Bills Digest no. 28 2007–08
Northern Territory National Emergency
Response Bill 2007
WARNING:
This Digest was prepared for debate. It reflects the legislation as
introduced and does not canvass subsequent amendments. This Digest
does not have any official legal status. Other sources should be
consulted to determine the subsequent official status of the
Bill.
CONTENTS
Passage history
Purpose
Background
Financial implications
Main provisions
Conclusion
Endnotes
Contact officer & copyright details
Passage history
-
discourage the use of alcohol in Aboriginal
communities by using various penalty provisions
-
require the installation of filters on
publicly-funded computers
-
create certain grants of leases to the
Commonwealth for a period of five years and enable the Commonwealth
to acquire certain rights, titles and interests in certain town
camps
-
facilitate Commonwealth management of business
management areas
-
remove customary law as a basis to be
considered in sentencing or bail applications and require the
impact on (alleged) victims and witnesses to be taken into account
in bail applications, and
-
provide for closer management by the
Commonwealth of community stores.
These provisions are to operate in the context
of modified provisions regarding compensation for the acquisition
of property and provisions which modify or suspend the operation of
the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (RDA).
As with the interim Digest, we note that the
unusually short time-frames involved in this debate have precluded
the writing of a more considered Digest. Furthermore, to paraphrase
Blaise Pascal, we have made this Digest longer than usual, only
because we have not had the time to make it shorter. [1]
The provisions in the present legislative
package flow from measures announced by the Prime Minister and the
Minister for Families, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs on
21 June 2007, in response to Ampe Akelyernemane Meke Mekarle
Little Children are Sacred : The Report of the Northern Territory
Board of Inquiry into the Protection of Aboriginal Children from
Sexual Abuse, authored by Pat Anderson and Rex Wild (the
Anderson/Wild report). [2] The report had been provided to the Government of the NT
on 30 April 2007, and the Federal Government was given a copy of
the report on its public release on 15 May 2007.
The Bill was introduced to the Parliament
along with four other Bills as a package on 7 August 2007. The
other Bills are:
-
Families, Community Services and Indigenous
Affairs and Other Legislation Amendment (Northern Territory
National Emergency Response and Other Measures) Bill 2007 (the
Families Bill)
-
Social Security and Other Legislation Amendment
(Welfare Payment Reform) Bill 2007 (the Welfare Payment Bill)
-
Appropriation (Northern Territory National
Emergency Response) Bill (No. 1) 2007-2008, and
-
Appropriation (Northern Territory National
Emergency Response) Bill (No. 2) 2007-2008.
Due to the short time-frame, the Library
produced an interim
Bills Digest on the package of Bills on 7 August, [3] and is now issuing a
separate Bills Digest on each Bill.
The quick passage of these Bills has been
unusual, if not unprecedented. The second reading debate in the
House of Representatives occurred cognately (all five Bills were
debated together), and they were passed on the evening of the date
of introduction. The Hansard can be accessed here,
on pages 1 18 and 45 84.
On 7 August it was also announced in the media
that the Bills as a package would be sent for a Senate inquiry. The
Senate began the second reading debate on the Bills soon after
their introduction on 8 August (the Hansard can be accessed
here,
see pages 1 8 and 23 43).
The Bills were referred at whatever stage they
have reached by 12:45pm on Thursday 9 August for
inquiry to the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs
Committee for a
hearing on Friday 10 August, with the report to be tabled on
Monday 13 August. As of 13 August, the Committee had received 154
submissions. The Bills are listed for debate on Monday 13 and
Tuesday 14 August and could be passed by the Tuesday.
The Democrats and Greens did propose to send
the Welfare Bill to the Community Affairs Committee (which
technically covers the FACSIA portfolio), and nominated longer
reporting dates, but these motions were defeated (see Senate
Hansard for 8 August at pages 95 9).
Flowing on from a history of violence and
dispossession, many Indigenous communities have in their turn had a
lengthy history of problems, including violence in various forms.
As Amnesty International s submission to the Senate inquiry
says:
Factors associated with poverty and social
inequality do [..] increase the likelihood of maltreatment. These
factors include stress, a sense of powerlessness, and the lack of
money and other resources. Political and economic decisions can
increase poverty and worsen its effects, or they can alleviate
poverty and provide support for children and families, particularly
in times of economic difficulty.
[4]
From the late 1980s to the early 1990s, while
the sexual abuse of Indigenous children was not widely identified
as a problem in its own right, it was reported in the context of
general Indigenous family violence.
On this wider problem of violence in
Indigenous communities there have been many reports:
-
the 1986 Western Australian Task Force on
Domestic Violence
-
the 1991 Royal Commission into Aboriginal
Deaths in Custody
-
the Secretariat of the National Aboriginal and
Islander Child Care s 1991 Through Black eyes: a handbook of
family violence in Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander communities
-
Audrey Bolger s 1991 Aboriginal women and
violence: a report for the Criminology Research Council and the
Northern Territory Commissioner of Police
-
the National Inquiry into the Separation of
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from their Families,
Bringing them Home, Human Rights and Equal Opportunity
Commissioner, 1997
-
the Queensland Government s December 1999
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Women s
Task Force on Violence Report to which the Queensland
Government responded with The next step:
Queensland government response to the Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander Women s Task Force on
Violence report (2000)
-
A study by Jenny Mouzos indicated an
over-representation of Aboriginal/TSI people as both victims and
offenders of femicide in Femicide: An Overview of Major
Findings, AIC Trends and Issues, no. 124, 1999
-
Paul Memmott et al., Violence in indigenous
communities, Crime Prevention Branch, Attorney-General s
Dept., 2001
-
Peter Sutton s The politics of suffering:
indigenous policy in Australia since the 1970s ,
Anthropological Forum, v.11, no. 2, 2001, pp. 125
73.
Reports such as those mentioned above and
accompanying media attention led to such Commonwealth initiatives
as:
-
the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
Family Violence Intervention Program, announced in 1991 and
administered by ATSIC
-
the Violence against Aboriginal Women National
Project and the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Gender and
Violence Project, announced in 1994
-
the Indigenous Initiatives Family Relationships
Support Services, announced in 1997
-
Beyond these walls : report of the
Queensland Domestic Violence Task Force,
1998
-
a Briefing Paper by the Queensland Centre for
Domestic and Family Violence Research, 12 February 2004, and
-
In July 1999 Senator Herron convened a round
table on family violence in Indigenous communities, the outcomes of
which formed part of a national strategy developed jointly by ATSIC
and the Commonwealth, and endorsed by the Ministerial Council on
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs (MCATSIA) on 10
September 1999. A MCATSIA working group was established to
implement the strategy. Federal money was committed in subsequent
budgets.
It was not until 2002 and 2003 that the issue
of sexual abuse of children started to emerge from the general
community violence and dysfunction issue as warranting special
attention.
On 15 January 2002 the Premier of Western
Australia appointed Magistrate Sue Gordon, Kay O Hallahan and
Darryl Henry to inquire into the response by government to reports
of child abuse and family violence in Aboriginal communities. The
Inquiry ran for six months and heard from 45 witnesses. Its report,
Putting the picture together, Inquiry into Response by
Government Agencies to Complaints of Family Violence and Child
Abuse in Aboriginal Communities, was tabled in the WA
Parliament on 15 August 2002. [6] The report made 197 recommendations grouped around
four main themes:
-
strengthening the responses to child abuse and
family violence
-
strengthening responses to vulnerable children
and adults at risk
-
strengthening the safety of communities,
and
-
strengthening the governance, confidence,
economic capacity and sustainability of communities.
More generally, the Gordon Inquiry found
that:
-
family violence and child abuse occur in
Aboriginal communities at a rate that is much higher than that of
non-Aboriginal communities
-
better responses are needed when family
violence and child abuse occur
-
the Government needs to provide a coordinated
joined-up approach to service delivery that responds to each
community s need for integrated service provision, and
-
there is a need to increase the capacity of
workers to be responsive to abuse and violence in Aboriginal
communities and the needs of Aboriginal people.
Upon receiving the report, the Government
formed a taskforce that prepared a response which was considered
and adopted by the WA Cabinet and was published. The Response included
$75 million of new expenditure over five years and a commitment by
the WA Government to do things differently and better. [7]
The particular issue of Indigenous child abuse
was given further attention when, on 11 June 2003, Professor Mick
Dodson, of the ANU Institute for Indigenous Australia, a former
Social Justice Commissioner, made an address at the National Press
Club entitled Violence Dysfunction
Aboriginality, in which he observed:
Child violence includes neglect, incest, and assault by adult
carers, paedophilia, and rape of infants by youths. Our children
are experiencing horrific levels of violence and sexual abuse
beyond comprehension.
I cannot bring myself to relate the extent and the detail of
some of the violent encounters endured by children and babies that
I have read in process of writing this paper.
Others also have written about how this is threatening the
future of the community as a viable social entity .
The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Women s Taskforce
Report said that:
When a community has to deal with the tragic
deaths of 24 young men in one year, most of which were suicides,
there can be no stronger cry for help. Indeed, it is a deafening
roar that something is desperately wrong. When the same Community
reports three men raping a three year old child, who was raped by
another offender ten days later, there is a crisis [of] huge
proportions. This same community has a $6 million tavern.
[8]
In July 2003, the Prime Minister held a
national roundtable on Indigenous family violence. Following the
roundtable, a working group was established to advise the Prime
Minister on ways of advancing strategies to address family violence
in Indigenous communities. On 28 August 2003, the Prime Minister
announced a commitment of $20 million as a down payment to address
the consequences of violence in Indigenous communities. [9]
For all the above reports and administrative
action, public discussion of the issue of child abuse remained
almost taboo until Tony Jones of the ABC TV Program
Lateline reported on 15 May 2006 that:
Lateline has obtained a confidential briefing
paper originally intended for only a small number of senior police.
It was written by the Crown Prosecutor for central Australia,
Nanette Rogers. Her paper exposes the extent of the problem and how
Indigenous male culture and the web of kinship have helped create a
conspiracy of silence.
[10]
Crown prosecutor Nanette Rogers had handled
hundreds of cases of sexual assault in 12 years as a prosecutor,
and had prepared a graphic dossier which revealed an epidemic of
abuse, rape and murder of women and children in Indigenous
communities in Central Australia. The dossier included a
description of how a six-year-old girl was drowned while being
raped by an 18-year-old man, as horrified children cried for help,
of how a 12-year-old girl was taken from her community by a
traditional owner, tied to a tree for several weeks and repeatedly
raped, of how a two-year-old girl required internal and external
surgery after being sexually abused by a young man while her mother
and the father had been drunk.
In an interview on Lateline, Ms
Rogers said witnesses and victims were often forced to retract
evidence because of intense cultural pressure and, as a result,
many cases went unprosecuted. Rather than blame alcohol and
substance abuse for what she says are staggering levels of domestic
and community violence, Ms Rogers said Indigenous communities,
especially the men, must accept responsibility for the violence.
She said the causes of the violence could be traced to a culture
that promoted male authority over women. Ms Rogers told the ABC of another case in which
a small baby was stabbed twice in the leg by a man attempting to
kill her mother. In another case a teenager witnessed his
grandfather being stabbed repeatedly in the throat. [11] These kids see
violence as an everyday part of their life and many of them become
violent themselves, she said.
She said that out of this culture often emerged a pattern where
the boys beat their wives and their sisters were beaten by their
husbands . Asked if violence was a built into the culture she said:
Yes.
She said that young men were given a status in the community
where they were not made accountable for their actions.
Ms Rogers said she had given up being a public defender after
becoming sick of acting for violent Aboriginal men .
Small children become so inured to the violence. It doesn t
augur well for Aboriginal people to be functional human beings with
the attributes for turning around and caring for children
themselves, she told the ABC.
Lateline s expos set in motion events
which led, in August 2006, to the creation by the Northern
Territory Government of a Board of Inquiry to research and report
on allegations of sexual abuse of Aboriginal children and to
recommend better ways to protect Aboriginal children from sexual
abuse. Rex Wild QC and Pat Anderson, an Alyawarr woman, co-chaired
the Inquiry, assisted by a small team of staff. Rex is a former
Northern Territory Director of Public Prosecutions and senior
lawyer. The Inquiry collected information by listening, learning
and drawing on existing knowledge. Handling such a sensitive issue
was challenging for the Board, so they created settings where
people felt safe and found it easy to talk. Travelling all over the
Territory, the Inquiry gathered feedback from more than 260
meetings with individuals, agencies and organisations, and visited
45 communities to talk with local people. The Inquiry received 65
written submissions. An Expert Reference Group was appointed to
assist the Inquiry and a vast amount of information collected. The
report was completed in April 2007 and released by the NT Chief
Minister Claire Martin on 15 June 2007. [12]
The report s findings included:
-
Child sexual abuse is serious, widespread and
often unreported.
-
Most Aboriginal people are willing and
committed to solving problems and helping their children. They are
also eager to better educate themselves.
-
Aboriginal people are not the only victims and
not the only perpetrators of sexual abuse.
-
Much of the violence and sexual abuse occurring
in Territory communities is a reflection of past, current and
continuing social problems which have developed over many
decades.
-
The combined effects of poor health, alcohol
and drug abuse, unemployment, gambling, pornography, poor education
and housing, and a general loss of identity and control have
contributed to violence and to sexual abuse in many forms.
-
Existing government programs to help Aboriginal
people break the cycle of poverty and violence need to work better.
There is not enough coordination and communication between
government departments and agencies, and this is causing a
breakdown in services and poor crisis intervention. Improvements in
health and social services are desperately needed.
-
Programs need to have enough funds and
resources and be a long-term commitment.
The Inquiry recommendations included:
-
improving Aboriginal education systems,
including local language development, to make education more
effective for Aboriginal children.
-
conducting education campaigns to inform people
about child sexual abuse and what to do about it, mandatory
reporting of child sexual abuse, the impact of alcohol, pornography
and gambling on communities, families and children, and encouraging
a culture of parental and community commitment to sending children
to school.
-
reducing alcohol consumption in Aboriginal
communities.
-
having Family and Community Services (FACS) and
the Police work more closely with each other and with communities.
The Inquiry has also proposed an Advice Hotline so anyone who is
concerned about possible child sexual abuse can call someone for
confidential information and advice.
-
improving family support services need to be
improved, particularly in Aboriginal communities, as this will help
to strengthen families and keep children safe and healthy.
-
empowering communities to take more control and
make decisions about the future. The Inquiry s report suggests ways
in which this can happen including the role which men and women can
play, the introduction of community justice groups and better
dialogue between mainstream society and Aboriginal
communities.
-
appointing a senior, independent person who can
focus on the interests and wellbeing of children and young people,
review issues and report to Parliament.
At the 21 June 2007 joint press conference of
the Prime Minister and the Minister for Families, Community
Services and Indigenous Affairs, the following measures were
announced:
-
Firstly in relation to alcohol the intention is
to introduce widespread alcohol restrictions on Northern Territory
Aboriginal land for six months. We ll ban the sale, the possession,
the transportation, the consumption and (introduce the) broader
monitoring of take away sales across the Northern Territory.
-
We will provide the resources and we ll be
appealing directly to the Australian Medical Association to assist.
We will bear the cost of medical examinations of all Indigenous
children in the Northern Territory under the age of 16 and we ll
provide the resources to deal with any follow up medical treatment
that will be needed.
-
We re going to introduce a series of welfare
reforms designed to stem the flow of cash going towards alcohol
abuse and to ensure that the funds meant to be used for children s
welfare are actually used for that purpose. The principal approach
here will be to quarantine as from now through Centrelink, to be
supported by legislation, 50 per cent of welfare payments to
parents of children in the affected areas and the obligation in
relation to that will follow the parent wherever that parent may go
so the obligation cannot be avoided simply by moving to another
part of Australia; and effectively the arrangements will be that
that 50 per cent can only be used for the purchase of food and
other essentials.
-
We re going to enforce school attendance by
linking income support and family assistance payments to school
attendance for all people living on Aboriginal land. We ll be
ensuring that meals are provided for children at school with
parents paying for the meals.
-
The Commonwealth Government will take control
of townships through five year leases to ensure that property and
public housing can be improved and if that involves the payment of
compensation on just terms as required by the Commonwealth
Constitution then that compensation will be readily paid.
-
We ll require intensive on ground clean up of
communities to make them safer and healthier by marshalling local
workforces through Work for the Dole arrangements.
-
We will scrap the permit system for common
areas and road corridors on Aboriginal lands.
-
We re going to ban the possession of x-rated
pornography in the proscribed areas and we re going to check all
publicly funded computers for evidence of the storage of
pornography .
-
There will be an immediate increase in policing
levels, they re manifestly inadequate. The existing laws even with
their shortcomings are not being adequately enforced. We ll be
asking each state police service to provide up to 10 officers who
ll be sworn as police in the Northern Territory. We will provide
the additional cost and we ll provide special incentives and
bonuses for the police around Australia to participate in this
activity.
-
We re going to provide additional resources to
set up an Australian Government sexual abuse reporting desk and we
ll appoint managers of all government businesses in all communities
.
-
our Minister will ask the ministerial council
to formally refer this issue to the Australian Crime Commission to
allow the crime commission to locate and identify perpetrators of
sexual abuse of Indigenous children in other areas of Australia.
And this is will be a precursor we hope to the effective
prosecution of those people by the relevant state and territory law
enforcement authorities.
-
I should also indicate to you that Mr Brough is
bringing to Cabinet at its next meeting some proposals to further
extend the conditionality of welfare payments to all Australians
receiving income support to ensure that these payments are used for
the benefit of their children.
[13]
Further information was issued by the
Government, [14]
and, while not all the measures discussed came to pass (for
instance compulsory health checks announced by the government seem
to have become voluntary health checks) these Bills represent the
implementation of many of the announcements.
Many commentators have noted that there
appears to be very little overlap between the 97 recommendations of
the Anderson/Wild report and the measures which the Federal
Government announced and to which it now seeks to give effect.
[15] Most of the
recommendations in the Anderson/Wild report were addressed to the
NT Government. The Federal Government has said that it is
responding to the issue raised in the Anderson/Wild report, not to
its recommendations. The Federal measures may not be called for in
the Anderson/Wild report, but that need not have meant that the
measures were inconsistent with those being recommended in the
report. It is noted that the authors of the report have indicated
their discontent with the federal Government s response. [16]
Anderson and Wild repeatedly stressed the
critical importance of governments committing to genuine
consultation with Aboriginal people in design initiatives for
Aboriginal community, whether these are in remote, regional or
urban settings (see Recommendation 1). Such consultation has not
featured prominently in the Federal intervention.
Professor Ian Anderson has summarised the
Anderson/Wild report recommendation, saying:
The Anderson/Wild report found that Aboriginal people wanted to
engage with this process and were committed to solving problems and
helping their children in the face of a serious, widespread and
often unreported problem of sexual abuse. They found the situation
to be a reflection of past, current and continuing social problems
which have developed over many decades, and that the combined
effects of poor health, alcohol and drug abuse, unemployment,
gambling, pornography, poor education and housing, and a general
loss of identity and control have contributed to violence and to
sexual abuse in many forms . They highlighted the need for existing
programs to work more efficiently to break the cycle of poverty and
violence, and to improve coordination and communication between
government departments and agencies to end the current breakdown in
services and poor crisis intervention. Further, they declared that
these programs must have adequate resources and a long-term
commitment from all governments if they are to succeed.
A number of recommendations were specific to Northern Territory
institutions. For example, recommendations were made with respect
to the structural reorganisation of the DHCS Family and Community
Services Program, and the creation of a Commissioner for Children
and Young People. The report also focused considerable attention on
problems concerning the connection between disclosure and the legal
processes. Attention was also given to dealing with some of the
social determinants of health such as the lack of employment
opportunities and inadequate housing as well as strategies to
produce more resilient communities with a particular focus on the
role of education. [17]:
Professor Anderson went on to argue that None
of the measures announced by Prime Minister Howard are to be found
in the strategies recommended by the Anderson/Wild report :
The Australian government response is framed as a top down
crisis intervention It is characterised as a short-term response to
be followed by medium- and long-term strategies none of which are
clear at this stage. So, for example, whilst the Anderson/Wild
report recommended strategies to increase policing in remote
communities in the long term the Howard plan only extends for six
months. Many of the government s proposals for instance, scrapping
the permit system, assuming control of Aboriginal land and
instituting welfare reform are simply not raised in the
Anderson/Wild report. No reason is given as to how measures such as
scrapping the permit system will address the problem of child
sexual abuse. Conversely, a number of the issues that are raised in
the report in relation to community justice process,
education/awareness campaigns in relation to sexual abuse,
employment, reform of the legal processes, offender rehabilitation,
family support services or the role of communities, for example
have not, as yet, been addressed by the Australian government
response.
There are significant differences in the recommendations that
relate to those issues that are canvassed both in the Australian
government approach and the Anderson/Wild report. For example,
there are nine recommendations in the Anderson/Wild report with
numerous sub-components in relation to alcohol none of which
include an immediate introduction of widespread alcohol
restrictions. Many remote communities are already dry and this
strategy could be incorporated into the recommended development of
community alcohol plans. Current evidence suggests that enforced
alcohol restrictions, in the absence of broader strategies to deal
with addictions, simply reduce supply and tend to shift problem
drinking into unregulated areas, such as Alice Springs town camps.
As a result, a single measure such as enforced alcohol restriction
may, in fact, result in increased harm from violence and abuse in
these communities.
The lack of consultation has been identified
again and again as a problem with the government s approach to the
issues. SNAICC, the Secretariat of National Aboriginal and Islander
Child Care, which has been involved in the child protection field
for many years and is the national peak body representing the
interests of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander families
says:
We have to state however that we believe the
legislation has been developed without the considered input of a
range of Aboriginal communities and organisations and without the
input of the Northern Territory government who have primary
responsibility for child protection.
[18]
Minister Brough, however, says he has
consulted. In a letter to The Australian he challenges the
assertion that there s been a failure even to pretend to
consultation over issues as sensitive as land rights and the permit
system for communities. He says both issues have been the subject
of extensive consultation. He flagged changes to the permit system
last year when [he] launched a review and Land rights were the
subject of extensive consultation in the lead-up to the
introduction early last year of amendments to ALRA. With respect to
the permit system he says
The period for consultation was extended at the
direct request of indigenous organisations, including the Northern
Land Council. More than 80 submissions were received and, as a
consequence of this consultation, I decided that the permit system
should be retained for 99.9 per cent of Aboriginal land in the
Northern Territory. The permit system will only be lifted for
townships and public access roads/airstrips, which account for 0.1
per cent of Aboriginal land in the Territory.
The concluding paragraph of Minister Brough s
letter says
The NT National Emergency Response package is
the cumulative result of extensive consultation with those directly
affected by the issues raised by the Little Children Are Sacred
report, particularly with women in remote communities. That that
consultation has focused on listening to real people in real
communities rather than self-proclaimed and vocal agitators who
present themselves as ``indigenous leaders is something I m very
pleased about.
There can be no disputing the proposition that
the parliamentary consultation is being compressed to a significant
extent. The matter is being treated as sufficiently urgent that it
cannot await meaningful Parliamentary consideration.
From the initial announcement of the national
emergency to the titles of the Bills the government has appealed to
a sense of urgency in this matter. The OED defines an emergency as
a sudden state of danger etc; (political) condition approximating
to that of war. The word is also defined in two Commonwealth Acts
as:
(a) a natural disaster; (b) a conflict involving
an armed force; (c) a civil disturbance; (d) an accident; (e) a
serious illness; (f) any similar matter.
[19]
and, in relation to a facility, an urgent
situation that presents, or may present, a risk of death or serious
injury to persons at the facility. [20]
The Defence Act 1903 outlines
situations in which State and territory police may request
assistance from the military forces in situations which may be seen
as an emergency and in which the local police cannot control the
situation. Circumstances which are designated emergency situations
in legislation usually include the words serious and: immediate or
urgent or imminent . [21]
While elements of an emergency do exist the
serious threats to the life and safety of member of the community
other elements of an emergency that is a sudden or an abnormal
occurrence are, sadly, missing, as the above history
demonstrates.
The use of the term, as in a state of
emergency, is also associated with increased legislative powers
passing to the State. It is not clear the assumption of these
additional powers is entirely appropriate to the situation.
Relations between the NT and the Commonwealth
have been strained during the development of a response to the
Anderson/Wild report, and issues of consultation and communication
have arisen.
The Prime Minister opened the joint press
conference (21 June 2007) with the following indictment on what he
called the inaction of the Northern Territory:
Anybody who's read or examined the report
prepared by Pat Anderson and Rex Wild entitled Little Children Are
Sacred will be sickened and horrified by the level of abuse. They
will be deeply disturbed at the widespread nature of that abuse and
they will be looking for the responsible assumption of authority by
a government to deal with the problem. We are unhappy with the
response of the Northern Territory Government. It is our view that
if it hadn't been for the persistence of Mr Brough in elevating
this as an issue, the inquiry conducted by Rex Wild and Pat
Anderson would never have been commissioned. The report was in the
hands of the Northern Territory Government for some eight weeks
before it was released and subsequently the Chief Minister has
indicated that they would have a response in a period of six weeks
and it's only today that I've received a letter from the Chief
Minister and Mr Brough has, indicating that there is a desire on
the part of the Northern Territory Government to work with us to
deal with the issue.
At a later stage Mr Howard commented:
We have decided to act. We will work with the
Northern Territory Government but the decisions we have taken are
non negotiable and I made that clear to the Chief Minister this
afternoon. But she has my goodwill and I want to work with her but
we are determined to implement the decisions I've announced.
[22]
The relationship (or lack thereof) between the
two governments has been fraught as the saga has continued to
evolve.
Section 122 of the Constitution allows the
Commonwealth Parliament to make laws for the government of the
Northern Territory. In Australian National Airways Pty Ltd. v.
Commonwealth Chief Justice Barwick said:
The power given by s. 122 is not only plenary
but is unlimited by reference to subject-matter. It is complete
power to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the
Territory. It is non-federal in character in the sense that the
total legislative power to make laws to operate in and for a
territory is not shared in any way with the States.
[23]
The Australian Parliament has used its powers
under section 122 to coercively effect laws operating in both the
NT and the ACT.
For example, the Euthanasia Laws Act 1997
(Clth) overrides any laws which permit the form of intentional
killing of another called euthanasia or the assisting of a person
to terminate his or her own life. In this Act the Rights of the
Terminally Ill Act (NT) was specifically declared to have no
force.
In relation to the ACT Civil Unions Bill 2006,
the Commonwealth disallowed the Bill by a different mechanism.
[24]
The Prime Minister has referred to
Constitutional niceties being secondary to the urgency and
seriousness of the situation being faced. However, the measures
being proposed could not be implemented in the States with the ease
that they can be implemented in the NT, and, while the Commonwealth
s constitutional power to effect changes to any area of NT law, the
approach raises questions about the wisdom of such a policy. It
involves the Commonwealth intervening in the affairs of a
self-governing territory to modify or disapply its laws. There are
principles that suggest interfering with, and adding layers of
complexity to the laws of, a self-governing polity, is
inappropriate. Furthermore it can be argued that the legislature
(which is answerable to Northern Territorians) should have the
freedom to legislate in a particular way. These arguments have been
rehearsed with respect to other decisions to over-ride Territory
laws, but there is an unusually complex set of issues that the
Commonwealth is intervening in through these Bills (issues of
compensation for the acquisition of property, a range of property
laws, criminal laws, including those governing alcohol to name a
few).
Local councils are not a traditional area of
Commonwealth involvement. The Federal Government has recently
engaged in two areas of local government Queensland and the
Northern Territory. The Commonwealth Government s involvement in
Queensland s local government issues has not been legislative. Mr
Howard expressed his view that the Queensland government s proposed
changes to local councils should be the subject of local
plebiscites and he offered to fund these plebiscites. This
intervention has become the subject of an on-going political
debate, with the Queensland Government threatening to sack any
councils which hold referendums, and Professor Greg Craven,
generally regarded as a more conservative commentator, was reported
as commenting that federal involvement in the Queensland council
merger plan sets a dangerous precedent The Commonwealth has no
constitutional capacity in a very real way over local government.
It's not its responsibility . [25]
In contrast to the situation in Queensland
there is no question regarding the Commonwealth s constitutional
power to legislate in the Territories, including covering local
government issues, nor has there been any suggestion from Mr Howard
that he would countenance funding or holding local plebiscites
regarding the changes to be implemented by this legislation.
A wide range of commentators have criticised
the lack of consultation with either the Indigenous or the broader
community. [26]
The submission from the Gilbert and Tobin
Centre of Public Law comments that,
A concerted commitment to make long term
improvements, backed by the necessary resources, in itself is a
welcome thing
how governments go about the task is vital.
That is so for reasons of principle, because human beings and their
fundamental rights are at stake. And it is so for pragmatic reasons
as well. Hard-headed analysts such as the Secretary of the
Treasury, Dr Ken Henry, the Chairman of the Productivity
Commission, Mr Gary Banks, and the Commonwealth Grants Commission
have all emphasised that top-down approaches in Indigenous affairs
that lack a long-term partnership approach are extremely unlikely
to achieve their stated objectives.
[27]
Dr Ken Henry s comments reflect on the degree
to which consultation and engagement have been missing from the
setting of the policy direction:
To achieve progress in Indigenous development, there is a need
for increased ownership, by Indigenous people, of both the problems
and the policy solutions...
People who are affected by policy have a
right to be involved in its development
that is no more than a statement of the primary rationale for
democracy. And... people who are affected by policy also have a
responsibility to be involved in its
development.
Mr Tom Calma, the Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander Social Justice Commissioner has made similar
observations:
The greatest irony of this is that it fosters a
passive system of policy development and service delivery while at
the same time criticising Indigenous peoples for being passive
recipients of government services!
[28]
He also suggested that the Federal Government
s response had left many questions unanswered. For example:
First, on what basis will the government
intervene in one community as opposed to another? As Rex
Wild and Pat Anderson s report reveals, there is a lack of
statistics that reveal the true extent of the problem. So, in the
absence of any situational and needs analysis, how does the
government decide?
Second, and related to this question, is how will the
government decide the appropriate approach for the specific needs
of individual communities? I am concerned about a mismatch
that has already revealed itself between the public debate on these
issues and the findings of the Little Children are sacred
report.
Third, and of critical importance, is what role does the
community have in this process? I think it is intentional
that the government has described its announcements as an
intervention as opposed to a partnership with Indigenous
communities. We are now coming on three years since the
introduction of the new arrangements so why has the government not
built relationships with communities sufficiently that they can
approach the announcements as a partnership?
Fourth, if the government intends to make lasting change
how will it know when such change has occurred? In the
absence of regional and local level planning how will the specific
issues facing communities, and the connections between communities
on a regional basis, be addressed? This is something that
incidentally was intended to be a key feature of the new
arrangements but which has by and large failed to materialise as
yet.
And fifth, how does the NT announcement fit with the
processes that are continuing to be introduced as part of the new
arrangements to date? Will it require another
re-engineering of processes that are yet to be bedded down? For
example, the government has released an evaluation plan for
whole-of-government activities to address the critical problem of
lack of baseline data. The evaluation plan identifies that in the
coming year there will be reviews of some of the communities who
have previously been designated as communities in crisis, and
baseline data will be established for some new priority
communities. What is the impact of the NT announcement on this
plan? Does it re-direct these evaluation activities for new
communities to the NT rather than to communities in other states,
or will there be an expansion of the scope of the evaluative
framework? This would appear necessary to be able to effectively
understand the success or otherwise of the measures to be
taken.
Similarly, will the government seek to utilise and expand its
program of Shared Responsibility Agreements and Regional
Partnership Agreements as tools to implement its NT announcements?
It has previously foreshadowed the importance of these as primary
mechanisms for engagement. As the Social Justice Report
notes, these processes offer the potential to embed a community
development approach into the new arrangements, but there is no
evidence of this occurring to date.
The suite of NT emergency legislation does not
appear to answer any of these questions.
Commissioner Calma also noted that We are not
starting from scratch in dealing with this issue despite the
rhetoric and suggested that the government was failing to utilise
the planning tools and action plans developed by the ATSIC Regional
Councils and through other planning forums for health, housing,
criminal justice and so on . Many ATSIC Region Councils had, for
example, produced a detailed Family Violence Policy and Action
Plan.
The question of consultation is crucial to
establishing the existence of a special measure under
anti-discrimination legislation, as outlined further below. A
defining feature of a special measure is that the relevant
community has been consulted and has accepted the measure. The Bill
proposes, however, to suspend the operation of the RDA.
There is a legislative prohibition on racial
discrimination contained in the Racial Discrimination Act
1975 (the RDA). The substantive provisions of the RDA have not
been amended or suspended since it passed through the Parliament.
There were lengthy debates regarding its status during the Native
Title amendments but it survived intact. However this package of
legislation suspends part of the operation of the RDA. The part
suspended is Part II Prohibition of racial discrimination
(subclause 132(2)).
The proposed Act treats people differently on
the grounds of race (the reliance on geographic location as the
feature differentiating among Australian residents would fall
within the definition of prohibited indirect discrimination i.e.
the geographic feature will predominantly affect members of a
particular race). The general prohibition has always contained a
recognition that special measures are legitimate to promote the
position of members of a particular race when that race is
disadvantaged. Special measures are also referred to as affirmative
action or positive discrimination. Subclause
132(1) defines all the provisions of the Act as special
measures under the RDA.
Accepted special measures have been policies
or actions by organisations or governments which recognise that the
past or present disadvantage suffered by certain groups based on
their race has affected their access to equality of opportunity and
basic human rights.
The Human Rights and Equal Opportunities
Commission (HREOC) has used the restriction of sales of alcohol to
some Aboriginal people in the Northern Territory as a classic
example of a special measure. The agreement they have recognised
was established between the local Pitjantjajara people, the
relevant roadhouse proprietor and the federal Race Discrimination
Commissioner and was in response to a request from the
Pitjantjajara Council to the Commission to seek assistance in
dealing with the escalating problem of alcohol abuse within its
community. It is important to note that this special measure was
made with the acceptance, and at the request of, the community
involved. [29]
Special measures are generally kept in place
until the group affected has been able to reach substantive
equality with other members of the community.
The measures in the Welfare Payment Bill, the
Families Bill and this Bill are all defined by their respective
provisions as special measures.
The provisions of this Bill will preclude
judicial scrutiny of the question as to whether the measures
qualify as a special measure, pre-empting the matter with the
declaration that they are a special measure. To the extent that a
subsequent Bill has the legislative capacity to over-ride the
original RDA this is clearly within the legislative power of the
Commonwealth, however it certainly undermines the raison d etre of
the Act, which was to implement the UN s International
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial
Discrimination (CERD). [30]
Article 1(4) of CERD, from which the RDA s
special measures were taken, provides as follows:
Special measures taken for the sole purpose of
securing adequate advancement of certain racial or ethnic groups or
individuals requiring such protection as may be necessary in order
to ensure such groups or individuals equal enjoyment or exercise of
human rights and fundamental freedoms shall not be deemed racial
discrimination, provided, however, that such measures do not, as a
consequence, lead to the maintenance of separate rights for
different racial groups and that they shall not be continued after
the objectives for which they were taken have been achieved.
The Australian courts have interpreted this
definition as containing four elements:
-
a special measure must confer a benefit on some
or all members of a class;
-
the membership of the class must be based on
race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin;
-
a special measure must be for the sole purpose
of securing adequate advancement of the beneficiaries in order that
they may enjoy and exercise equally with others human rights and
freedoms; and
-
the circumstances of the special measure must
provide protection to the beneficiaries which is necessary in order
that they may enjoy and exercise human rights and freedoms equally
with others.
[31]
Furthermore a special measure must not be
continued after the objectives for which it was taken have been
achieved.
Looking at these criteria we see the central
question is: does the measure confer a benefit on some or all
members of a class. The class to be benefited must be a racial
group or individuals belonging to the group. In making this
assessment, courts have looked to both the benefits of a measure
and any costs or disadvantages borne by the beneficiaries of the
measure.
In this Bill the government is not relying on
the proposed Act s definition of itself as containing only special
measures. It is also suspending the central operative provision of
the RDA prohibiting race discrimination.
In the case of the Welfare Bill it takes the
option of defining its measures as special measures. The Welfare
Bill proposes to prevent Indigenous families from having unfettered
access to their social security payments. The assessment of whether
this will confer a benefit on an Indigenous community or on
individuals in that community would traditionally be an assessment
conducted by the courts, which would consider the impact of the
conditions imposed by the agreement on individuals and on the
community.
The Government s choice to use a stipulative
definition regarding special measures would circumvent any court s
consideration. A stipulative definition is a definition based on
the case in point rather than relying on criteria which can be
articulated or specified.
There is an argument that the provisions of
this Bill are themselves discriminatory. It preferences other
property holders over native title holders when it provides that if
a lease is granted to the Commonwealth under section 31, then
existing rights and interests, in general, are preserved except for
native title rights and interests (which only revive once 5 years
have elapsed). It also provides that where the Commonwealth has a
section 31 lease it is not liable to pay rent to the relevant
owner. In making these provisions it treats native title rights as
inferior property rights. Finally it could be seen to remove
protections (ie native title rights; the future act regime) that
are themselves special measures under the RDA and CERD.
Were a court to conclude that there was, in
fact, no benefit conferred it would be inconsistent with the
character of a special measure. Difficult issues of fact would
arise here, and close scrutiny of the arrangement and its impact
would be required to consider such an argument.
A special measure must have the sole purpose
of securing adequate advancement of the beneficiaries. There are a
number of sources from which the purpose of a special measure can
be discerned. The purpose of a measure is discerned from its terms
and from the operation which it has in the circumstances to which
it applies. Any fact which shows what the persons who took the
measure intended it to achieve casts light upon the purpose for
which it was taken provided the measure is not incapable of
achieving what is intended.
The purpose of securing adequate advancement
for a racial group is not necessarily established by showing that
the person who takes the measure does so for the purpose of
conferring a benefit, if the group does not seek or wish to have
the benefit. In Gerhardy v Brown, Brennan J stated that
the wishes of the beneficiaries for the measure are of great
importance (perhaps essential) in determining whether a measure is
taken for the purpose of securing their advancement . Brennan J
went on to state:
The dignity of the beneficiaries is impaired and they are not
advanced by having an unwanted material benefit foisted on them. An
Aboriginal community without a home is advanced by granting them
title to the land they wish to have as a home. Such a grant may
satisfy a demand for land rights. But an Aboriginal community would
not be advanced by granting them title to land to which they would
be confined against their wishes.
'Advancement' is not necessarily what the person who takes the
measure regards as a benefit for the beneficiaries. The purpose of
securing advancement for a racial group is not established by
showing that the branch of government or the person who takes the
measure does so for the purpose of conferring what it or he regards
as a benefit for the group if the group does not seek or wish the
benefit. The wishes of the beneficiaries for the measure are of
great importance (perhaps essential) in determining whether a
measure is taken for the purpose of securing their advancement. The
dignity of the beneficiaries is impaired and they are not advanced
by having an unwanted material benefit foisted on them.
The difference between land rights and apartheid
is the difference between a home and a prison.
[32]
We see the terms and conditions upon which the
benefit is conferred have been relevant to the court s assessment
of the purpose of the agreement. The wishes of the Indigenous
community with whom the agreement was made may also be relevant.
Difficult issues have arisen for a court s consideration where the
wishes or views of the Indigenous community are not uniform. There
is also the distinction to be made that the Welfare Bill s measures
do not immediately constitute a material benefit , although it may
been seen as giving a benefit to those children with inadequate
financial resources due to parental mismanagement of their funds.
[33]
Different communities may be feeling
differently about these measures, but the government s initial
imposition of the measures across the board will not differentiate.
This is likely to put some quarantine measures outside the usual
understandings of a special measure. The changes to the RDA
proposed in this suite of Bills could be seen as severing the
connection between the legislative head of power used to enact the
RDA (i.e. an implementation of an international treaty under the
foreign affairs power), however there are other heads of power
under which the legislation could be supported. [34] By re-defining special measures
according to its own legislative criteria the Government may be
stepping outside of the international understandings regarding what
constitutes a special measure and, while it is well established
that the Commonwealth is not bound to comply with international
law, the implications for Australia s international reputation and
for our historical support for CERD are less clear.
Ironically at Australia s most recent
reporting session to the UN Committee overseeing the Convention,
there were comments passed regarding the lack of an entrenched
protection for the principle of non-discrimination:
The Committee, while noting the explanations provided by the
delegation, reiterates its concern about the absence of any
entrenched guarantee against racial discrimination that would
override the law of the Commonwealth. (article 2)
The Committee recommends to the State party that it work towards
the inclusion of an entrenched guarantee against racial
discrimination in its domestic law. [35]
Relations between the Government and the
Committee have had some well-publicised difficulties, with the
Committee challenging a number of Commonwealth policies over the
last decade. [36]
It is unlikely that the measures suspending or modifying the
operation of the RDA are likely to find favour with the
Committee.
Just terms
There are two provisions relating to the
acquisition of property in the National Emergency Response Bill.
Some of the relevant issues are discussed here. There are also
acquisitions of property dealt with in the Families Bill. Further
discussion of the matter is contained in that Bills Digest.
For the purposes of the National Emergency
Response Bill, two statutes are important. The first is the
Commonwealth Constitution, which states in section 51(xxxi), that
the Commonwealth can make laws for the acquisition of property on
just terms. [37]
The second is the Northern Territory
(Self-Government) Act 1978, a Commonwealth law, which provides for
acquisition of property to be on just terms as follows:
50 Acquisition of property to be on just
terms
(1) The power of the Legislative Assembly conferred by section 6
in relation to the making of laws does not extend to the making of
laws with respect to the acquisition of property otherwise than on
just terms.
(2) Subject to section 70, the acquisition of any property in
the Territory which, if the property were in a State, would be an
acquisition to which paragraph 51(xxxi) of the Constitution would
apply, shall not be made otherwise than on just terms.
The Bill proposes to suspend the operation of
ss 50(2), see further discussions below.
There is a well developed jurisprudence
regarding the meaning of just terms compensation. In Grace
Bros Pty Ltd v Commonwealth, Dixon J said that the inquiry
should not be directed only to the question of whether the
individual owner is placed in a situation in which in all respects
he will be as well off as if the acquisition had not taken
place.
The inquiry must rather be whether the law
amounts to a true attempt to provide fair and just standards of
compensating or rehabilitating the individual considered as an
owner of property, fair and just as between him and the government
of the country. I say the individual because what is just as
between the Commonwealth and a State, two Governments, may depend
on special considerations not applicable to an individual.
[38]
According to Blackshield and Williams, just
terms does not necessarily require that a compensation package be
presented as part of the acquisition scheme. [39] It is sufficient that the scheme
provides adequate procedures for determining fair compensation. The
High Court can scrutinise such procedures. Thus in the
Tasmanian Dams Case Deane J found the compensation
provision in the World Heritage Properties Conservation Act
1983 inadequate because of the intrinsic unfairness in the
procedure which in effect ensured that unless a claimant agreed to
accept the terms offered, he will be forced to wait years before he
could get a court determination. He said that section 17:
is quite unacceptable and unfair according to
the ordinary standards of fair dealing between the Australian
nation and an Australian State or individual in relation to the
acquisition of property for a purpose within the national
legislative competence :
Nelungaloo Pty Ltd v Commonwealth
[40]
Quick and Garran [41] have remarked that it was legitimate
to take into account any offsetting benefits the owner realised as
a result of the scheme involving the expropriation, but in some
cases the High Court has taken a view more favourable to the
property owner. For example in Georgiadis, Brennan J
stated:
In determining the issue of just terms, the
court does not attempt a balancing of interests of the dispossessed
owner against the interests of the community at large. The purpose
of the guarantee of just terms is to ensure that the owners of
property compulsorily acquired by government presumably in the
interests of the community at large are not required to sacrifice
their property for less than its worth. Unless it is shown that
what is gained is full compensation for what is lost, the terms
cannot be found to be just.
[42]
The law surrounding section 51(xxxi) of the
Constitution is complex in relation to its application to the
territories. This is for two reasons, that section 51(xxxi) is not
expressed to apply to territories, only the states, and secondly
because of the plenary nature of section 122 of the Constitution,
which allows the Commonwealth unlimited power to make laws for the
government of any territory.
For example, it was long thought that section
51(xxxi) had no application to acquisitions of property in the
Northern Territory. This flowed from the High Court s
interpretation of section 122 ( the territories power ) in
Teori Tau, a unanimous 1969 decision which was upheld in a
number of subsequent cases well into the 1990s. [43] However, in the
Newcrest decision in 1997, a majority of four to three
held that the constitutional requirement of just terms could apply
in the Northern Territory. Three judges over-ruled Teori
Tau, while Toohey J refused to do so but substantially
narrowed its application. [44] The upshot is that the application of section 51(xxxi)
in the Northern Territory is not a foregone conclusion, but that
present authority leans heavily towards its application to
acquisitions under Commonwealth law where they are referable to a
legislative power other than the territories power in section
122.
This issue was recently discussed in
Bennett v Commonwealth (2007) 234 ALR 204 at
paragraph 194 of the decision showing that the area is still open
for debate.
Teori Tau v The Commonwealth was
considered in
Newcrest Mining (WA) Ltd v The
Commonwealth, which was concerned with mining leases over land
in the Northern Territory. Commonwealth legislation purported to
operate on the land contained within those leases. A majority of
the Court (Toohey, Gaudron, Gummow and Kirby JJ) held that
s 51(xxxi) fettered the Commonwealth s legislative power
generally, while three Justices of the majority (Gaudron, Gummow
and Kirby JJ) would have overruled
Teori Tau v The
Commonwealth and found that s 51(xxxi) fettered
s 122 as well. Toohey J, however, thought it would be a
serious step to overrule a decision which has stood for nearly
thirty years and which reflects an approach which may have been
relied on in earlier years . His Honour was therefore unwilling to
overrule it.
[45]
Northern Territory National Emergency Provisions
There are two provisions relating to
compensation for acquisition of property in the main bill, the
National Emergency Response Bill, namely clause 60
and clause 134. The latter is a provision to cover
the entire Bill apart from Part 4, which deals
with the acquisition of rights, titles and interests in land and
Part 4 is covered by clause 60. Clause 134 is in
similar terms and will not be dealt with at this stage.
Clause 60 disapplies
subsection 50(2) of the Self Government Act. This means that the in
lieu of a provision that reflects the standard Constitutional
position a new formula which has not been the subject of judicial
scrutiny in this context is being proposed.
Subclause 60(2) states:
However, if the operation of this Part, or an
act referred to in paragraph (1)(b) or (c), would result in an
acquisition of property to which paragraph 51(xxxi) of the
Constitution applies from a person otherwise than on just terms,
the Commonwealth is liable to pay a reasonable amount of
compensation to the person.
This subsection seems to have three possible
distinctions:
-
It does not specifically apply paragraph 51
(xxxi) to the acquisition
-
It does not require just terms
-
If the acquisition is otherwise than on just
terms, the Commonwealth is liable to pay a reasonable amount of
compensation , as distinct from just terms
Subclause 60(3) provides that
in the event that agreement cannot be reached on the amount of
compensation, the owner of the property can commence
proceedings.
Clause 61 requires the court
to take into account certain things in determining what is a
reasonable amount of compensation that is payable in relation to
land including rent paid by the Commonwealth, amounts of
compensation paid under the Special Purposes Leases Act or the
Crown Lands Act and any improvements to the land funded by the
Commonwealth, including improvements to buildings or
infrastructure.
The proposed compensation scheme could be read
as providing that the Commonwealth should provide just terms but if
not, then a reasonable amount of compensation is to be paid. Clause
61 gives some guide as to how this can be determined.
Note that when the Valuer-General is tasked to
determine what is a reasonable amount of rent to be paid by the
Commonwealth the Valuer-General must not take into account
the value of any improvements in the land (subsection
62(4)).
If subsection 50(2) were not suspended,
acquisition of property in the NT would be on just terms pursuant
to subsection 50(2) of the Self Government Act. This would be
interpreted in accordance with the common law, that is, it must be
fair and even if an amount is not specified, there should be a fair
and just procedural framework for the determination of
compensation.
Subsection 50(2) has been suspended by the
Commonwealth (which can be done as the Self Government Act is a
creature of the Commonwealth Parliament). There is some strong
judicial comment that section 51(xxxi), the just terms provision of
the Constitution, may have application in the NT, despite Teori
Tau not being explicitly overturned.
It is open on the drafting that just terms
should be paid in accordance with the common law meaning of the
expression, and that the reasonable compensation must be paid. The
Court must take into account the matters referred to in
clause 61 in deciding this question.
The proposed compensation scheme could
therefore be read as providing that the Commonwealth should provide
just terms but if not, then a reasonable amount of compensation is
to be paid. Providing a list of issues for the court raises the
question of whether the Government is trying to displace the
judicial discretion of solatium.
Solatium is a term basically meaning
compensation to a person for non-financial disadvantage resulting
from the necessity of the person to relocate his or her principal
place of residence as a result of its acquisition.
Solatium in the context of
compulsorily acquiring Aboriginal land has been considered very
complex by property valuers. [46]
The Minister has been reported in the media
referring to the notion of in-kind compensation such as education
grants, renovations and so forth as reasonable.
Mr Brough said rent and improvements , including
infrastructure programs, could count as compensation. And he
conceded some traditional owners might have to wait a long time
until they received any compensation.
[47]
In the Senate hearing on 10
August, a Federal Government official refused to say what form the
compensation will take when more than 70 Aboriginal communities are
taken over for five years.
Greens Senator Rachel
Siewert asked senior government bureaucrat Wayne Gibbons what form
it would take.
What s been implied in the media is that provision of
infrastructure may be used as compensation and I ve just asked you
to guarantee to me that that is not the case and that the issues
around compensation are completely separate from the other
interventions.
The other provision of infrastructure and things like that and
you ve just said to me [that] you re not prepared to talk about it
now?
Mr Gibbons replied: No, because I believe I d
be prejudicing the Commonwealth in those negotiations, Senator .
[48]
In summary:
-
There is no way of knowing what view the High
Court would take of in-kind compensation.
-
There is also clearly an argument, in fact
necessitated by the rules of statutory interpretation, that there
could be a divergence between compensation on just terms and
reasonable compensation.
This means that if the High Court finds that
section 51(xxxi) applies, there is certainly a question around the
invalidity of the formula reasonable amount of compensation .
A challenge to section 51(xxxi) is not
designed to get the applicant more compensation. If the court
finds that the provisions authorise an acquisition on terms that
are unjust, they will be rendered void ab initio.
There has been
commentary to the Senate inquiry as to whether the acquisition of
property rights proposed by the NT Bills is open to constitutional
challenge and if so, on what grounds. [49] Senator Bob Brown submitted an
opinion by Brian Walters QC to the inquiry, [50] which finds the provisions
invalid.
This will not be an immediate effect. A High
Court challenge can take some time and the right case, as the court
does not provide advisory opinions. As ANU academic Jennifer Clarke
has stated in relation to the compulsory acquisition
provisions:
This is like putting up a sign saying, If you
want the money, you ll have to take us to the High Court , which is
not what you d expect in an emergency.
[51]
In explaining the operation of the similar
compensation provision, clause 134 the Explanatory
Memorandum states:
Therefore, where an acquisition of property that
occurs as a result of the operation of the terms of this bill is
excluded from the requirement under subsection 50(2) of the
Northern Territory (Self Government) Act 1978,
subclause 134(2) nevertheless requires the payment
of a reasonable amount of compensation.
This suggests that the intention is for
reasonable compensation as distinct from just terms.
On 21 June 2007, the Hon. Mal Brough, Minister
for Families, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs, announced
the emergency response measures and a three-phase strategy of
stabilisation , normalisation and exit . [52] At a joint press conference, the
Prime Minister stated there was no estimate of the total cost but
said:
It will be some tens of millions of dollars. It
s not huge but there could be some costs in relation to the extra
police. There ll be costs in relation to the medical examinations
of children, that is [a] very extensive task.
[53]
Public debate on the cost of the response
followed the announcement, with estimates of up to $5 billion to
meet the costs of unmet demand in health, housing, education and
employment. [54]
Although the Minister for Finance disputed such estimates, the
Treasurer was reported as saying the extra intervention will be
costly:
It s having people on the ground, it s having
law enforcement officers on the ground, it s having medical
specialists on the ground and over a long period of time, it will
be a very substantial cost.
[55]
The dispute over costs is largely explained by
different estimates for needs of the short-term stabilisation phase
or the longer-term normalisation phase, and failure to define what
the term cost means. [56]
The total amount sought under Bill (No. 1) and
Bill (No. 2) is $587.3 million, which the Minister described as
money required in 2007-08 for the stabilisation phase of the
response . [57]
More than half of the total appropriation
$320.8 million is departmental expenditure and capital expenses to
meet the costs of increased personnel, staff accommodation,
infrastructure upgrades and improved IT capacity across a number of
agencies. Major costs are:
-
$15.5 million in logistics support
(Defence)
-
$7.4 million for police deployment (Australian
Federal Police)
-
$13.9 million for staff housing (FaCSIA)
-
$34.3 million for short-term staff
accommodation (FaCSIA)
-
$25.7 million for police deployments, police
stations and houses (FaCSIA)
-
$71.4 million for the Northern Territory
Emergency Response Taskforce Operations Centre, Business Managers
and volunteers (FaCSIA)
-
$25.9 million for infrastructure upgrades
(FaCSIA)
-
$14.5 million for child-protection workers
(FaCSIA)
-
$41.9 million for outback stores (Indigenous
Business Australia)
-
$10.1 million for staff deployment (Centrelink)
and
-
$14.3 million for improved IT capacity
(Centrelink).
[58]
A total of $266.4 million is administered
expenses largely to implement the welfare payments measures ($52.2
million), child-health-check teams, follow-up medical teams and
drug and alcohol response teams ($72.7 million), improve childhood
support services and fund alcohol diversionary programmes ($91.2
million), improve teacher workforce capacity and increase the
number of classrooms ($16 million) and fund extra legal services
and night patrols ($10.7 million).
There is, as yet, no commitment to funding
beyond 2007 08, nor is there any forecast of what time the
stabilisation phase might require. Although the appropriations are
largely directed at the immediate need to fund the personnel and
infrastructure requirements of the child-protection measures,
significant amounts are appropriated for implementing and managing
the welfare-payment reforms such as the Income Management Regime,
removal of all Remote Area Exemptions, Community Development
Employment Projects transition payments, Government Business
Managers and providing new or upgraded outback stores. These
measures might be seen as longer-lasting and flowing on to a
normalisation phase.
Although there is some funding aimed at
achieving long-lasting outcomes such as funding for new classrooms,
initiatives to retain teachers, community health assessments, night
patrols, ongoing jobs and training a greater funding commitment
might be required to achieve normalisation and ongoing improvements
in outcomes in education, housing, health and employment for
Aboriginal peoples in the Northern Territory. Estimates include
$1.4 billion to provide housing, at seven persons per house,
(some communities now average 15 or 16 people per house, a family
per bedroom); [59]
$460 million extra over five years for health; $690 million over
five years for remote community schools and teachers, and $1.4
billion over five years for converting CDEP jobs to proper jobs.
[60]
Part 1 Preliminary
Clause 3 contains many
definitions used and referred to later in the Bill s provisions. A
central definition of a prescribed area is contained in
clause 4. This definition is used in other
accompanying Bills and it is sufficiently broad as to encompass any
area of the Northern Territory, if the Minister chooses to utilise
his or her broad discretions. Subclause 4(2) describes prescribed
areas as
-
aboriginal land as defined in subsection 3(1)
of the
Aboriginal Land Rights
(Northern Territory) Act 1976 (the ALRA).
[61]
Schedule 1, Part 1 names these areas and contains
extensive and precise definitions of geographical
descriptions.
-
roads, rivers, streams, estuaries etc that are
excluded by Schedule 1 of ALRA or those that are excluded because
of other provisions in that Act.
-
land granted under the Lands Acquisition
Act 1978 (NT).
-
town camps declared by the Minister (these are
also names and described extensively in Schedule 1, Part
4) and
-
any area in the NT declared by the Minister
that was not previously covered.
The Minister also has an unfettered discretion
to declare areas to be excluded from the definition
(paragraph 4(4)(a)).
Clause 5 declares the object
of the Act to be
to improve the well-being of certain communities
in the Northern Territory.
Clause 6 contains the sunset
provisions of the Act which will apply to end most of the
legislation after 5 years, but will not end the operation of
Parts 4, 6 and 8. Part 4 covers
the acquisition of rights, titles and interests in land (some
provisions of which are defined to have a time limit and some which
do not), Part 6 deals with provisions regarding
bail and sentencing, and Part 8 covers
miscellaneous provisions, including the general exemption of the
proposed Act from Part II of the Racial Discrimination Act
1975 (the RDA). It is Part II of the RDA which functions to
prohibit racial discrimination. Part 8 also deals
with the provisions governing compensation for the acquisition of
property. These three named parts and asssociated mechanical
provisions will continue on after the sunset provisions come into
operation.
Around Australia there has been a developing
use of alcohol free zones ( dry zones or restricted areas ).
[62] Such areas
have been heavily utilised in the NT. In March 2006 the Territory
had 97 restricted areas.
The NT Government has previously announced the
Alcohol Framework project as part of the Government s Five Point
Plan on Alcohol (September 2003). The Framework was intended to
provide a broad structure for Government, individual agencies,
community interests, licensees and other industry participants to
work together to regulate the use of alcohol in the Northern
Territory, and to minimise alcohol-related harm to individuals and
the community.
There was an Interim and Final Report on the
Northern Territory Alcohol Framework in 2004. [63] The reports detailed a proposed
Framework for Government action in relation to alcohol and
considered a number of specific issues including the liquor
licensing system, improved compliance and enforcement of liquor
licensing laws, treatment and other interventions for individuals
with alcohol problems and other strategies to reduce alcohol
related harm. The interim report noted that there has been little
formal evaluation of restricted areas legislation in the Northern
Territory or other parts of Australia. What information there was
suggested that the Northern Territory restricted areas legislation
should be considered a qualified success, with reductions in
alcohol-related harms found in many but not all communities
studied. [64]
The Final Report contained a recommendation
regarding the need to undertake research on the effectiveness of
the restricted areas legislation:
The Office of Alcohol Policy and Coordination in
cooperation with the Division of Racing Gaming and Licensing should
undertake research on the effectiveness of restricted areas and the
benefits of, and harm flowing from, social clubs in restricted
areas. Such research should respond to the needs of local
communities and the outcomes should be used to assist in planning
local community action to enhance the ability of restricted areas
to achieve harm minimisation goals. [Rec. 56]
On 11 October 2005, the Minister for Racing,
Gaming and Licensing delivered an Alcohol Ministerial Statement to
the Legislative Assembly which outlined the government s approach
to addressing alcohol issues in the community. A significant
initiative of the new approach was the establishment of the Office
of Alcohol Policy and Coordination.
The Office was designed partly on these
recommendations in the Final Report. The primary role of the Office
is to help monitor, develop, support and integrate government
policies, services and programs to reduce alcohol-related harm in
the community. Related to its role within government, the Office
also supports communities to develop local alcohol management
plans. In addition to providing expert advice and critical input to
those plans, the Office was designed to ensure local communities
are linked into appropriate Departments and that Departments
deliver as much as possible to enable the plans to be
implemented.
The Anderson/Wild report identified the
regulation of alcohol as crucially important in the drive to
prevent child abuse:
Alcohol remains the gravest and fastest growing
threat to the safety of Aboriginal children. There is a strong
association between alcohol abuse, violence and the sexual abuse of
children. Alcohol is destroying communities. The Inquiry
recommended urgent action be taken to reduce alcohol consumption in
Aboriginal communities.
[65]
The report s recommendations on alcohol
(numbers 61-69) recommend that, as a matter of urgency, the
established Alcohol Framework be implemented and that the NT
government consult with Aboriginal communities to identify
culturally effective strategies to reduce alcohol related harm. It
was recommended the NT government should make greater efforts to
reduce access to takeaway liquor, increase responsible behaviour in
the area and support Aboriginal community efforts to deal with
issues relating to alcohol. There were recommendations with respect
to a range of matters for the NT administration, including that the
Licensing Commission take into account the effect of licensing
decisions on child protection issues. Finally there was an emphasis
on education and the promotion of a healthy approach to alcohol
through the media and a recommendation that options for delivering
alcohol counselling be explored.
Proposed Part 2 introduces
new provisions which would apply to the Northern Territory s
Liquor Act 1978, Liquor Regulations and Police
Administration Act 1978. These provisions ban the consumption,
possession or supply of liquor within prescribed areas. The central
definition of a prescribed area is contained in clause
4, which relies on definitions of Aboriginal land in the
ALRA, and also gives the Minister discretion to exempt or add any
area in the NT to the category of a prescribed area.
Clauses 9 and
10 establish that the NT legislation continues on
under the Commonwealth regime as if the modified Acts were NT laws.
Clause 8 requires the NT Commissioner for
Licensing and the Director to supply to the Commonwealth Minister
any information he or she requests.
Clause 11 provides that
notices must be posted at customary access routes into a prescribed
area explaining it is an offence to bring liquor into, to be in
possession of, to consume or to sell liquor within a prescribed
area. [66] Possible
penalties must also be specified in the notice. The Northern
Territory Licensing Commission must also publish notices in
newspapers circulating in the area describing the relevant areas
and specifying the offences and penalties.
The NT Liquor Act s penalties are replaced by
clause12. This provision would make it an offence
to bring alcohol into a prescribed area, or to possess it or
consume it (subclause 12(2)). The penalty for a
first offence is $1100 and $2200 for a second offence and
subsequent offences. [67] It is also an offence to supply alcohol to someone in a
prescribed area or to supply it or possess it with an intention of
giving it to someone who, in turn, intends to give it to a person
in a prescribed area (sucblause 12(4)). If the
amount of alcohol involved in such a situation is more than 1350ml
there is a significantly more serious penalty attached ($74 800 or
18 months imprisonment subclause 12(6)).
There is an exemption proposed for people
engaged in recreational boating or commercial fishing activities
(subclauses 12(3) and (5)). Such people are not to
be subject to the prohibitions in subclauses 12(2) and
(4). However the Commonwealth Minister may declare a
specified area of waters in a prescribed area and the exemption
will no longer be effective. Once again the Northern Territory
Licensing Commission must advertise the fact that the waters in
question are subject to the penalty provisions.
Licences to sell alcohol in prescribed areas
will continue to be effective although the Commonwealth Minister
will be able to counteract their effect and stipulate (by notice in
writing) that a permit holder cannot bring alcohol into the
prescribed area, possess it or consume it (clauses 13 and
14).
If the licensee of licensed premises sells
pure alcohol of more than 1350ml in a single transaction, knowing
that it is for consumption away from the premises (or reckless that
it might be) then an offence is committed under clause
20 with a maximum penalty of $37 400. A lesser penalty
applies to a parallel offence by an employee of the licensee. If
the name and address and the place where it is proposed that the
alcohol will be consumed are recorded by the employee or licensee
then (as long as identification has been shown, for example a
passport or driver s license) an offence is not committed by
selling the alcohol. These records must be kept for at least 3
years after they are made (clause 21).
The provisions of this Part are subject to the
Act s sunset provisions (clause 6), which
stipulate that the Part s provisions will cease to have effect
after 5 years.
In an almost comical
submission to the Senate Committee Inquiry into the provisions of
the Bill, the Woolworths Liquor Group poses a question as to
how the implementation of the prohibition on the sale of 1350 mls
of pure alcohol is to be monitored:
[1350 mls of pure alcohol] is stated as equating to just over 3
cases of full-strength beer, but this holds true only in the case
of 24x375ml cartons. This calculation becomes extremely complex
when mixed sales of beer, wine and spirits take place.
The alcohol content of beer varies between 2% alcohol by volume
and 7% alcohol by volume (some beers are lower and higher but this
range would catch 99% of transactions). Liquid volume in a full
case of beer varies from just under 4 litres (24x250ml) to 11.25
litres (30x375ml) consequently the pure alcohol content of a case
of beer varies between 120ml to 540ml. This ignores other possible
permutations caused by different alcohol volumes and pack
sizes.
The alcohol content of a bottle of wine varies between 5% and
20%, although most bottles are 750ml our stores stock sizes varying
between 187ml and 2000ml. In any given 750ml bottle of wine, pure
alcohol content can vary between 37.5ml and 150ml. In addition to
this the alcohol content of the same brand and variety of wine can
vary from vintage to vintage. This ignores other possible
permutations caused by different alcohol volumes and pack
sizes.
In the case of spirits, alcohol content can vary between 20% and
57% for commonly stocked brands. Common bottle sizes range from
50ml to 1125ml, although a number would fall outside this range.
The pure alcohol content of a standard 700ml bottle of spirit could
vary between140ml to 400ml. This ignores other possible
permutations caused by different alcohol volumes and pack
sizes.
A typical supermarket liquor store would stock approximately
1,300 different products. We understand that there is a proposal to
produce some kind of ready reckoner to calculate the potential
alcohol content in any transaction. The number of possible
combinations of products in any given transaction makes it
difficult to contemplate how this could be achieved. [68]
The submission makes it quite clear Woolworths
is anxious to comply with the requirements of the legislation
(particularly because non-compliance entails a fine of $37 000
for the company and $6 600 for the individual employee) but
needs guidance on how this is to be achieved.
In 2004 a government report concluded that
filtering can limit the internet content end-users can access by
preventing or blocking access to specified pieces of types of
content . [69]
The government has argued that forcing
Internet Service Providers (ISPs) to filter websites at server
level is less effective than filtering individual computers, and
slows down the internet. The Minister for Communications,
Information Technology and the Arts, Senator the Hon. Helen Coonan,
has stated that:
PC-based filters are more effective at blocking
all manner of offensive content, provide greater control to parents
of the content their children are exposed to and do not affect the
performance of the Internet for all users.
[70]
In March 2007, the government was expecting to
undertake trials of PC and ISP filters over the following few
months.[71]
In the meantime, it was expected that a
National Filter Scheme would receive $93.3 million over three
years, so that Australian families would be offered a filtered
service or a free filter for their home computer, either for
download from a dedicated website or delivered on CD-ROM. All ISPs
would be required to offer filters to new and existing customers at
no additional cost. [72] The Prime Minister made an announcement about this
NetAlert system in his webcast address organised by the Australian
Christian Lobby from the National Press Club on 9 August 2007.
[73]
Discussion of the filter scheme has been
inclusive of all Australian families and has made no specific
reference to any particular group. One academic has noted however,
that:
Once a national filtering system is in place,
governments may be tempted to use it as a tool of political
censorship or as a technological quick fix to problems that stem
from larger social and political issues.
[74]
As to the effectiveness of filtering systems,
a US report last year found that:
filters are still seriously flawed. They continue to deprive
their users of many thousands of valuable Web pages, on subjects
ranging from war and genocide to safer sex and public health.
the widespread use of filters presents a serious threat to our
most fundamental free expression values. There are much more
effective ways to address concerns about offensive Internet
content. Filters provide a false sense of security, while blocking
large amounts of important information in an often irrational or
biased way. [75]
The Anderson/Wild report concluded that
pornography was one of the main factors that:
lead inexorably to family and other violence and
then on to sexual abuse of men and women and, finally, of children.
[76]
children in Aboriginal communities are widely
exposed to inappropriate sexual activity such as pornography, adult
films and adults having sex within the child s view. This exposure
can produce a number of effects, particularly resulting in the
sexualisation of childhood and the creation of normalcy around
sexual activity that may be used to engage children in sexual
activity. It may also result in sexual acting out , and actual
offending, by children and young people against others.
[77]
The report concluded that the availability of
pornography and children s exposure to it is the result of poor
supervision, overcrowding in houses and acceptance or normalization
of this material . [78]
However, it is noteworthy that there is no
mention in the report of internet pornography in Aboriginal
communities. The main forms of pornography that are discussed are
videos and DVDs, as well as the Austar and SBS television channels.
[79] Furthermore,
the report makes no recommendations in regard to internet
filtering. Rather, its recommendation in relation to pornography is
to conduct education campaigns in communities about the film
classification system, the illegality of exposing children to
indecent material, and the harm that such exposure produces.
[80]
Given this apparent disjuncture between the
Anderson/Wild report and the government s response, it is
legitimate to ask some general questions about the
computer-filtering provisions in this Part:
-
Do mandatory filters on publicly-funded
computers represent a justifiable infringement of free speech,
especially when filtering may well hinder access to material that
is perfectly legal as seems to be recognised by the exemption for
study purposes? In the United States, where the protection of free
speech is much more entrenched, public libraries have strenuously
opposed the installation of filters on public-access
computers.
-
Is there a constitutional issue involving the
implied freedom of political communication? Subclause 28(3) says
that the policy must state that a publicly-funded computer cannot
be used to access or send a communication containing material or a
statement that, for example, contravenes or forms part of an
activity contravening Commonwealth, state or territory law or
incites a person to contravene such a law. Nor can the computer be
used to send an anonymous or repeated communication designed to
annoy or torment. Many forms of political protest and also some
political lobbying might be caught by these prohibitions.
-
Is it discriminatory to impose filtering and
auditing on publicly-funded computers in Aboriginal areas of the
Northern Territory, but not in Australia in general, and would the
courts have considered the discrimination legally justifiable as a
special measure under the Racial Discrimination Act 1975?
The Bill s definition of anything it proposes as a special measure,
and the Bill s proposed suspension of Part II of the RDA, might
function to make this question superfluous, however it is
instructive to consider how the provisions would have traditionally
fit with the provisions of the RDA.
-
Is it appropriate to use the Australian Crime
Commission a body that was set up to fight serious and organised
crime to police the use of computers by individuals, when this
could be done by a local police force or even by administrative
action? To put it another way, is this an example of unnecessary
legislation?
-
Does the need to conduct regular audits mean
that filters are not really effective? A recent report that the
Government s $116 million NetAlert project to provide nationwide
ISP-level internet filtering would get off the ground within weeks
, although the same report stated that technical trials were
scheduled to go ahead later this year, and that the internet
industry believed that the system would be unworkable.
[81]
-
Is it appropriate to mandate filtering, user
logs and audits of all publicly-funded computers in these
Aboriginal communities, or should these measures be confined to
publicly-accessible computers? Under the Bill s proposals,
if a single person is responsible for a computer that is used
solely for work purposes, that person may have to write his or her
own acceptable-use policy and keep a log of his or her own use of
the computer.
-
Who bears the costs of the exercise? As
submissions to the Senate Committee show, it can be difficult to
manage these matters at the best of times.
[82]
-
There are privacy issues involved in keeping an
extensive database for three years a database from which personal
details would presumably be ascertainable.
This Part requires filters accredited by the
Minister to be installed and maintained on publicly-funded
computers within prescribed areas (clause 26).
Included are computers owned or loaned by bodies or individuals
that receive government funding, or that directly or indirectly
receive funding for employment programs. There is an exemption for
a period if for purposes of work, research or study a person needs
to access material that would otherwise be blocked by a filter
(sub-clause 26(3)). Presumably the regulations
will specify more detail about the requirement to maintain and
update filters.
Records must be kept for three years about
each person who uses such a computer, and the time when it was used
(clause 27).
The Minister may determine matters that must
be included in acceptable-use policies. These policies must state
that the computers may not be used for illegal purposes, notably
for criminal activity or incitement, obscenity, harassment or
stalking. There is no defence for not developing an acceptable-use
policy (clause 28).
These computers must be audited twice a year,
on specific days, and audit reports must be given to the Australian
Crime Commission within two weeks. If a person knows or is reckless
that illegal material has been accessed or stored on a computer, an
additional audit must be performed as soon as practicable
(clause 29).
Strict liability offences with fines of up to
$550 apply to failures to filter a computer, keep records, develop
and publish an acceptable-use policy, or perform audits. Fines of
up to $1100 apply when a person fails to ensure a computer audit
with the result that illegal material is not identified. These
offences commence 28 days after Royal Assent, giving computer
administrators one month to install filters, create user logs and
prepare acceptable-use policies (clause 30).
Part 4 provides for the acquisition of right,
titles and interests in land, and Division 1 for the grants of
leases for 5 years. Acquiring townships prescribed by the
Australian Government through five year leases including payment of
just terms compensation had been one of the measures announced by
the Government on 21 June 2007. [83]
Although this measure has been presented in
the context of responding to child abuse in the Northern Territory,
it comes in the context of a long debate over the merits of
offering Indigenous individuals in the Northern Territory the
possibility of subleasing back as private land communal land that a
community has agreed to lease out long-term to a government body or
agency. It is also in the context of the Federal Government s
long-expressed interest in making this possible.
As long ago as 1998 John Reeves , in his
Review of the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act
1976, Building on Land Rights for the Next Generation,
[84] recommended,
among other things, giving the Northern Territory Government power
to compulsorily acquire Aboriginal land for public purposes, and
the development of leasing arrangements to enable Aboriginal people
to own their homes on communal land. The Reeves report prompted
several further reviews, including one by the House of
Representatives Standing Committee on Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander Affairs (HORSCATSIA); and a joint response to the Reeves
Report by the NT Government and Land Councils.
The NT Government was also developing its own
model for township leasing, and in July 2004 sent an options paper
to the four NT Land Councils for consideration. However, the
Commonwealth s amendments to the ALRA overtook this plan and in
2005 the NT Government wrote to the Australian Government
suggesting a voluntary leasing plan which would recognise the right
of traditional owners to make decisions over their land.
In April 2005 the Prime Minister stated:
I believe there is a case for reviewing the
whole issue of Aboriginal land title, in the sense of looking
towards private recognition. I certainly believe that all
Australians should be able to aspire to owning their own home and
having their own business. Having the title to something is the key
to your sense of individuality; it s the key to your capacity to
achieve, and to care for your family and I don t believe that
indigenous Australians should be treated any differently in this
respect.
[85]
In June 2005 the National Indigenous Council
(the NIC, the advisory body to the government on Indigenous
matters) presented its Indigenous
Land Tenure Principles to Government. While acknowledging that
communal interest in land is fundamental to Indigenous culture and
should be inalienable, the Council considered that individuals and
families [should be able] to acquire and exercise a personal
interest in those lands, whether for the purposes of home ownership
or business development. Further, it said, the consent of
traditional owners should not be unreasonably withheld to requests
for individual leasehold interests and that involuntary measures
should not be used except as a last resort. [86]
A number of Indigenous leaders have criticised
these proposals. Noel Pearson has commented:
The concern from
the indigenous community that I m hearing is that the legitimate
issue of home ownership might be used as a Trojan horse for a
reallocation of land rights a taking of rights away from Aboriginal
people.
[87]
In his Native Title Report
2005, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice
Commissioner, Tom Calma pointed to existing leasing provisions in
statutes like the ALRA and commented:
As a consequence, it is not necessary to put the communal tenure
of Indigenous land at risk as the NIC Principles propose.
The NIC Principles are premised on the idea that private land
ownership will lead to economic development because the land owners
will have an economic interest in seeing land value improved. The
NIC Principles also assume that communal land ownership will not
lead to development, and the interests of the land will not be
protected.
International experience demonstrates that individual title does
not lead to improved economic outcomes. [88]
In a 2005 Oxfam Australia report, an
Australian National University team found no evidence to suggest
that individual land ownership is either necessary or sufficient to
increase economic development or housing construction. [89] They concluded:
The evidence does not support the notion that private individual
ownership of low-value land in remote settings can be the driving
force in addressing housing or other needs. The principal issues
for any new policy framework continue to be contemporary Indigenous
poverty, and the historic lack of services, housing and associated
infrastructure. The notion that land rights reform can be the main
driver for economic development should be reconsidered in light of
the legacy of disadvantage, cultural difference and structural
factors faced by these communities. Such debates must also
recognise that there are fundamental Indigenous cultural reasons
for attachment to land, irrespective of its commercial potential,
as well as unique and diverse Indigenous perspectives on what
development is appropriate for their communities and country.
The report concludes that very significant structural issues
must be addressed to encourage economic development and address
housing needs, including the remoteness of communities from
mainstream markets; relatively low populations and population
densities; the need for greater investment in education and
vocational skills; poor infrastructure; and the generally
economically marginal nature of most Aboriginal lands. [90]
A contrary view was put by researchers at the
Centre for Independent Studies. In A New Deal for Aborigines
and Torres Strait Islanders in Remote Communities, Professor
Helen Hughes and Jenness Warin argue:
Communal ownership of land, royalties and other
resources is the principal cause of the lack of economic
development in remote areas. Commonwealth, State and Territory
legislative and regulatory frameworks have to make it possible for
Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders who choose to do so to
become individual land owners and entrepreneurs. Royalties from
mining, fishing, telecommunications and other sources must become
transparent and flow to individuals. An end to communal ownership
and asset management would cut into the power of councils,
associations and their big men , making income distribution more
equitable and greatly reducing the need for bargaining and
political power plays that make life miserable and lead to
incessant violence. Investment in land and other assets has to
become viable. With individual property rights, land could be used
for collateral to borrow for business, allowing the application of
capital and technology to create productive enterprises with
employment capacity. Private property rights in land are essential
to attracting outside investment that is a pre-requisite to a major
expansion in employment opportunities.
[91]
In the course of 2005 the Government committed
itself further to reform in the area of Indigenous home ownership,
offering additional funding for purchasing homes, and a scheme to
facilitate township leasing was included in the 2006 ALRA
amendments. Under section 19A of the ALRA, a Land Trust may grant a
99 year lease of a township to an approved entity , which means
either a Commonwealth or NT entity, if both the Minister and the
Land Council agree to the granting of the lease. The Commonwealth
was added at the last moment, with Federal doubts mounting as to
the NT s commitment to the plan. After 69 years, the Land Trust may
grant another lease to the same entity, to ensure certainty for
home owners and other lessees (subsection 19A(5) of the ALRA).
The Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern
Territory) Amendment (Township Leasing) Bill 2007, 24 May
2007, sought to establish the office of Executive Director of
Township Leasing, to enter into and administer township leases on
Aboriginal land in the Northern Territory, under the
Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976.
For more on concerns
raised with respect to these recent development see, inter
alia, Jennifer Norberry and John Gardiner-Garden s Bill Digest
on the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Amendment Bill
2006. [92]
Although the 5-year lease being proposed in
the current bill may in the short term have a very different
purposes to that of the above discussed 99 year leases, given the
above context, it is not surprising that one of the main concerns
raised with respect the proposed compulsory 5-year leases is that
it may prove a stepping stone to 99 year leases with failure to
solve all community problems inside five years being used down the
track for extensions of the arrangement.
This Division sets out the conditions under
which the Commonwealth will assume five-year leases of Aboriginal
lands.
Clause 31 grants to the
Commonwealth a five-year lease over all Aboriginal land as defined
by the ALRA, land granted to an association under subclause 46(1A)
of the Lands Acquisition Act of the Northern Territory,
and some other lands already subject to leases (surrounding Finke,
Kalkarindji, Daguragu and Pine Creek).
Land which is already covered by a registered
lease, for example a 99-year township lease as introduced in the
2006 ALRA amendments, is excluded from the five-year Commonwealth
lease (clause 31(3)).
If, during the Commonwealth s five-year lease,
a Land Trust decides to enter into a 99-year township lease (under
section 19A of the ALRA), then the Commonwealth s lease under
proposed section 31 is terminated at the time the township lease
takes effect (clause 37(6) to (9)).
Any existing rights, title or other interests
in land (excluding native title rights) are preserved by
subclause 34(3). Subclause 34(4) provides that if
the land owner has granted any rights, title or interests to
another party, it is taken to be in force as if the Commonwealth
had granted that right, title or interest on the same terms and
conditions. However, clause 34(5) allows the
Minister to determine in writing that the existing grant of rights,
title or interests in land, as allowed in s. 34(4) do not have
effect during the five-year lease. The Minister s determination is
not a legislative instrument (therefore cannot be disallowed by
Parliament) and there is no avenue of appeal.
Land Trusts may continue to grant leases
according to s. 19 of the ALRA, however the consent of the Minister
will be required (clause 52) during the five-year
Commonwealth lease period. If the Minister consents to such a
lease, then the s. 31 Commonwealth lease covering that area of land
will be varied to exclude that part.
The Northern Territory laws regarding
subdivision will not apply to the Commonwealth leased land
(clause 57). Clause 58 would
allow the Commonwealth to make regulations modifying Northern
Territory law relating to planning, infrastructure, subdivision or
transfer of land, local government, or other matters, for land
covered by the provisions of this Bill.
Finally the Commonwealth and its employees and
agents are given the right to use the shortest practicable route
between areas of land covered by a lease under s. 31
(clause 42).
Under the Northern Territory
Special Purposes Leases Act, the NT Government has
granted leases in perpetuity to entities to administer Aboriginal
town camps which surround urban areas. For example, the Tangentyre
Council, on behalf of 18 Indigenous Corporations, manages a Special
Purpose lease for town camps surrounding Alice Springs, and the
Julalikari Aboriginal Corporation administers the Tennant Creek
camps.
Management of the town camps has been a
contentious issue and the Commonwealth Government has attempted to
negotiate with town camp leaseholders to return the leases to the
Northern Territory government, in exchange for Commonwealth funding
for housing and other services.
Upon the Commonwealth Government s
announcement that it was considering whether it could compulsorily
acquire leases for town camps, the Northern Territory Government
responded that it would be working with town camps to see if the
Australian Government s objectives can be achieved without
compulsory acquisition. [93]
Under clause 44, references
in the Special Purposes Leases Act to the Northern
Territory Minister or the Administrator will also be taken to be
references to the Commonwealth Minister.
Subclause 44(2) states:
To avoid doubt, the Commonwealth Minister
forfeits a lease of land, or resumes a land, under the Special
Purposes Lease Act on behalf of the Northern Territory Minister or
the Administrator of the Northern Territory.
Under section 28(a) of the Special
Purposes Leases Act, the Administrator may, by Proclamation
resume any land comprising, or included in, a lease...for any
public purpose which he thinks fit. Section 29 of the Act requires
six months notice of a resumption of a lease. However,
clause 44(b)(i) would reduce the notice time to 60
days.
Therefore, the Commonwealth Minister,
empowered to act as the NT Minister or Administrator can, under the
Special Purposes Leases Act, acquire town camp leases.
Clause 46 makes the same
arrangements for the NT
Crown Lands Act, under which some town camp leases are
granted.
Subdivision C of Division 2, Part
4 vests rights, titles and interests in land in the
Commonwealth. Upon giving the Northern Territory government a
notice that it is acquiring a lease under the Special Purposes
Leases Act or the Crown Lands Act, all rights, titles and interests
are taken to be vested in the Commonwealth and freed and discharged
from all other rights, titles and interests and any trusts,
obligations, mortgages etc (clause 47). The notice
given under s. 47 may recognise that some rights, titles and
interests are to be preserved (clause 48). However
the Commonwealth reserves the ability to terminate any such rights,
titles or interest in land by writing (clause
49).
The Commonwealth has the power to interpret,
modify and use Northern Territory legislation, as it has done in
this section dealing with town camp leases, via the Territories
power in the Constitution (s. 122).
Clause 51 sets out the parts
of the Bill to which Division 3 of Part 2 of the Native Title
Act 1993 (the future act provisions) does not apply. This
effectively excludes anything done under Part 4. The Native Title
Act s non-extinguishment principle is preserved (subclause
51(2)).
The future act regime is found in pt 2, div 3
of the NTA. The future act regime is explained in the 2005 Native
Title Report:
Under the NTA, proposed activities or development on land or
waters that affect native title rights are classed as future acts .
Because claimant applications may take years in mediation or court
proceedings before a final decision is reached, the NTA provides
registered claimants with procedural rights in relation to future
acts while native title applications are being resolved.
Before the NTA was amended in 1998, registered native title
claimants had the same procedural rights in relation to future acts
as freehold owners of property would have. Plus, the right to
negotiate applied over the grant of a mining lease or compulsory
acquisition for the purpose of grants to private parties. This
matched the underlying title view of native title, and was
consistent with the fact that traditionally Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander peoples had sovereign power over their land which
translated into a right to have a say in future developments over
land today.
The 1998 amendments gradated the procedural rights that
claimants could enjoy, according to what the future act was. For
example, the creation of a right to mine still triggers the right
to negotiate but the grant of additional rights to the lessees of
non-exclusive agricultural and pastoral land gives native title
parties only the opportunity to comment. The construction and
operation of facilities for services to the public (such as roads,
railways, bridges, wharves and pipe lines) give native title
parties the same rights as other land owners; while the grant of
minor licences and permits do not give any procedural rights to
native title parties.
The future act regime has implications for how native title
parties might use their rights economically by limiting the right
to negotiate to certain types of activities, thereby setting up a
certain relationship between developers and native title
parties.
The 1998 amendments effectively removed the right to negotiate
about mining and compulsory acquisition in certain circumstances,
and instituted a right of consultation, comment, objection or mere
notification instead. Specifically, the amendments removed the
right to negotiate on non-exclusive pastoral and agricultural lease
land and reserved land (including Aboriginal reserves), where the
state or territory provided legislative rights of consultation and
objection instead (the alternative state regimes ). It also removed
the right in relation to any grant or other act relating to land or
waters within a town or city.
Clause 53 would suspend the
normal functioning of the Public Works Act 1969. Under
this Act the Parliament s Joint Committee of Public Works must
recommend that the Parliament approve expenditure on
Commonwealth-funded capital works above $15 million. Clause
53 would stipulate that this requirement would not apply
to any work carried out on land covered by a s.31 lease agreement,
land in which a Commonwealth interest exists, or town camp land
resumed under the Special Purposes Leases Act.
This Part gives the Minister a broad
discretion to suspend the normal operation of any Commonwealth law
affecting actions done with respect to land covered by
clause 31 or land in which a Commonwealth interest
exists or which has been taken under proposed Division
2.
There are several provisions in this Division
that are the subject of controversy. For example, compensation for
property acquired (clause 60) and the suspension
of the operation of subsection 50(2) of the Northern
Territory (Self-Government) Act 1978, which
previously provided for just terms compensation. These provisions
are discussed further in the Background
section on just-terms compensation.
In 1978 the Northern Territory Government
introduced legislation (the Northern Territory Association and
Incorporation Act) which gave community councils the ability
to directly qualify for Northern Territory Government funding, thus
giving these elected local councils the dominant responsibility for
the management, administration and delivery of municipal services.
Community Government Councils established pursuant to the 1979
Local Government Act 1979 (NT) sought to extend
the governance responsibilities of community councils. These areas
of responsibility include:
-
the provision of housing, medical, power,
water, sewage and other services
-
the issuance of permits for visiting these
communities
-
management of community assets
-
acting as agent for the post office,
Centrelink, power and water authorities, and other agencies.
Historically, these governance arrangements
reflected both the Northern Territory and Commonwealth government s
policy and support for self-determination. Today, a small number of
community councils remain incorporated under the old Associations
Act, however, all community councils in the Northern Territory rely
on direct funding from the Northern Territory Government.
The governance dilemmas, their causes and
attendant social problems in these communities have been the
subject of commentary and concern for sometime. [94] Information regarding some of
this troubled history is contained in the general background above.
There are currently pressing and urgent problems, including
failures relating to the provision of Commonwealth or Northern
Territory funded services and attendant community dysfunctions. The
disturbing and chilling findings of the Anderson/Wild report have
provided the Commonwealth with a catalyst, and these proposed
amendments would modify the current governance arrangements in
Indigenous communities. The challenges faced by these communities
(as identified in the report) include:
-
general lawlessness
-
the struggle by small organisations to develop
and sustain their service capacity
-
frail administrative systems
-
difficulties with the continuity of
professional staffing
-
difficulties in the delivery of positive and
sustained tangible outcomes for community members
[95]
-
overcrowding in communities
-
overcrowded and inadequate housing
[96]
Proposed Part 5 introduces
stringent Commonwealth control over a number of aspects of
community governance in Indigenous communities. These controls are
to apply in business management areas. Clause 3
(in Part 1 of the Bill) defines business
management areas as an area of land
-
that is covered by a five-year lease granted
under proposed paragraph 31(1)(b);
-
that is referred to in Parts 1 to
3 of Schedule 1 to this Bill (covering an
extensive number of Indigenous communities); or
-
a place in the Northern Territory that is
specified in Schedule 2; or
-
a place in the Northern Territory that is
declared by legislative instrument to be a business management
area.
This final power to create business management
areas by legislative instruments is unlimited by reference to any
particular legislative criteria and gives the Commonwealth
unrestrained power to create business management areas in the
Northern Territory. The combined effect of the provisions means
that the few remaining Indigenous communities which are not
business management areas could easily be made so.
Proposed Division 1 gives the
Commonwealth the powers to vary and terminate Commonwealth funding
agreements so as to permit adjustments to be made in the
allocation, reporting requirements and management of funding
provided to communities in business management areas.
Under subclause 65(2) these
Commonwealth powers would extend to
-
the ability to stipulate the ways funds are to
be spent,
-
the capacity to impose reporting
requirements,
-
the appointment of a person to control the
funds to be paid under an agreement, and
-
the use, management or security of assets
purchased with the funding
Subclause 65(3) will insert a
clause into funding agreements which allows the Commonwealth to
unilaterally terminate or reduce the scope of funding agreements.
This clause specifically states that the Commonwealth will not be
liable for loss of profits or benefits as a consequence of such
actions (see Schedule 3, clause 1(7)).
According to the Explanatory Memorandum:
The purpose of
Division 2 is to
allow the Minister to make directions with respect to the provision
of Commonwealth and Northern Territory funded services and assets
required for the delivery of those services in business management
areas. These powers will allow the Minister to respond to a failure
on the part of a relevant entity to provide the services for which
it is responsible and to ensure that the resources of the entity
are efficiently employed for the benefit of the community.
[97]
The proposed clauses and subclauses in this
division specify the scope and terms of the power of the Minister
to give direction to a community services entity in
relation to the delivery of services in a business management area.
A community services entity is defined in clause
3. The definition covers community councils, incorporated
bodies, anyone or body offering services in the area and any person
or entity specified by the Minister through a legislative
instrument.
The Minister may exercise the power to give
directions if the Minister is satisfied that either the services
are not being provided in a business management area or they are
not being provided in the business management area to the Minister
s satisfaction. The Minister must also be satisfied that
Commonwealth or Northern Territory funding has been provided that
the funding could be used by the community services entity to
provide the service subclause 67(1).
Subclause 67(2) goes further
and provides that a direction may be given to a community services
entity either to provide a service, or to deliver it in a specified
way. This power includes a capacity to direct that a specified
person is to do a specified thing in relation to that service
within a specified period of time.
The Commonwealth believes that this capacity
for micromanagement will enable it to ensure consistent and
appropriate standards in service delivery over time. [98]
The proposed clauses and subclauses in this
division specify the scope and terms of the power of the Minister
to give direction to a community services entity in relation to
non-fixed assets that are required for the purpose of delivering a
Commonwealth or Northern Territory funded service in a business
management area.
Where a community services entity owns,
controls or possesses an asset, and the entity provides services in
a business management area, the Minister may exercise this power if
the Minister is satisfied that the use of the asset is required for
providing services in that business management area. The Minister
must be satisfied that funding has been provided by the
Commonwealth or Northern Territory, and that the funding could be
used to provide those services subclause
68(1).
Subclause 68(2) goes further
and provides that for the purposes of providing funded services, a
direction may be given to a community services entity in a business
management area, to use or manage an asset in a particular way, or
to transfer ownership or possession of an asset to another
community service entity, the Commonwealth or a specified
person.
Clause 71 allows the Minister
to publish a direction in a way he or she considers appropriate .
Usually publication by Government is by way of Gazette but
could also be by way of press release or media publication.
Proposed Subdivisions C and D
introduce civil penalties for failure to comply with directions
(this will include a power to obtain injunctions through the
Federal Court) and other provisions which stipulate that the
Commonwealth s directives under these provisions take precedence
over the constitution of the community services entity, the laws of
the Northern Territory and the directives of Northern Territory
personnel.
According the Explanatory Memorandum:
The purpose of
Division 3 is to
enable the Commonwealth to have access to, and knowledge of, the
workings of community services entities that perform functions or
provide Commonwealth or Northern Territory funded services within
business management areas. This will be done by allowing the
Commonwealth to appoint observers of such entities.
[99]
The rationale for the appointment of observers
has a consistent logic and the Government regards it as suited to
achieving its aims. However concern has been expressed about the
absence of details regarding the basis of selecting such observers
in terms of professional qualifications and experience. It has also
been pointed out that powers of an observer may be open to abuse.
[100] This could
be addressed in part by including an explicit code of conduct in
either the proposed legislation or regulations associated with such
an appointment.
The most significant amendments in
Part 5 are contained in this Division.
The proposed amendments contained in
Division 4 modify Northern Territory legislation
in so far as it is necessary to provide the Commonwealth with the
same powers as the Northern Territory, though with appropriate
adaptations. These amendments are designed to bring particular
types of community services entities under external administration.
The Commonwealth explains this initiative as being a response to
the failures relating to the provision of Commonwealth or Northern
Territory funded services in business management areas.
Subdivision A relates to Commonwealth
management of community government councils.
Community services entities charged
with providing services in business management areas by
and large tend to be community government councils which are
incorporated either under the Local Government Act or the
Associations Act. The changes proposed in Division 4 modify the
Local Government Act and the Associations Act so as to give powers
under that legislation to the Commonwealth Minister. However, the
powers given to the Commonwealth Minister under that legislation
are necessarily, though not without difficulties, delimited.
Subclause 78 (1) gives the
Commonwealth Minister the same powers as the Northern Territory
Minister under Part 13 of the Local Government Act, which
deals with the suspension and dismissal of council members and the
appointment of external managers. This provision only applies in
relation to community government councils.
Subclause 78(2) limits the
Commonwealth Minister s power to suspend all the members of a
community government council and assume the exercise of power to
circumstances relating to: the provision of services in a business
management area, where the Commonwealth Minister is satisfied that
the Commonwealth or Northern Territory funding has been provided to
the council that could be used to provide the services.
Subclause 78(3) gives the
Commonwealth Minister powers already in existence under the Local
Government Act -- as if that Act were modified (as set out in
Table 1 in Schedule 4, [101] and as if
references to the Northern Territory Minister were references to
the Commonwealth Minister. However, it is noteworthy that
subclause 78(4) permits amendments to
Table 1 in Schedule 4 by
regulations. This could raise issues in terms of the levels of
scrutiny of and accountability for such changes.
Subdivision B gives the Commonwealth parallel
powers over incorporated associations. Similar issues regarding
accountability and scrutiny may arise.
Part 6 is brief but
significant. The Explanatory Memorandum says
Part 6 amends Northern Territory law to prohibit
the relevant authority, when exercising bail or sentencing
discretion in relation to Northern Territory offences, from taking
into consideration any form of customary law or cultural practice
to lessen or aggravate the seriousness of the criminal behaviour of
offenders and alleged offenders. Part 6 also strengthens Northern
Territory bail provisions to better secure the safety of victims
and witnesses in remote communities.
[102]
Clause 90 stipulates that, when considering
whether to grant bail, the relevant authority must have regard to
the decisions effect on (alleged) victims and witnesses, and must
not take into account customary law. Clause 91 prohibits a
sentencing authority from taking customary law into any account
when devising a sentence.
Clauses 90 and 91 are modelled closely on the
Crimes Amendment (Bail and Sentencing) Act 2006
which amended the sentencing and bail provisions in the Crimes
Act 1914 in accordance with the decisions made by the Council
of Australian Governments (COAG) on 14 July 2006.
COAG agreed that no customary law or cultural
practice excuses, justifies, authorises, requires, or lessens the
seriousness of violence or sexual abuse. All jurisdictions agree
that their laws will reflect this, if necessary by future amendment
. COAG also asked the Standing Committee of Attorneys-General
(SCAG) to report to the next COAG meeting on the extent to which
bail provisions and enforcement take particular account of
potential impacts on victims and witnesses in remote communities
and to recommend any changes required.
The COAG meeting followed the recommendations
of the Intergovernmental Summit on Violence and Child Abuse in
Indigenous Communities on 26 June 2006.
For full background on the Commonwealth
measures, see the Senate
Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional Affairs
report on the Crimes Amendment (Bail and Sentencing) Bill 2006,
tabled on 16 October 2006, and Bills
Digest no. 56, 27 November 2006.
The Bills Digest
explains in detail the political impetus for the Summit and the
Bill originated in public debate around the sentencing decision in
the GJ v R case involving customary law in the Northern
Territory.
The Bill was clearly framed by the Government
as an attempt to provide leadership and set an example to the
States in the context of ongoing negotiations. But it also was
linked to funding. The Minister for Families, Community Services
and Indigenous affairs, the Hon Mal Brough MP, has indicated that
state and territory funding for Indigenous programs will be linked
to states and territories amending their laws so as to remove
cultural background from mandatory consideration when sentencing
offenders. The funding linkage was opposed by ACT Chief Minister,
Jon Stanhope and the WA Attorney-General. [103]
The Senate report noted a series of criticisms of
that Bill, including that the Bill s focus was misdirected, because
of the absence of any Federal laws relating to violence or sexual
abuse in Indigenous communities that will be affected or changed as
a result of the Bill . These current amendments will, however,
clearly affect NT Indigenous residents. At present, the sentencing
guidelines under section 5 of the Sentencing Act 1995 (NT)
merely allow the judge discretion to consider the offender s
background in the context of the seriousness of the offence. Under
section 104A of that Act, only the way the judge receives any
information on customary law is regulated.
HREOC has previously argued that there needs
to be formalised recognition inserted into the Sentencing Act
1995 (NT) to require the courts to always consider whether
customary law is a relevant consideration and to apply it
consistently with human rights principles.
The Senate Committee also voiced concerns
about the haste with which the proposals in the [Crimes Amendment]
Bill have been drafted and introduced into Parliament, without
adequate, if any, consultation with Indigenous and multicultural
groups .
Finally, the Committee considered that the
most concerning feature of the Bill is the symbolic message that it
sends to the judiciary (and the community at large), and the
judicial uncertainty it may create .
As well as those general concerns which are
also relevant to the present amendments, other constitutional
questions arise. The Commonwealth Parliament does not have a
general power to legislate with respect to criminal law in a manner
which would bind the states and territories. However, the
Commonwealth Parliament does have a plenary power in respect of
territories. The proposed policy measures would limit
judicial discretion in sentencing matters. The constitutionality of
this arose in the mandatory-sentencing debate as to whether
limiting or completely usurping judicial discretion in sentencing
constitutes an impermissible interference with the judicial power.
This occurs when the legislature vests in a court capable of
exercising the federal judicial power, a power which is
incompatible with the judicial process. [104]
The Law Council of Australia has made a strong
submission arguing that these provisions are an abuse of
appropriate criminal proceedings. [105]
The Explanatory Statement states that Part 7
aims to address:
long-standing concerns that some stores in
Indigenous communities are poorly managed and have low quality
goods sold at high prices. Many Indigenous communities in the
Northern Territory have only one community store. In very remote
communities there may be no other store within hundreds of
kilometres and even these may not be accessible during the wet
season. Hence, the way community stores operate and the quality of
the food that they provide are critical to the Australian
Government s efforts to improve the lives of Indigenous people in
the Northern Territory.
[106]
In effect, it appears that Part 7 of the Bill,
which introduces a new licensing regime for community stores, aims
to maximise the relative value of Government welfare payments, in
comparison to the cost of living in remote Indigenous communities
in the Northern Territory. By closely regulating the quality,
quantity and range of groceries sold by licensed stores, the Bill
also seeks to achieve an ancillary effect of increasing the quality
of produce available to the communities, which may have a direct
impact on the health and lifestyle.
Part 7 of the Bill deals with licensing of
community stores. It introduces a new licensing regime, empowering
the Secretary of the Department to grant community store licences .
The licensing regime is designed to enable the Secretary to assess
a community stores practices, including:
-
the capacity to comply with the
income
management regime [107]
-
the quality, quantity and range of groceries
and consumer items, with an express inclusion of healthy food and
drink
-
the business practices of the store, including
pricing and other financial aspects (such as wages), and
-
other matters considered relevant at the
Minister s discretion, or those later specified by the
Minister.
Clause 92 outlines the
meaning of community store , to broadly include any business which
provides grocery items and drinks as one of its main purposes. The
definition expressly excludes takeaway and fast food shops,
roadhouses, and other kinds of business expressly excluded by
regulation. As the definition is broadly defined, it might also
include businesses such as petrol stations (although if this were
unintended, they could be expressly excluded later by
regulation).
Under the Bill, community stores would not be
licensed until they are assessed by appointed authorised officers
(proposed Division 2). Assessment occurs in the
community store, with the store operator being given at least 7
days notice that the assessment will occur (clause
95).
Community store licences are granted (or
refused) by the Secretary, following assessment of the community
store(s) (clause 98). The Secretary may, having
regard to the outcome of the store assessment (and any other
relevant matters), refuse to grant a licence.
Clause 104 states that it is
a condition of any community store licence that the holder of the
licence must operate the store in a satisfactory manner (having
regard to the assessable matters, above). Other licence conditions
are dealt with in clauses 102 105. The Bill also
provides for licence revocation, variation, surrender and transfer
(clauses 106 111), and stipulates that the
Commonwealth may acquire all the assets and liabilities of a
community store if a licence has not been continues (clause
112). Acquisition of property compensation is payable
under clause 134.
Clause 119 creates strict
liability offences for store operators who refuse to produce
documents and material that are reasonably necessary for the store
assessment ($6 600- 60 penalty units), or who fail to provide
assistance and facilities which are necessary and reasonable for
the assessment ($1 100-10 penalty units).
The Bill also provides the Secretary with a
power to request information (clause 120), within
a specified time and in a specified form or manner (at the
Secretary s discretion), should the Secretary suspect that a person
possesses information that relates to the assessment of a community
store. Non-compliance with the request attracts a penalty of $1
100-10 units; provision of false or misleading information attracts
a penalty of $6 600-60 units. The clause provides an exemption for
people with a reasonable excuse for non-compliance (however, this
does not include excuses relating to the commercial sensitivity or
confidentiality of the information).
The problems with community stores clearly
have a significant impact on those dependant on the store, however
Parliament may wish to consider the extent of discretionary power
that the proposed new licensing regime provides to the Secretary
and officers. The Bill lacks the balance that could be provided by
the inclusion of appeal provisions and less discretion (for
example, at subclause 120(2)). This is
particularly important for those provisions which impose a criminal
penalty.
The Part is defined as over-riding all other
Commonwealth laws (clause 122). While businesses
are required to be satisfactorily assessed at the time of
licensing, it is unclear how the proposed legislation will ensure
that the satisfactory state of business practices is maintained,
given that the entire Part is subject to the sunset clause in
clause 6.
Overall, the licensing regime does not sit
comfortably with general concepts of fair trading. Parliament may
wish to consider the wider implications of imposing Government
control upon the practices of small business operators.
As well as a range of more technical
provisions this Part allows the Minister to delegate any of their
functions or powers under the proposed Act to the Secretary or an
SES level officer (clause 128, although not the
powers with respect to the Commonwealth management in business
management areas).
As well as excluding the operation of any law
of the NT which deal with discrimination (clause
133), Part 8 also suspends the operation
of the Self-Government Act s section 49 (clause
131). The Self-Government Act s provisions seeks to
duplicate the Constitution in so far as its provisions protecting
free trade between the States may not apply to the Territory.
Section 49 stipulates that Trade, commerce and intercourse between
the Territory and the States, whether by means of internal carriage
or ocean navigation, shall be absolutely free. The other provision
of the Self-Government Act which is to be suspended is subsection
50(2). This subsection deals with compensation for the acquisition
of property. Once again the Self-Government Act s provision sought
to duplicate Constitutional provisions ensuring just terms
compensation. The Commonwealth is replacing this provision with its
own modified version, which depends on a concept of reasonable
compensation. There are discussions of the implications of these
provisions in the body of this Digest.
The grim histories of violence outlined above
would impel most people to support actions being taken to prevent
recurrences of these problems. [108] The question which
must arise when considering this legislative package is whether it
contains the most effective actions to achieve the commonly desired
outcome. Is the something which must be done the most effective
something .
In determining what will achieve the best
possible outcome, it can be useful to consult those familiar with
the problems and familiar with measures that have been taken
previously and their relative levels of success.
Minister Brough is clear that he has consulted
regarding the provisions of the package. The submissions flowing in
to the one-day Senate inquiry are also clear that there has been
insufficient consultation regarding the package.
The measures which modify standard provisions
regarding just-terms compensation and racial discrimination have
been discussed above and are a frequent source of concern amongst
contributors to the inquiry.
The changes introduced by the Bill are really
quite profound and impact in so many different ways that it
certainly seems to need further consideration to determine whether
or not the measures are best adapted to achieving the desired
changes.
The authors would like to thank Roy Jordan and
Catherine Lorimer for their crucial assistance in finding relevant
information, Mary Anne Neilsen for her invaluable editorial
guidance, and also Krysti Guest and Jennifer Norberry, who both
gave generously of their time and in-depth expertise. The authors
remain responsible for any errors and omissions.
Endnotes
[1]. Blaise Pascal,
Lettres provincials, no. 16 (1657): Je n ai fait celle-ci
plus longue que parce que je n ai pas eu le loisir de la faire plus
courte .
[4]. Amnesty
International,
submission no. 39 to the Senate inquiry, p. 3, quoting from J.
A. Cashmore, Framework for Building a Child-Friendly
Society, NSW Child Protection Council, 1997 98, p. 26.
[16]. Authors of NT
child abuse report betrayed by crackdown, AAP, 5 August 2007.
[19]. Fringe
Benefits Tax Assessment Act 1986 s. 136(1)
[20]. Petroleum
(Submerged Lands) (Management of Safety on Offshore Facilities)
Regulations 1996 reg 5
[21].
Aboriginal And Torres Strait Islander
Heritage Protection Act 1984 - s. 9 Emergency Declarations in
Relation to Areas.
Aged Care Act 1997 - s. 92.5 Seizures Without
Offence-Related Warrant In Emergency Situations.
Biological Control Act 1984 - s. 30 Emergency
Declarations.
Crimes Act 1914 - s. 3T. Searches Without Warrant in
Emergency Situations.
Gene Technology Act 2000 - s. 72B Minister May Make
Emergency Dealing Determination.
[22]. Lateline,
Prime Minister discusses federal intervention to take control of
Aboriginal townships in Northern Territory 21 June 2007
[24]. Under
subsection 35(2) of the Australian Capital Territory
(Self Government) Act 1988, a declaration of the
Governor-General rendered the Bill ineffective.
[26]. Of the first
70 submissions to the Senate Committee inquiry, 67 have concerns
with the Bill and feel it needs further work and consultation or it
should be rejected out of hand. Of the three favourable
submissions, who have no concerns over consultation, one is
strongly in favour of ending the permit system (Mr Chris Tangey,
Submission No. 1), and two are in favour of the ban on pornography,
although they believe it should go further (Australian Christian
Lobby, Submission No. 2 and Festival of Light, Submission No.
37).
[27]. Mr Sean
Brennan, Submission No. 40, p. 1.
[28]. In his speech
Continuity and change through the new arrangements Lessons for
addressing the crisis of child sexual abuse in the Northern
Territory , launch of the Social Justice Report and Native Title
Report 2006, Tuesday, 3 July 2007, Turner Hall, Sydney Institute of
TAFE, Ultimo.
[30]. Adopted and
opened for signature and ratification by General Assembly
resolution 2106 (XX) of 21 December 1965, entry into force 4
January 1969. Australia ratified on 30 Oct 1975.
[32]. Gerhardy
v Brown (1985) 159 CLR 70 at 135.
[34]. The well
established constitutional principle that the stream cannot rise
above its source maybe applicable in this case, Australian
Competition and Consumer Commission v CG Berbatis Holdings Pty
Ltd [2003] HCA 18; Residual Assco Group v Spalvins [2000] HCA
33; 202 CLR 629; 172 ALR 366; 74 ALJR 1013 (13 June 2000).
[35]. Consideration
of Reports Submitted by States Parties under Article 9 of the
Convention, Concluding observations of the Committee on Australia
CERD/C/AUS/CO/14, March 2005. Committee on the Elimination of
Racial Discrimination, Sixty-sixth session, 21 February -
11 March 2005. The source of the Concluding Observations are
the advance unedited version issued by the Committee, http://www.humanrights.gov.au/cerd/report.html.
[37]. The
Commonwealth can make laws with respect to (xxxi) the acquisition
of property on just terms from any State or person for any purpose
in respect of which the Parliament has power to make laws
[39]. A.R.
Blackshield and G. Williams, Australian Constitutional Law and
Theory, 4th edition, Federation Press, Annandale, 2006,
p.1289.
[41]. J. Quick and
R. Garran, The annotated constitution of the Australian
Commonwealth, Angus & Robertson, Sydney, p. 641.
[49]. See
especially the submissions by the Gilbert and Tobin Centre of
Public Law, submission nos.
40 and
40a, plus evidence presented by the Law Council of Australia
based on submission
no. 52. The Committee Hansard for the 10 August 2007 hearing
will be available
here.
[52]. Quoted in Tim
Colebatch, Learning a purpose in life , The Age, 26 June
2007.
[54]. Lenore Taylor
Crisis plan could cost $5bn , The Australian Financial
Review, 27 June 2007.
[56]. There are at
least three concepts of cost. First, there is the addition to
government spending resulting from the response. The opportunity
cost is what could be done with the resources devoted to the
response. Finally, there is what might be called the
cost-accounting measure, which seeks to measure the total cost of
resources used, directly and indirectly (for example, overhead
costs), to implement the response.
[57]. Hon. M.
Brough (Minister for Families, Community Services and Indigenous
Affairs), Second reading speech: Northern Territory National
Emergency Response Bill 2007 , House of Representatives,
Debates, 7 August 2007, p. 11.
[58]. All amounts
are sourced from the Minister s second reading speeches for Bill
(No. 1) and Bill (No. 2) and the second reading speech for
Bill (No.1) circulated by the House of Representatives Table Office
with the Bill.
[59]. In the 2007
08 Budget the Government committed $293.6 million over four years
to start up the new Australian Remote Indigenous Accommodation
(ARIA) Programme, additional to funding of $380 million per year
for Indigenous housing. This is not, however, committed
specifically to the Northern Territory.
[61]. ALRA 3(1)
defines aboriginal land as
(a) land held by a Land Trust for an estate in fee simple; or
(b) land the subject of a deed of grant held in escrow by a Land
Council.
[64]. Peter D Abbs,
Dry areas, alcohol and aboriginal communities: a review of
the Northern Territory restricted areas
legislation, 1990 (revised).
[66]. Clause 16 would make it an offence to
wrongly remove or damage a notice.
[67]. $1100 is 10 penalty units, and $2200 is 20 penalty
units. Section 4AA of the Crimes Act 1914 defines penalty
unit as $110.
[73]. D. Shanahan
and J. Rowbotham, Howard s net porn crusade , The
Australian, 10 August 2007, p. 1.
[76]. Anderson/Wild
report, op. cit., p. 6.
[79]. Anderson/Wild
report, op. cit., p. 199.
[81]. Andrew
Colley, Internet predator protection in weeks , The
Australian, 31 July 2007, p. 32.
[82]. Laynhapuy
Homelands Association Incorporated, submission
No. 38 to the Senate inquiry.
[83]. Minister
Brough, National emergency response to protect Aboriginal
children in the NT, media release, 21 June
2007.
[87]. Pearson warns PM on home title fears , The
Australian, 14 April 2005.
[89]. Jon Altman, Craig Linkhorn and Jennifer Clarke,
assisted by Bill Fogarty and Kali Napier, Land rights and
development reform in remote Australia, Oxfam Australia, 2005,
p. 5.
[94]. See for example, Will Sanders, Being a good
senior manager in Indigenous community governance: Working with
public purpose and private benefit , Seminar paper, August
2005, Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, Australian
National University; Peter Gale, Decades of Neglect: Remote Indigenous
Communities and the Myths about Money Centre for Policy
Development, 2006; Janet Hunt & Diane Smith,
Strengthening Indigenous Community Governance: A step towards
advancing Reconciliation in Australia , Paper presented at
Peace, Justice and Reconciliation in the Asia-Pacific Region
Conference, April 1-3, 2005, Queensland University.
[96]. Anderson/Wild
Report, p. 12.
[100]. Nicole
Watson, Jumbunna Indigenous House of Learning, University of
Technology, Sydney,
Submission No. 47, Senate Inquiry into the Northern Territory
Emergency Response Bill 2007, 9 August 2007, p. 3.
[101]. This table
provides for specific modifications to Part 13 of the Local
Government Act (NT).
[102].
Explanatory Memorandum, p. [iii].
[103]. R. Peake, Stanhope
to defy Brough on law , Canberra Times, 10 July 2006, p.
3. A. Buckley-Carr, State stands firm as controversy rages ,
The Australian, 16 June 2006, p. 24.
[105]. Law
Council of Australia, submission
no. 3 to the Senate inquiry into the Crimes Amendment (Bail and
Sentencing) Bill 2006.
[106]. Explanatory Memorandum, p. [iii].
[107]. Explanatory Memorandum, p. 56. The income
management regime, a statutory scheme which Government intends to
establish under what will be the Social Security and Other
Legislation Amendment (Welfare Payment Reform) Act 2007, may
involve arrangements where a portion of a welfare recipient s
payment will be paid to an account established for this purpose by
a community store so that the recipient can use the amounts
credited to purchase food and other goods from the store.
[108]. It is
interesting to note, however, that Vince Kelly, the President of
the NT Police Association, has cast doubt on the Anderson/Wild
report and has said there was still no concrete evidence to support
claims child sex-abuse was rampant in Aboriginal communities
territory-wide. (AAP, NT: Child abuse report lacks evidence and
substance police, 13 August 2007).
Kirsty Magarey, Diane Spooner, Sue Harris-Rimmer,
Patrick O’Neill, Moira Coombs, Bronwen Jaggers, Juli Tomaras,
PaoYi Tan
Law and Bills Digest Section
Coral Dow, John Gardiner-Garden, Rhonda Jolly
Social Policy Section
13 August 2007
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