from legislative or executive
restriction so far as that immunity is needed to preserve the
system of representative and responsible government that the
Constitution prescribes. (1997) 198 CLR 579 at 594.
For further discussion see Max Spry, What is
political speech? Levy v. Victoria , Research Note No.
2, 1997/98.
-
Blackshield & Williams, op.cit.
-
Mr JA McGinty, WA Legislative Assembly, Hansard, 4 June
2003. Mr McGinty said that notices under section 78B of the
Judiciary Act 1903 were served on each Attorney-General in
this case, giving notice that it raised a constitutional
matter.
-
WA Legislative Assembly, Hansard, 4 June 2003.
-
Flag flies for all our freedoms , West Australian, 11
June 2003.
-
Information about overseas flag desecration laws compiled by Roy
Jordan and Ann Rann, Department of the Parliamentary Library.
-
http://www.parl.gc.ca/PDF/37/1/parlbus/chambus/house/bills/private/C-330_1.pdf
-
http://www.parl.gc.ca/PDF/37/1/parlbus/chambus/house/bills/private/C-426_1.pdf
-
Source: Unofficial translation
at: http://www.qis.net/chinalaw/prclaw60.htm
-
Proposed Flag Amendment Rejected Once Again; ACLU Says the
Measure Dead for the Year. Wednesday, October 7, 1998: http://archive.aclu.org/news/n100798a.html
-
Source:
http://www.justice.gov.hk/blis.nsf/E1BF50C09A33D3DC482564840019D2F4/DEDB4F3439C677DE4825650A00250E2D?OpenDocument
-
Commission Of The European
Communities, Report From The Commission To The Council And The
European Parliament,
Second Annual Report
by the European Commission on the Special Administrative Region of
Hong Kong, Brussels 18.05.2000, p. 5.
-
Hksar V. Ng Kung Siu And Another HCMA000563/1998 - [1999] HKCFI
292 (23 March 1999), http://www.hklii.org/hk/cases/HKCFI/1999/292.html.
-
Hksar V. Ng Kung Siu And Another FACC000004/1999 - [1999] HKCFA
87 (15 December 1999): http://www.hklii.org/hk/cases/HKCFA/1999/87.html.
-
Source: http://www.iuscomp.org/gla/statutes/StGB.htm.
-
Explanation 1. - Comments
expressing disapprobation or criticism of the Constitution or of
the Indian National Flag or of any measures of the Government with
a view to obtain an amendment of the Constitution of India or an
alteration of the Indian National Flag by lawful means do not
constitute an offence under this section.
Explanation 2.
- The expression Indian National Flag includes any picture,
painting, drawing or photograph or other visible representation of
the Indian National Flag, or of any part or parts thereof, made of
any substance, or represented oil any substance.
Explanation 3.
- The expression public place means any place intended for use by,
or accessible to, the public and includes any public
conveyance.
Source: http://www.indialawinfo.com/bareacts/nathon.html.:
See also the Flag Code which incorporates this Act at:
http://www.outlookindia.com/specialfeaturem.asp?fodname=20020125&fname=flagcode&sid=1
-
Tribune Online 21 January 2003, http://www.tribuneindia.com/2003/20030122/main1.htm
-
Source: Republican Ron Paul in the US House of Representatives,
June 3, 2003. His full speech against flag burning laws is at:
http://www.lewrockwell.com/paul/paul99.html
-
Source: http://www.usl4.toscana.it/dp/isll/lex/cp.htm
-
Source: The Economist reports on recent legislation reaffirming
free speech, The Economist, 1 July 1989, p 29.
-
Source: http://www.legislation.govt.nz/
-
Source: http://www.cea.ucp.pt/lei/penal/penal332.htm
-
Source: http://www.cea.ucp.pt/lei/penal/penal332.htm
-
Source: 1999 email from Mr Bing Ling, Associate Dean (Teaching
& Research) and Associate Professor, School of Law, City
University of Hong Kong.
-
Further information can be found by going to the Library of
Congress site THOMAS and
typing the word desecration in the appropriate box.
Jennifer Norberry
3 October 2003
Bills Digest Service
Information and Research Services
This paper has been prepared for general distribution to
Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament. While great care
is taken to ensure that the paper is accurate and balanced, the
paper is written using information publicly available at the time
of production. The views expressed are those of the author and
should not be attributed to the Information and Research Services
(IRS). Advice on legislation or legal policy issues contained in
this paper is provided for use in parliamentary debate and for
related parliamentary purposes. This paper is not professional
legal opinion. Readers are reminded that the paper is not an
official parliamentary or Australian government document.
IRS staff are available to discuss the paper's
contents with Senators and Members and their staff but not with
members of the public.
ISSN 1328-8091
© Commonwealth of Australia 2003
Except to the extent of the uses permitted under the
Copyright Act 1968, no part of this publication may be
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Published by the Department of the Parliamentary Library,
2003.
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