WARNING:
This Digest was prepared for debate. It reflects the legislation as
introduced and does not canvass subsequent amendments. This Digest
does not have any official legal status. Other sources should be
consulted to determine the subsequent official status of the
Bill.
CONTENTS
Passage History
Purpose
Background
Main Provisions
Concluding Comments
Endnotes
Contact Officer & Copyright Details
Norfolk Island Amendment Bill
1999
Date Introduced: 31 March 1999
House: Senate
Portfolio: Regional Services, Territories and Local
Government
Commencement: 28 days after Royal Assent
The Norfolk Island Amendment Bill 1999 ('the
Bill') has 6 purposes:
-
- to require candidates for future elections to the Norfolk
Island Legislative Assembly to hold Australian citizenship,
-
- to add Australian citizenship to the requirements for future
enrolments on the electoral roll, while relaxing the residency
requirement
-
- to move 'firearms and ammunition' from Schedule 2 to Schedule 3
of the Norfolk Island Act 1979 ('the Principal Act'),
thereby permitting the Commonwealth Minister to veto legislation
passed by the Legislative Assembly about those matters
-
- to provide for the Deputy Administrator of Norfolk Island to be
appointed by the Commonwealth Minister responsible for External
Territories, rather than by the Governor-General
-
- to remove gender-specific language from the Principal Act
-
- to make minor grammatical amendments to the Principal Act.
A Complex Constitutional History
Some on Norfolk Island dispute that it is part
of the Commonwealth of Australia. The High Court found to the
contrary in 1976(if any),(1) but the assertion persists in part
because the constitutional status and history of the Island is
complex and unusual.
In brief,(2) the Island was unoccupied when
mapped by Captain Cook in 1774, although evidence apparently exists
of earlier Polynesian occupation. It was twice occupied by the
British and used as a penal colony, in the periods 1788-1814 and
1825-1855. In 1856, descendants of Bounty mutineers who had
intermarried with Polynesian islanders agreed with the British
Government to move from Pitcairn Island to Norfolk Island. Between
1856 and 1897, Norfolk Island was a separate British colony with
its own Governor, who was also the Governor of New South Wales. In
1897 the British Crown transferred administrative responsibility
for Norfolk Island to the Governor of the colony of New South
Wales, an arrangement continued in 1900 with the Governor of the
new State of New South Wales. By combined British and Australian
action in 1913 and 1914 the Island became a Territory under the
authority of the Commonwealth of Australia.
A distinct history combined with distance from
the Australian mainland has generated a strong sense of local
identity on the Island. Reaction to the Bill on Norfolk Island has
been strong, most of it adverse and consistent with the Island's
'rich history of civilised disputation with faraway rulers'.(3)
While the Commonwealth has depicted the Bill as variously necessary
or convenient from the national point of view, opponents on Norfolk
Island have treated it as paternalistic and a threat to progress
towards self-government. Much of the controversy over the Bill thus
reflects the contested nature of Norfolk Island's relationship to
the Commonwealth of Australia.
Partial Self Government Since
1979
In the mid-1970s the Commonwealth held a Royal
Commission into the future status of Norfolk Island, chaired by Sir
John Nimmo. The Fraser Government responded by committing itself to
a form of self government for the Island and in 1979 the Principal
Act was passed by the Commonwealth Parliament. The Principal Act
functions as a quasi-constitutional document, setting out the
institutions of legislative, executive and judicial power for the
Island.
The Territory is administered by the
Administrator, appointed by the Governor-General (effectively the
Commonwealth Government). In forming certain opinions required
under the Act, the Administrator must rely on his or her own
judgement. In all other respects, the Administrator acts on advice.
That advice comes from a variety of sources depending on the
category of matter involved. In some instances, the Administrator
is the senior representative of the Commonwealth on the Island,
acting on the advice of the Minister for Territories. In other
situations, the Administrator fills a role akin to the vice-regal
function of a State Governor, acting on the advice of the Norfolk
Island Executive Council or Legislative Assembly (both discussed
immediately below). Finally, in some situations the Administrator
refers matters to the Governor-General, who in turn acts on the
advice of the Commonwealth Government.
The Principal Act creates an Executive Council
'to advise the Administrator on all matters relating to the
government of the Territory'. Members of the executive are
appointed from the Legislative Assembly by members of the Assembly,
and have authority over matters listed in Schedules 2 and 3 of the
Principal Act. There are 4 Ministers of the Norfolk Island
Government.
The Principal Act also invests the Legislative
Assembly of Norfolk Island with the power 'to make laws for the
peace, order and good government of the Territory', subject to
assent by the Administrator or the Governor-General as the case may
be. There are 9 members of the Norfolk Island Legislative Assembly,
elected from the Island voting as a single electorate numbering
between 950 and 1200 people. Voting is compulsory and the franchise
is available under a local law to those over 18 years old
who meet a residency requirement, whether Australian citizens or
not.(4) While the right to vote is subject to local law, the right
to stand for election is governed by Commonwealth legislation.
Candidates for election to the Assembly must have been ordinarily
resident on the Island for 5 years prior to nomination. Citizenship
of Australia is not a requirement and it was recently suggested
that 3 members of the current Assembly are not Australian citizens,
including the Chief Minister.(5) There are reportedly no formal
party groupings in the Assembly.
The legislative power of the Assembly is plenary
(with four defined exceptions),(6) but the conditions attaching to
assent as well as other forms of overriding legislative authority
mean that the Commonwealth retains a significant influence over the
laws enacted to apply in Norfolk Island. Laws about matters listed
in Schedule 2 are at the heart of Norfolk Island self-government,
because the Administrator assents or not to such laws on the advice
of the Executive Council (the Norfolk Island Government). Schedule
3 to the Principal Act lists a smaller range of topics which in
1979 the Commonwealth Minister described as 'matters of particular
sensitivity or national importance'.(7) Regarding assent to
Schedule 3 laws, the Administrator appears again to act on the
advice of the Executive Council, but importantly is subject to
over-riding instructions from the Commonwealth Minister. Where a
law relates to a matter in neither Schedule 2 nor 3, the
Administrator reserves the law for the attention of the
Governor-General (who will act on the advice of the Commonwealth
Government). The Governor-General also has the power to make
ordinances for the Island and to introduce legislation into the
Assembly, although apparently this power has not been exercised
since 1979. Finally the Commonwealth Parliament has the power to
make laws which apply in Norfolk Island, but only if an Act
expressly says so.
The Principal Act preserved the
already-established Supreme Court of Norfolk Island as the seat of
judicial power on the Island.
Citizenship Statistics
In its submission to the Senate Legal and
Constitutional Legislation Committee (SLCLC) inquiry into the Bill,
the Norfolk Island Government ('NIG') provided citizenship
statistics from the Census of Population and Housing conducted by
the Administration of Norfolk Island on 6 August 1996. It found
that 81% of the permanently resident population held Australian
citizenship, 16% held New Zealand citizenship and less than 2% each
held UK and other citizenship respectively. Amongst the temporarily
resident population it found a higher proportion of New Zealanders
(25%), with 68% holding Australian citizenship. The NIG submitted
that up to 20% of Island residents of Pitcairn descent were born in
New Zealand, 'for medical or other reasons'.(8)
The National Firearms Program and
Norfolk Island
Following the murder of 35 people by a lone
gunman at Port Arthur, Tasmania a meeting of Commonwealth, State
and Territory Police Ministers was held in May 1996. Agreement was
reached on a national scheme for firearms ownership, use and
storage, which included wide prohibitions and restrictions as well
as national standards for licensing and registration.
The agreement also provided for an amnesty
period and buyback scheme to encourage firearms owners and dealers
to surrender prohibited weapons. The Commonwealth agreed to meet
the costs of compensation and administration under the agreement,
funded by a one-off increase in the Medicare levy. After May 1996,
the Commonwealth, States and Territories proceeded to pass
legislation and effect necessary administrative changes.
The National Firearms Program Implementation
Act 1998 (Cth) extended the firearms buyback scheme to the
External Territories of Norfolk Island, Cocos (Keeling) Islands and
Christmas Island.
According to the submission made by the Norfolk
Island Government ('NIG') to the SLCLC, a Firearms Bill was
introduced into the Norfolk Island Legislative Assembly in 1996 and
then, after an election, it was reintroduced as the Firearms Bill
1997. Negotiations ensued between the Commonwealth and the NIG, and
the Bill was assented to in October 1997, in circumstances
described by the NIG in the following terms:
the NIG took the view, after consultation with
the Administrator, that it would be irresponsible to permit the
obsolete and grossly deficient 1958 legislation to remain in force
indefinitely whilst fine-tuning of the 1997 Bill occurred, that the
Bill (which was on the cusp of passage by the Assembly) should
therefore be enacted, and that remaining divergences from the
national scheme should be addressed afterwards. A further
consideration was that semi-automatic firearms had been prohibited
imports since as long ago as 1983, and remained so. The Bill was
accordingly assented to in October 1997.(9)
An amending Bill was introduced in the
Legislative Assembly in 1998 following further discussions with the
Commonwealth, but appears to have been initially defeated in
November. In December 1998, regulations were made under the
Firearms Act 1997 (Norfolk Island) and then in March 1999,
amendments to the Act successfully passed the Assembly and were
assented to on 25 March 1999. The Commonwealth Bill dealt with in
this Digest was introduced into the Senate 6 days later.
One witness from Norfolk Island who supported
the Bill asserted that there was the equivalent of one registered
gun to each person on the Island and many more unregistered
firearms, although he said it was 'not possible to verify these
figures'.(10) A witness from the Commonwealth Attorney-General's
Department said she was aware:
that there would be anecdotally that level of
gun ownership...There is at least one very large collection on the
island...yes, I am aware that there is a high level of gun
ownership.(11)
In October 1997 the responsible NIG Minister
wrote to the Commonwealth and said:
There has not, to my knowledge, been a single
incident since the Pitcairn Islanders arrived here in 1856, of
violence or robbery involving use of a firearm. There is no ability
to export semi-automatic rifles from Norfolk Island, nor to import
them into Norfolk Island, nor to sell or transfer them in Norfolk
Island.(12)
The witness for the Commonwealth quoted above
conceded that:
there is no more concern about unlawful use of
firearms on Norfolk Island than in any other Australian
jurisdiction. In fact, I think that we have to put that in the
context of what is really quite a low crime level on Norfolk
Island.(13)
The operative amendments are contained in
Schedule 1 of the Bill, which contains amendments
to the Principal Act.
Deputy Administrator
The Deputy Administrator of Norfolk Island holds
what is known as a 'dormant commission'. An individual,
conventionally a relatively junior Commonwealth public servant, is
appointed once to fill the position from time to time as the need
arises, when necessary duties can be fulfilled neither by an
Administrator nor by an Acting Administrator. At present, the
Deputy Administrator is appointed by Commission by the
Governor-General, thereby entailing the involvement of the Cabinet
and Executive Council. Item 1 of Schedule 1 would
permit instead the Commonwealth Minister to appoint the Deputy
Administrator by written instrument.
The Deputy Administrator currently takes an oath
or affirmation before any one of a defined list of individuals
including the Governor-General or the Governor-General's appointee.
That list will remain the same except that item 3
means that it will now include the Minister or the Minister's
appointee, and not include the Governor-General and his or her
appointee. Item 2 is consequential on item 3.
Citizenship as a Requirement of Holding
Office
Section 38 of the Principal Act presently sets
out the eligibility requirements which candidates for election to
the Norfolk Island Legislative Assembly must meet at the time of
nomination. In its original form, as passed in 1979, the Principal
Act additionally required that candidates be an Australian citizen
or otherwise have the status of a British subject. This additional
requirement was removed by the Commonwealth Parliament by amendment
in 1985. Item 5 will reintroduce a requirement
that in future candidates be Australian citizens, although this
time there is no additional eligibility as a British subject.
Once elected, a member of the Legislative
Assembly is subject to disqualification on a number of grounds,
which are set out in section 39 of the Principal Act. Consistent
with the policy intent of item 5, item 7 will see
a member's office become vacant if he or she ceases to be an
Australian citizen.
Item 8 clarifies that
item 7 will not prejudice a member's term of
office already underway when item 7 commences, if they are not or
cease to be an Australian citizen, but it will operate to
disqualify members who are not Australian citizens from the next
election onwards.
Citizenship and Residency as
Requirements of the Right to Vote
At present, the Principal Act does not prescribe
the eligibility requirements for a person's name to be entered on
the Norfolk Island electoral roll. Local legislation passed by the
Norfolk Island Legislative Assembly, the Legislative Assembly
Act 1979 (Norfolk Island), requires a prescribed period of
presence on the Island in the period leading up to attempted
enrolment (and re-enrolment upon return to the Island after an
absence or after serving a term of imprisonment). Item
9 (consisting of proposed sections
39A-39D) will incorporate but also to some extent
contradict and over-rule that local legislation.
Proposed section 39A requires
that a person seeking enrolment be at least 18, an Australian
citizen and 'ordinarily resident' on Norfolk Island in the previous
6 months. Re-enrolment after an absence from the Island or
imprisonment for at least a year is possible, if the person is an
Australian citizen and was present on the Island for 150 of the
last 240 days prior to enrolment. A person under imprisonment for
one year or longer for a Commonwealth, State or Territory offence
cannot enrol during their period of imprisonment. A person who
ceases to be an Australian citizen after commencement of
item 9 must be removed from the roll (see
proposed section 39C).
Enrolment permits a person to vote at
Legislative Assembly elections (see proposed section
39B).
The voting rights of those already on the roll
(and who for example may not be Australian citizens) are preserved
by item 10 which says the eligibility requirements
will only apply to enrolment applications made after commencement
of item 9. The effect of item 10 on proposed section
39C, however, is ambiguous. Will an Australian citizen
already enrolled when item 9 commences lose their enrolment if he
or she subsequently ceases to be an Australian citizen?
Firearms Legislation
As noted in the Background to this Digest, the
Norfolk Island Legislative Assembly was granted the power(14) to
make laws for the peace, order and good government of Norfolk
Island subject to certain restrictions set out in the Principal
Act. The conditional or partial form of self-government granted to
Norfolk Island under the Principal Act found expression, amongst
other things, in section 21 which sets out on whose advice and
instructions the Administrator of Norfolk Island must act when
considering whether to give assent to laws passed by the
Legislative Assembly. If the law relates to a Schedule 2 matter,
the Administrator must act on the advice of the Norfolk Island
Government. If the law involves a Schedule 3 matter the
Commonwealth Minister can issue over-riding instructions to the
Administrator. Schedule 2 sets out a list of 93 matters (42 when
the Principal Act was passed in 1979), while Schedule 3 lists 10
matters (up from 4 in 1979).
Items 11 and
12 remove 'firearms' and 'ammunition' from
Schedule 2 and item 13 adds them to Schedule 3.
This gives the Commonwealth Minister direct leverage over the laws
passed by the Assembly dealing with firearms and ammunition, a
matter which has assumed significance in the wake of the Port
Arthur murders in April 1996 and consequent changes to Commonwealth
legislation and policies designed to achieve uniform national
standards.
There appears to be a difference of
interpretation between the Commonwealth and the Norfolk Island
Government as to whether, in the absence of instructions from the
Commonwealth Minister about a Schedule 3 law, the Administrator
simply acts on the advice of the Norfolk Island Government or must
first seek instructions from the Commonwealth before assenting or
withholding assent to legislation.(15)
Other Amendments
Items 4 and 6
are minor grammatical amendments.
Items 14 to 17
replace the masculine pronoun with gender-neutral language.
The Limits of Self Government
These Concluding Comments will deal in turn with
the citizenship and residency proposals for enrolment and
entitlement to stand as a candidate for the Legislative Assembly,
as well as the proposed changes regarding firearms legislation and
the Deputy Administrator. The same vein of controversy, however,
runs through each issue and it is that recurrent theme which is
dealt with here first.
That theme can be summarised as a dispute over
the boundary between local autonomy and national standards.(16)
Expressed that way, it is a well-recognised source of political
argument in Australia, given its federal structure and extremely
large landmass. Resentment at 'interference by Canberra' in 'the
way things are done around here' is a familiar refrain,
particularly the further one travels from the Australian Capital
Territory. The same dispute frequently arises in indigenous
affairs. The distinctive history of Norfolk Island, going right
back to the mutiny on the Bounty, as well as its particular
geographic isolation as an island 1500 kilometres from the east
coast of the Australian mainland has contributed to a fairly
intense localism evident in the NIG's dealings with the
Commonwealth. Commonwealth agencies, themselves, seem quite ready
to concede that Norfolk Island is appropriately described as
'unique'.(17)
Leaving aside an undercurrent of secessionist
sentiment which has occasionally surfaced but which the Deputy
Speaker of the Legislative Assembly, for example, sought to
downplay to the SLCLC as a minority view,(18) the debate over the
Bill so far has centred around the legitimate boundaries of self
government for this unique polity within the context of a
continuing constitutional relationship with Australia.
The NIG places heavy emphasis on the theme of
continuous devolution and steady progress to full self government
which it identifies as being at the heart of the Principal Act. For
example, it points to Minister Ellicott's Second Reading Speech
when the Principal Act was introduced into the Commonwealth
Parliament in 1978:
This Bill...will confer on the Island residents
the opportunity to become increasingly involved in their own
affairs...The Government intends to review these arrangements over
the next five years and to increase the scope of the Legislative
Assembly's powers as may be appropriate.(19)
In its submission to the SLCLC, the NIG says
that 65 years of Commonwealth administration left large areas of
social policy untended (such as social security, workers'
compensation, planning and environment regulation, revenue raising
and criminal justice) whereas considerable progress has been made
by the Legislative Assembly on all these fronts since 1979:
The Norfolk Island Government believes this
shows that, by and large, self-government is likely to be good
government. Certainly it is to be preferred to faltering attempts
by the unelected to cope with complex issues by means of a form of
remote control.(20)
Instead of progressive devolution, the NIG sees
the Bill, however, as evidence of regression to central control, a
'confrontational and provocative'(21) course of action pursued by
an administration in Canberra insensitive to the needs and
aspirations of Norfolk Islanders:
The amendments, if passed, will damage
self-government. They will adversely affect the Island's
self-identity, and lead to a wholly unnecessary dispute over the
Island's fundamental status. They will result in the
disenfranchisement of a significant minority of the population.
They will also achieve Departmental ideological and administrative
objectives, which have been nursed in bureaucratic recesses over
the years.(22)
As evidence of a shift away from devolution
within the Commonwealth, the NIG asserts that:
-
- all electoral legislation (including the abolition of a
citizenship requirement for enrolment in 1985) has either been
introduced or assented to by successive Commonwealth Governments
but features of the local franchise are now described as
'anomalies'
-
- the present Bill is 'the first occasion since 1979 on which
unwanted, unwarranted and provocative amendments to the Island's
governing instrument...have been introduced into the Federal
Parliament',(23) and
-
- the Commonwealth has shown summary disregard for successive
results in referenda held on the Island regarding proposed
electoral changes by the Commonwealth.
Attempts by the Commonwealth to justify measures
by reference to other External Territories are typically regarded
as a bureaucratic reflex response betraying an intolerance or
disregard for relevant difference.
The NIG submission to the SLCLC goes beyond
criticism of the Bill and proposes, instead, a strategy designed to
achieve its objective of further devolution and enhanced
self-government. It is also noteworthy that following the 12 May
1999 referendum on electoral changes which registered a 71% 'No'
vote (discussed further below), the Senate called on the Government
'to enter into formal negotiations with the Government of Norfolk
Island in view of the referendum result'.(24)
The issue of process has also attracted
controversy. The NIG has referred to the 'antagonism' created by
Commonwealth decisions to act without consultation.(25) In
particular, they said that despite extensive contact over other
elements of the Bill there was no consultation over the proposal
regarding the Deputy Administrator before the decision was
announced in a letter sent the month before the Bill's
introduction.(26) Similarly, after the demise of an earlier
proposal to include citizenship as a requirement of the franchise,
there was no consultation prior to a Cabinet decision in 1998 to
revive the measure. The Norfolk Island Government has
commented:
Given the controversial previous history of the
proposal, this is surprising.(27)
The Commonwealth Grants Commission, reporting on
Norfolk Island in late 1997, acknowledged that:
In general, it can be said that, with the
exception of the Territories Office, Commonwealth agencies do not
give sufficient thought to Norfolk, the third self governing
Territory in the Commonwealth, and it is often considered, if at
all, either by implication or as an afterthought...
The Territories Office have little contact with
the Members of the Norfolk Island Assembly and tend to work through
the Administrator and a small number of Norfolk Island's senior
public servants. While the Territories Office staff cannot always
express a Commonwealth Government opinion, we think there would be
benefits if they could have a more open approach in their dealings
with the people on Norfolk Island. On the Island's part, there may
well be unrealistic expectations of what is feasible or what degree
of priority can be given by the Commonwealth to Norfolk Island
issues. For whatever reason, there is evidently a fair amount of
mistrust on both sides and it is making the administration of the
Island more difficult than it need be.(28)
In its main findings, the Grants Commission
noted the 'need for improved communication between the Commonwealth
and Norfolk Island Governments'.(29)
The Commonwealth Government's position on the
appropriate degree of self government for Norfolk Island is not
dealt with in the Explanatory Memorandum, and is referred to only
briefly in the Second Reading Speech where it says the Principal
Act introduced 'a form of self-government' and:
By way of comparison, the Norfolk Island model
of self-government is broadly similar to that of the Northern
Territory.(30)
The most detailed exposition of the
Commonwealth's position is found in the Minister's response to the
Senate Standing Committee for the Scrutiny of Bills, where he made
the following points:
-
- like other External and mainland Territories, Norfolk Island
will remain an integral part of the Commonwealth of Australia
-
- the Commonwealth Government 'remains open to realistic
proposals' from the NIG for the enhancement of internal self
government, subject to improvements in revenue raising.(31)
A major pillar of the Commonwealth's argument
for the citizenship requirement in relation to elections is
equality across the Commonwealth. It has promoted the combined
citizenship/residency proposal for the franchise as giving
Australian citizens the same electoral rights they enjoy in every
other jurisdiction, and justified the phasing out of non-citizen
voting by asserting that Norfolk Island is the only State or
Territory legislature where non-Australian citizens are entitled to
vote and stand for election. In dismissing the relevance of local
referenda on electoral changes, the Minister has said that:
The rights of Australian citizens are national
issues for determination by the Federal Parliament, not the subject
of local plebiscites by small community groupings, especially where
(a) not all resident Australians are permitted to vote and (b) non
citizen residents can vote on an essentially national
issue.(32)
It may be noted that there is some support for
the Commonwealth's proposals amongst Norfolk Island residents, and
more generally shades of opinion which place much greater emphasis
on the constitutional integration of the Island into the
Commonwealth of Australia. One witness before the SLCLC inquiry
suggested that hostility to 'Canberra' may stem from more than a
hankering for political autonomy:
I wonder whether it was the independence
movement or when the Commonwealth, and rightly so, stepped in and
stopped the tax avoidance and the bottom-of-the-harbour schemes. We
still have members who operated those schemes as residents on the
island, and some of them are violently anti-Australian. As a matter
of fact, some of them have been elected to the assembly over the
years.(33)
Election results for the Legislative Assembly
since 1979 and the outcomes of referenda on Commonwealth electoral
proposals (despite some legitimate criticisms of the way questions
have been framed) tend, however, to indicate that the preference
for localism over centralism is quite widespread amongst long term
Island residents.
This brief survey vindicates the NIG's
submission that there exists 'a consistent tension between, on the
one hand, a continuing Island effort to preserve the unique nature
of the polity and, on the other, a continuing metropolitan
endeavour to remove 'anomalies' by treating the Island as if it
were an integral part of Australia'.(34)
Firearms Legislation
Norfolk Island's compliance with the National
Agreement on Firearms was canvassed at some length with witnesses
appearing before the SLCLC inquiry into the Bill, but it is
difficult to discern precisely where matters stand at present. The
Norfolk Island Government asserted that the Commonwealth
Attorney-General's Department 'signed off' on the Island's
amendments leaving 'a number of minor matters that still need to be
included in the regulations to bring the current Norfolk Island
legislation into line with the legislation as approved by the
Commonwealth Attorney-General's (sic) in August 1998'. The NIG
alleged that 'a raft of new issues' was then raised by the
Commonwealth in April 1999 (after introduction of the Bill) which
if they had been raised in April 1998 'would have been resolved by
now'.(35) The Deputy Speaker of the Island's Assembly said that
'there is really no dispute between the Norfolk Island government
and the Australian government'.(36)
Representatives of the Commonwealth agreed that
while some of the outstanding differences are 'significant in the
sense that they are necessary':
In terms of what needs to be done to remedy it,
I think I would agree that they are minor.(37)
Category C firearms - semiautomatic weapons, of
which there are 'quite a number on Norfolk Island at the moment'
according to the Commonwealth - are apparently the major
outstanding issue.(38) The responsible Commonwealth official
asserted that the Act passed in March 1999 and the regulations made
in December 1998 were not the same as the laws 'ticked off' by the
Commonwealth but was not able to elaborate on the differences and
the NIG appeared to contradict this evidence.(39) The Commonwealth
official disclaimed knowledge of why the two governments appeared
to be in an impasse when the NIG had indicated a commitment to full
compliance.(40)
In short, there appears to be some confusion
over whether the remaining deficiencies in Norfolk Island firearms
legislation had been brought to the NIG's attention before the
Commonwealth signalled its intention on 25 March 1999 that the Bill
would move firearms and ammunition to Schedule 3 of the Principal
Act. If it had not, this would tend to undercut the Commonwealth's
case for giving the Commonwealth Minister a direct veto over
firearms legislation made on the Island and to vindicate the NIG's
case that self government is being wound back. If it had, it would
give some support to the Commonwealth's argument for greater
leverage over this category of legislation.
It is worth noting that the firearms issue
appears to have brought to the surface an important difference of
opinion over the role of the NIG in relation to Schedule 3 matters.
The Second Reading Speech to the Bill asserts that in considering
assent to Schedule 3 laws, the Administrator must first obtain the
instructions of the Commonwealth Minister for Territories.(41) It
may be that this goes too far, and that in light of sections 7 and
21, the Administrator must act on the advice of the Executive
Council of Norfolk Island, subject to over-riding instructions from
the Commonwealth Minister if any are forthcoming. The NIG
objects to the assertion in the Second Reading Speech, but itself
may go too far in insisting that contrary instructions must 'first'
arrive from the Commonwealth Minister.(42) The combined effect of
sections 7 and 21 in relation to assent to Schedule 3 laws appears
ambiguous.
Appointment of the Deputy
Administrator
By comparison with the detailed submission on
this issue put to the SLCLC inquiry by the NIG, the Commonwealth
has done little to set out on the public record the merits of its
case for this proposal in the Bill. The Second Reading Speech and
the Explanatory Memorandum make the same two points: 'the
appointment of a comparatively junior Commonwealth officer to an
essentially dormant commission does not warrant the attention of
the Governor-General'(43) and appointment by the Territories
Minister is consistent with the situation in the other two major
External Territories, Christmas Island and Cocos (Keeling)
Island.
The NIG opposes the amendment on both technical
and broader political grounds. It says that in practice Acting
Administrators - next in the hierarchy below the Administrator -
are rarely appointed, so that in the absence of the Administrator
it will frequently be the Deputy Administrator who 'has and may
exercise and perform all the powers and functions of the
Administrator',(44) and that on occasions this has been for as long
as three and four month periods. Next, it says that the
Administrator (and those acting in the position) must perform
important functions, such as forming an opinion as to the
characterisation of a law as coming within Schedule 2, 3 or
neither. It thus questions what it sees as the implication by the
Commonwealth that the office is of little significance.
The NIG challenges other aspects of the
Commonwealth's case. It says no evidence of inconvenience arising
from the appointment process has been demonstrated,(45) and notes
that as a 'dormant commission' the appointment procedures need only
be operated once for an individual to hold the office, which can
then be activated and returned to dormancy as required - that is,
it is not a matter of troubling the Governor-General and Executive
Council every time a Deputy Administrator is required to act. The
NIG also demonstrates that there is no uniformity of practice
across Australia's Territories and asserts that the argument for
consistency is therefore 'both pointless...and baseless'.(46) The
NIG draws particular attention to the Northern Territory, which the
Commonwealth itself has invoked as enjoying a broadly similar form
of self government. The NIG says that the Northern Territory
Government has a far greater say in the appointment of the
Administrator and it is the Administrator who appoints the Deputy
Administrator. It notes that the previous Commonwealth Government
had foreshadowed a change to the Administrator's office including a
greater local say over appointments.(47) To the NIG, the assumption
of Ministerial control over appointments to the Deputy
Administrator's position is incompatible with 'the longer term aim
that such appointments should be devolved to the Norfolk Island
Government in the process to achieve self-government'.(48) Finally
the NIG notes that a precedent exists, in that consultation over
Supreme Court judges takes place with the Executive Council by
virtue of section 53 of the Principal Act.
The Commonwealth has indicated recently its view
on the broader issues raised by the NIG submission:
Besides his vice regal activities the
Administrator is the most senior Commonwealth representative in the
Territory and discharges functions on behalf of the Commonwealth.
It would be inappropriate for the Norfolk Island Government to
participate directly in the appointment of the Norfolk Island
Administrator.(49)
Residency and Citizenship and the Rights
to Vote and Stand for Election
Some History
The electoral proposals in the Bill have
generated the most controversy on Norfolk Island. In 1991 the House
of Representatives Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional
Affairs recommended that Australian citizenship be phased in as a
requirement for voting and standing for election to the Legislative
Assembly. That Committee considered that the residency requirement
imposed by local law 'should remain unchanged'.(50) This Bill would
propose the same form of phased-in citizenship requirements (the
right to vote of currently enrolled non-Australian citizens to be
preserved, with citizenship requirements for candidature to operate
from the next election), but differs in that it would also
significantly reduce and alter the residency requirement for
enrolment.
The then Commonwealth Government pursued the
citizenship issue with the NIG from October 1990 onwards, but it
met vigorous opposition and the proposal did not proceed.(51) The
NIG has also drawn attention to the fact that it was
Commonwealth legislation which abolished citizenship
requirements for membership of the Assembly in 1985(52) when
references to 'British subjects' were being removed from various
statutes (a like amendment was made by the Assembly to the local
law governing enrolment). The Commonwealth's position now appears
to be that the 1985 changes overshot the mark and created
'anomalies'. The NIG demonstrated however that at the time the
Commonwealth clearly considered the alternatives of requiring
Australian citizenship or abolishing a citizenship requirement
altogether, and noted that the latter option 'would be consistent
with the practice generally for local government, and perhaps
better suited to Island circumstances'.(53) An adviser to the NIG
put it this way:
The situation is that the Commonwealth has
approved of every electoral law change in Norfolk Island that has
ever been made. Not only that, it invited the present situation to
come about in correspondence in 1984 and 1985 when it gave the very
option to the Norfolk Island authorities, which was adopted, of the
abolition of the citizenship requirement.(54)
The Main Arguments
The essence of the NIG argument is that a
significant period of continuous residence on the Island is the
appropriate threshold requirement, given Norfolk Island's
distinctive character, and that Australian citizenship, given the
long-term demographics of the Island, its geographical distance
from the mainland and its highly developed form of self government,
is not a relevant criterion. It also argues that the pool of
eligible candidates for the Assembly, already small, will be
significantly reduced. The NIG is also concerned that reducing the
residency requirement for enrolment from 2 and a half years in the
last 3, down to 6 months, will permit a number of transient
Australian citizens to swamp a small electorate, as a constituency
neither well versed in the distinctive ways of the Island nor
committed to its long term interests.
The essence of the Commonwealth argument is one
of equality across the Commonwealth. The Minister has written:
The aim of the legislation is to confer the same
rights and responsibilities for voting on Australian citizens,
ordinarily resident on Norfolk Island, as Australian citizens have
elsewhere in Australia. While Norfolk Island enjoys a special role
and form of self-governance, there is no reason why voting and
electoral eligibility should be different to the rest of the
nation.(55)
The NIG has responded to the equality argument
by asserting that the franchise in the Commonwealth of Australia,
by requiring citizenship, necessitates a minimum 2 years residency
in Australia in the last 5 years which it says is comparable to the
Norfolk Island requirement of 2 years and 5 months in the last 4
years. In turn, the Commonwealth rejects this argument, arguing
that it implies Australia is somehow a foreign country for
citizenship purposes whereas the Australian Citizenship Act
1948 has applied in Norfolk Island since its commencement.
The other main argument put forward by the
Commonwealth for the citizenship requirement is that it is 'a
generally accepted tenet of representational government world wide,
that the voters and elected representatives in a nation are
citizens of the nation'.(56) In evidence to the SLCLC the NIG
disputed this contention, claiming that its research through the
Inter-Parliamentary Union revealed that:
no less than 18 countries identified by the IPU
do not require national citizenship as a precondition for voting in
parliamentary elections. These countries include the United
Kingdom, New Zealand, the Netherlands, Argentina, Germany and
Ireland.(57)
According to the NIG's submission on the Bill,
the Commonwealth suggested in a letter in March 1998:
Any practical problems could be overcome by dual
citizenship, '...since Australian law does not require a person to
renounce any other citizenship on assuming Australian citizenship'.
So far as New Zealanders were concerned, 'the New Zealand High
Commission has confirmed that a New Zealand-born person who
acquires Australian citizenship can retain his or her New Zealand
citizenship'.(58)
The Minister had quoted, in the same letter, a
Committee finding which talked, in the context of the Commonwealth
Parliament of 'the need to ensure that the primary loyalty of a
member...is to Australia and to prevent subversion by foreign
governments'. The NIG has posed a powerful counter-argument to the
suggested solution of taking out dual citizenship, which it said is
'contrary to the principles said to underly the measures proposed
in the Bill':
if citizenship is required as a demonstration of
commitment and allegiance, then what commitment is demonstrated by
the holding of dual or multiple citizenship?(59)
In assessing the Norfolk Island Government's
position on the citizenship issue, it is relevant that the current
Chief Minister of the NIG is a New Zealand citizen, as are 2 of the
other 8 Members of the Assembly, and, under the proposed changes,
they would be ineligible for re-election unless they obtain
Australian citizenship before the next poll. It is also relevant to
note that the Chief Minister made no attempt to conceal this in
evidence to the SLCLC and indeed volunteered the
information.(60)
On the relaxation of the residency requirement
for enrolment, the Commonwealth Minister has said that the
qualifying period for enrolment on Norfolk Island 'far exceeds the
one month that applies to the Commonwealth and in all States and
Territories on the mainland. Tasmania has a qualifying period of 6
months'.(61) The NIG's position is that only those with a
demonstrable long-term commitment to the Island should participate
in its governance. It also objected on technical grounds that the
expression 'ordinarily resident' which appears in proposed
paragraph 39A(1)(c) is 'notoriously slippery' and had been rejected
in the past by the Legislative Assembly in favour of a quantitative
formula.(62)
Opinion on Norfolk Island
One submission from the Island suggested there
had been 'very few complaints' against the current electoral
system.(63) The 1991 report of the House of Representatives
Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional Affairs said that it
had received 'some suggestions' that the qualifying period of
residency was too long.(64) A recent letter to the local newspaper,
The Norfolk Islander, from a Norfolk Island resident of
Pitcairn descent who spent 22 years on the mainland working for the
Defence Forces supported the introduction of a citizenship
requirement and called for the the qualifying period to be
significantly reduced.(65) One witness before the SLCLC inquiry,
who was born on the Island in 1920 and supports the Bill, submitted
that without a citizenship requirement, only two more non-citizen
Members would create a majority of five who he claimed would:
have no allegiance whatsoever to Australia or
are even perhaps hostile to Australia. Such a situation could have
very serious repercussions in Australia as well as on Norfolk
Island.(66)
The Chief Minister responded to this submission
by saying that the movement for independence was not strong and the
Deputy Speaker of the Assembly added that:
The vast majority of people in Norfolk Island
want to do what we are doing now, and that is to move along this
path to self government in which we look after own affairs and in
which the Commonwealth does not conduct excursions such as the
Norfolk Island Amendment Bill 1999 demonstrates...While these
issues are around, they are not the main thrust.(67)
A number of individual submissions from the
Island to the SLCLC inquiry echoed the NIG's opposition to the
electoral measures, while two brief submissions were lodged, one
with a number of signatories, in support of the Bill.
The NIG has been keen to stress that, while some
support for the Bill exists on the Island, its own opposition to
the Bill represents by far the weight of Island opinion. In
particular it has stressed the outcome of successive referenda
about electoral and constitutional issues conducted on the Island,
twice in 1991 and then in August 1998 and May 1999. In the first
three cases, what could loosely be called an anti-Commonwealth 'No'
vote registered around 80%. Criticisms have been levelled at the
way referendum questions have been worded, and they have some
validity. The most recent referendum in May this year posed a far
more specific question:
"Do you agree with the Australian Federal
Government's proposal to alter the Norfolk Island Act so that
(1) people who have been ordinarily resident in
the island for 6 (six) months will in future be entitled to enrol
on the electoral roll for Legislative Assembly elections; and
(2) Australian citizenship will in future be
required as a qualification to be elected to the Assembly, and as a
qualification for people who in future apply for enrolment on the
electoral roll for Assembly elections".
Three things can be said about this referendum.
First, the question still combined two elements in one question,
restricting the options of those whose views may have differed
between parts 1 and 2. Second, at a time when a more specific
question was posed in more neutral language, support for what might
loosely be called the 'anti-Commonwealth' position dropped by a
noticeable margin. Thirdly, however, the 'No' vote still exceeded
70% of the vote.
Third Party Opinion
The President of the Law Society of New South
Wales wrote a brief submission to the SLCLC inquiry, which conveyed
comments from Society officers 'experienced in constitutional and
international law'. It said that the citizenship and residency
proposals appeared 'non-democratic in effect', apparently abridging
minority rights at international law and diminishing the 'existing
political and cultural rights of the Norfolk Islanders in seeking
to preserve their heritage while striving to attain a sustainable
form of self government'.(68)
Technical Ambiguity
Attention is drawn in the Main Provisions
section of this Digest to an apparent ambiguity in Item
10 which may require clarification by amendment. One
effect of item 9 appears to be that if a person who is currently an
Australian citizen ceases to be one, their name will be removed
from the electoral roll. Item 10, however, states that item 9
applies to a person who seeks enrolment after commencement
of this Act. This could be interpreted as preserving the enrolment
of a currently enrolled Australian citizen who later loses or
renounces that citizenship.
It is not clear which outcome is intended.
-
- Berwick Ltd v Gray (1976) 133 CLR 603.
- This section draws mostly on historical summaries found in
Commonwealth Grants Commission, Report on Norfolk Island,
AGPS, 1997, pp. 14-16 and House of Representatives Standing
Committee on Legal and Constitutional Affairs, Islands in the
Sun. The Legal Regimes of Australia's External Territories and the
Jervis Bay Territory, AGPS, 1991, section 7.3.
- An article published in The Norfolk Islander of 24
April 1999 attributed this quote to 'a United Nations document more
than 20 years ago'.
- The qualifications for enrolment are set out in section 6 of
the Legislative Assembly Act 1979 (Norfolk Island). The
basic residency requirement is that a person has been present on
the Island for 900 days in the last 4 years prior to seeking
enrolment. For those seeking re-enrolment after disqualification
(eg a period of absence from the Island), the requirement is 150
days in the previous 240.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee,
Proof Committee Hansard, 5 July 1999, p. 7.
- Subsection 19(2) of the Principal Act states that the power of
the Legislative Assembly does not extend to the making of laws
authorising the acquisition of property on other than just terms,
euthanasia, the coining of money or the raising of a defence force.
- The Hon. Robert Ellicott MP, Debates, House of
Representatives, 23 November 1978, p. 3312, Second Reading Speech.
- The Government of Norfolk Island ('NIG'), Submission No. 15 to
Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee Inquiry into
the Norfolk Island Amendment Bill 1999, pp. 23-25.
- Ibid., p. 47.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee,
Proof Committee Hansard, 5 July 1999, p. 12.
- Ibid., p. 18.
- NIG, op.cit., p. 48.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee,
Proof Committee Hansard, 5 July 1999, p. 18.
- Section 19 of the Norfolk Island Act 1979 ('the
Principal Act').
- See text at endnotes 41-42.
- After reviewing the Island's constitutional history the NIG
said: 'The common thread in this historical process has been a
dynamism, or tension, arising from the equivocal nature of the
Island's status. In general, mainland authorities have tended to
espouse integration with Australian political units, whereas
Islanders have consistently resisted such an approach. NIG,
op.cit., p. 16.
- See Commonwealth Grants Commission, op.cit., p. xiii and The
Hon Alex Somlyay MP, Our Pacific Territories: Coalition
Election Statement, Media Release, 30 September 1998 which
both use the word 'unique'. See also House of Representatives
Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional Affairs, op.cit.,
para 1.4.32.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee,
Proof Committee Hansard, 5 July 1999, pp. 22-23.
- The Hon. Robert Ellicott MP, Debates, House of
Representatives, 23 November 1978, p. 3311, Second Reading Speech.
- NIG, op.cit., p. 3.
- See Senate Standing Committee for the Scrutiny of Bills,
Ninth Report of 1999, 26 May 1999 which includes the text
of representations from the NIG.
- NIG, op.cit., p. iii.
- Ibid.
- Motion on Norfolk Island Referendum agreed to,
Debates, Senate, 25 May 1999, p. 5306.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee,
Proof Committee Hansard, 5 July 1999, p. 8.
- NIG, op.cit., p. 33.
- Ibid., p. 12.
- Commonwealth Grants Commission, op.cit., p. 183.
- Ibid., p. xvi.
- Senator the Hon. Ian Macdonald, Debates, Senate, 31
March 1999, p. 3549, Second Reading Speech.
- Senate Standing Committee for the Scrutiny of Bills, op.cit.
- Ibid.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee,
Proof Committee Hansard, 5 July 1999, p. 12.
- NIG, op.cit., p. 21.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee,
Proof Committee Hansard, 5 July 1999, p. 2.
- Ibid., p. 4.
- Ibid., p. 18.
- Ibid.
- Ibid., p. 19 and 24.
- Ibid., p. 20.
- Senator the Hon. Ian Macdonald, Debates, Senate, 31
March 1999, p. 3550, Second Reading Speech.
- NIG, op.cit., p. 51.
- Explanatory Memorandum, p. 3.
- Subsection 9(2) of the Principal Act.
- NIG, op.cit., p. 35.
- Ibid., p. 36.
- Ibid., p. 43.
- Ibid., p. 34.
- Question No. 717, Debates, Senate, 21 June 1999, p.
5889.
- House of Representatives Standing Committee on Legal and
Constitutional Affairs, op.cit., para 7.12.4.
- NIG, op.cit., pp. 11-12.
- Statute Law (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act (No. 1)
1985.
- NIG, op.cit., p. 8.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee,
Proof Committee Hansard, 5 July 1999, p. 27.
- Australian Financial Review, 9 April 1999.
- The Norfolk Islander, 8 May 1999.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee,
Proof Committee Hansard, 5 July 1999, p. 1.
- NIG, op.cit., p. 13.
- Ibid., p. 24.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee,
Proof Committee Hansard, 5 July 1999, p. 7.
- Senator the Hon. Ian Macdonald, Debates, Senate, 31
March 1999, p. 3550, Second Reading Speech.
- NIG, op.cit., p. 26.
- Mr Geoff Bennett, Submission No. 10 to Senate Legal and
Constitutional Legislation Committee Inquiry into the Norfolk
Island Amendment Bill 1999, p. 2.
- House of Representatives Standing Committee on Legal and
Constitutional Affairs, op.cit., p. 221.
- The Norfolk Islander, 3 April 1999.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee,
Proof Committee Hansard, 5 July 1999, p. 12.
- Ibid., p. 23.
- President of the Law Society of New South Wales, Submission No.
11 to Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee Inquiry
into the Norfolk Island Amendment Bill 1999.
Sean Brennan
27 July 1999
Bills Digest Service
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