Bills Digest no. 21 2007–08
Families, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs and
Other Legislation Amendment (Northern
Territory National Emergency Response and Other
Measures) Bill 2007
WARNING:
This Digest was prepared for debate. It reflects the legislation as
introduced and does not canvass subsequent amendments. This Digest
does not have any official legal status. Other sources should be
consulted to determine the subsequent official status of the
Bill.
CONTENTS
Passage history
Purpose
Background
Financial implications
Main provisions
Conclusion
Endnotes
Contact officer & copyright details
Passage history
-
banning the possession of pornography within
prescribed areas
-
extending the mandate of the Australian Crime
Commission to include Indigenous violence and child abuse
-
deploying Australian Federal Police as special
constables to the Northern Territory Police Force (NTPOL)
-
providing that the Commonwealth can retain an
interest in buildings and infrastructure on Aboriginal land if it
funds their construction or major upgrade, and
-
removing the permit system which currently
governs access to Aboriginal land in the NT.
The Bill was introduced to the Parliament
along with four other Bills as a package on 7 August 2007. The
other Bills are:
-
Social Security and Other Legislation Amendment
(Welfare Payment Reform) Bill 2007 (the Welfare Payment Bill)
-
Northern Territory National Emergency Response
Bill 2007 (the Emergency Response Bill)
-
Appropriation (Northern Territory National
Emergency Response) Bill (No. 1) 2007-2008, and
-
Appropriation (Northern Territory National
Emergency Response) Bill (No. 2) 2007-2008.
Due to the short time-frame allowed for
Parliamentary consideration, the Library produced an interim
Bills Digest on the package of Bills on 7 August, [1] and is now issuing a
separate Bills Digest on each Bill.
The quick passage of these Bills has been
unusual, if not unprecedented. The second reading debate in the
House of Representatives occurred cognately (all five Bills were
debated together), and they were passed on the evening of the date
of introduction. Relevant aspects of the debate in the House of
Representatives, including defeated ALP amendments to this Bill,
are considered in detail below. The Hansard can be accessed
here,
on pages 1 18 and 45 84.
On 7 August it was also announced in the media
that the Bills as a package would be sent for a Senate inquiry. The
Senate began the second reading debate on the Bills soon after
their introduction on 8 August (the Hansard can be accessed
here,
see pages 1 8 and 23 43).
The Bills were referred at whatever stage they
have reached by 12:45pm on Thursday 9 August for
inquiry to the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs
Committee for a
hearing on Friday 10 August, with the report to be tabled on
Monday 13 August. As of the hearing date, the Committee had
received over 150
submissions. The Bills are listed for debate on Monday 13 and
Tuesday 14 August and could be passed by the Tuesday.
The Australian Democrats and the Greens did
propose to send the Welfare Bill to the Community Affairs Committee
(which technically covers the FACSIA portfolio), and nominated
longer reporting dates, but these motions were defeated (see Senate
Hansard
for 8 August at pages 95 9).
The Explanatory Memorandum claims that the
purpose of the Bill is to provide for the Australian Government s
response to the national emergency confronting the welfare of
Aboriginal children in the Northern Territory, and other measures,
by amending existing Commonwealth legislation . [2]
This rationale flows from measures announced
by the Prime Minister and the Minister for Families, Community
Services and Indigenous Affairs on 21 June 2007, in response to
Ampe Akelyernemane Meke Mekarle Little Children are Sacred :
The Report of the Northern Territory Board of Inquiry into the
Protection of Aboriginal Children from Sexual Abuse, authored
by Pat Anderson and Rex Wild (the Anderson/Wild report). [3] Many commentators have
noted, however, that there appears to be very little overlap
between the 97 recommendations of the report and the measures which
the Federal Government announced and to which it now seeks to give
effect. Most of the recommendations in the report were addressed to
the NT Government. The Federal Government has said that it is
responding to the issue raised in the report, not to its
recommendations. The federal measures may not be called for in the
report, but that need not mean that these measures are inconsistent
with those being recommended in the report. It is noted that the
authors of the report have indicated their discontent with the
Federal Government s response.
Schedule 4 of the Bill makes
amendments to the current access arrangements to Aboriginal land in
the Northern Territory. The Commonwealth Aboriginal
Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act
1976 (ALRA) currently enables the permit system on Aboriginal
land in the Northern Territory. Section 70 makes it an offence for
a person to enter or remain on Aboriginal land except (among other
things) in accordance with the ALRA or with a law of the Northern
Territory (penalty: $1100). Section 73 gives the Northern Territory
Legislative Assembly power to make laws regulating or authorising
entry onto Aboriginal land, but any such laws must provide for the
right of Aboriginals to enter such land in accordance with
Aboriginal tradition.
In the Aboriginal Land Act (NT),
authorised by section 73 of the ALRA, section 4 makes it an offence
for people to enter or remain on Aboriginal land and certain roads
without a permit (penalty: $1000). Section 8 says the legislation
does not authorise the entry of a person to a living area without
the permission of the owner or the occupant. Section 11 empowers
the Administrator, on the recommendation of a Land Council, to
declare an area of Aboriginal land or a road to be an open area or
open road which can be entered without a permit.
Permits can be issued by the traditional
owners of the area concerned, the relevant Land Council, the
Administrator of the Northern Territory (where a person has applied
for a permit to use a road and been refused or the permit has not
been issued in a reasonable time) and, if in respect of certain
Commonwealth or Northern Territory Government employees, the
relevant Northern Territory Minister.
The Land Council and the traditional owners
can revoke their own or each other s permits and delegate their
authority to issue permits. Most permits are issued without
charge.
Reform of the
permit system was first recommended in Building on Land Rights
for the Next Generation: Report of the Review of the
Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern
Territory) Act 1976 (August 1998), known as the
'Reeve report'. John Reeve Q.C. found that:
In many respects the permit system is a carry
over from the native welfare system that applied to Aboriginal
reserves in the Northern Territory prior to the introduction of the
Act. Under that system, Aboriginal people were not allowed to
travel off those reserves without permission and other Australians
were not allowed to enter those reserves without permission. Whilst
the former aspect has not been retained in the permit system, the
latter has.
It is patently clear that the permit system is in need of
reform.
If the permit system were removed and Aboriginal
people were provided with similar rights in relation to their land
to those held by other Territorians, Aboriginal people would not be
disadvantaged in the process. Indeed, in my view, they would be
considerably advantaged by being unburdened of a system they do not
support and from the improvement in race relations that would
probably follow as a result of the removal of a racially
discriminatory measure.
[4]
-
section 70 of the Act should be repealed
-
Part II of the Aboriginal Land Act
(NT) should be repealed, and
-
amendments should be made to the Trespass
Act (NT) to make it applicable to Aboriginal land and to allow
Aboriginal landowners to make better use of it.
In the years that followed, there were few
other public challenges to the wisdom of the permit system, but it
was questioned by a magistrate in 2002. [5] On 12 September 2006, the Minister for
Families, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs, the Hon Mal
Brough MP, announced a reconsideration of Commonwealth legislation
allowing for the permit system that restricts entry to some remote
Indigenous communities. The Minister put the view that increased
external scrutiny would be in the interests of vulnerable persons
in what are closed communities, and that liberalisation would also
bring economic benefits that would help to promote the
self-reliance and prosperity of Aboriginal people in remote
communities. [6]
In October 2006 Minister Brough issued a
discussion paper [7]
to examine and seek comment on options for an improved system of
access to Aboriginal land under the ALRA and related legislation
that would both respect the integrity of Aboriginal land and
facilitate the normal interactions necessary for social and
economic development. Minister Brough presented the problem of the
current arrangements as follows:
The permit system is a vestige of the former protectionist
system of Aboriginal reserves under which entering or leaving
Aboriginal lands was restricted. While Aboriginal people are now of
course free to leave, entry restrictions for non-Aboriginal people
remain. While the current system was put in place with the best of
intentions, its maintenance is no longer appropriate. With modern
communications having broken down many of the barriers of
remoteness, the current paper system of permits is increasingly
anachronistic and ineffective. It is clear that, despite its
restrictions, the current permit system has not prevented the
scourge of drug trafficking or violence and abuse occurring in many
communities.
[T]he permit system is not an alternative to adequate policing.
Arguably the permit system serves only to restrict those inclined
to respect the law not those who already flout the law and operate
in spite of the permit system [8]
Minister Brough argued that a new system
regulating access to Aboriginal land should operate to:
-
ensure the normal interactions of society can
occur, including external scrutiny
-
allow individual Aboriginal people to engage
with and benefit from the market economy without hindrance
-
distinguish between communal or public space
and private space on Aboriginal land
-
ensure open access to public space , including
townships and related roads
-
protect the privacy of private space ,
including residences and most Aboriginal land
-
respect Aboriginal culture on traditional
lands, particularly in the support it gives to protection of sacred
sites and to ceremonies
-
continue to allow for effective land management
by Aboriginal groups, and
-
be simple to administer, preferably by
government, to ensure transparency and accountability.
[9]
Minister Brough presented five options, of
which Option Two was
2. Provide open access to communal or public
space (such as townships and roads) and maintain the current
permit-based system of restricted access to non-public spaces (such
as private residences and sacred sites). This option would need
legislation and work defining public and non-public spaces, but
give greater potential for inhabitants to engage with the market
economy and mainstream society.
[10]
It was not explicit which of the five options
was being favoured by the Government when the Minister announced
the National emergency response to protect Aboriginal children in
the NT , but the current amendments look most like Option
Two. [11] The Minister s media release included the
stated intention of scrapping the permit system for common
areas, road corridors and airstrips for prescribed communities on
Aboriginal land . That announcement, along with earlier and
subsequent ones, however, drew many expressions of concern.
Some submissions to the discussion paper,
resubmitted to the Senate inquiry on this Bill argue that the
permit system was not a major contributor to community
underdevelopment and social dysfunction, that its scrapping was not
one of the recommendations of the Rex/Wild report, and that it
would only make the control of alcohol, drugs and outside predators
even more problematic. [12] As the Law Council of Australia states:
There is no evidence presented in the discussion
paper that the permit system unnecessarily impedes media access to
Aboriginal lands, or has contributed to the economic and social
isolation of Aboriginal communities. The prevailing view among
experts in this area is that the poor economic and social outcomes
for Indigenous Australians remain tied to poor service delivery,
lack of housing, lack of employment opportunities, lack of
education and training, poor health and life expectancy and serious
drug and alcohol problems affecting Indigenous populations in both
metropolitan and regional areas.
[13]
The Police Federation of Australia goes
further in support of the current system:
Operational police on the ground in the Northern
Territory believe that the permit system is a useful tool in
policing the communities, particularly in policing alcohol and
drug-related crime. It would be most unfortunate if by opening up
the permit system in the larger public townships and the connecting
road corridors as the Government intends, law enforcement efforts
to address the rivers of grog , the distribution of pornography,
and the drug running and petrol sniffing were made more difficult.
[14]
Readers are referred to a comprehensive
report on the permit system by Professor Jon Altman was
provided to the Senate inquiry as an attachment to submission no.
51 by Oxfam Australia. [15] Professor Altman finds no evidence that the partial
abolition of the permit system will reduce child sex abuse, and
finds the amendments may be unworkable in practice.
The legislation has provoked strong critical
reactions and an equally strong defence by the Government. The view
by former Territory Labor MLA John Ah Kit that the legislation
represents the beginning of the end for Aboriginal culture and is
in some way genocide was widely reported. [16] Former Federal Court judge Murray
Wilcox said the legislation was so blatantly discriminatory it s
grotesque . [17]
Minister Mal Brough stated that anyone who queried the funding
amount of $570 million in the first year was either not a parent or
did not have a soul . [18]
During the House of Representatives debate,
the Opposition moved several amendments relating to the Racial
Discrimination Act 1975, the permit system, and the need for a
review after one year. However, Opposition leader Kevin Rudd stated
that the ALP broadly supported the Bills. [19]
The plan also has some indigenous supporters.
John Moriarty, a member of the National Indigenous Council, gave
evidence to the Senate inquiry that the plan was a breath of fresh
air . [20] Noel
Pearson, director of the Cape York Institute, has acknowledged that
while certain aspects of the plan have been clumsy and
ill-conceived , the Government was right to take immediate
action:
To those who have argued the Government has a
hidden agenda of taking control of Aboriginal land, Pearson says
that if there is a land grab it will empower Aboriginals by giving
them a chance to obtain private leasehold title for housing and
businesses. In any event, he says, social order must count ahead of
land rights in the priorities of indigenous Australians.
[21]
Northern Territory Chief Minister Clare Martin
stated that she was opposed to the Bills and was disappointed by
federal Labor s decision to support the changes to the permit
system and five year leases. Ms Martin said the reforms had nothing
to do with attacking the problem of child abuse and were widely
opposed by the people they were intended to help. She said the
message from bush communities was loud and clear :
Don t take our land or change the permit
system...That message was delivered by the Aboriginal delegation in
Canberra and I am disappointed the message has not been heard.
[22]
The general media response can be sampled by a
survey of the editorials of major Australian newspapers from 8
August 2007, compiled by the AAP:
The Australian felt that sweeping
laws to combat indigenous child abuse in the Northern Territory are
the 'first step on a long, worthy, if costly road':
There is a huge potential for things to go
wrong, but it is difficult to envisage a worse situation that the
one that exists.
[23]
The Adelaide Advertiser felt the
Howard Government has 'abused parliament by rushing through 500
pages of legislation covering the intervention into NT indigenous
communities':
Who is to say that in the detail the government
has not given itself unintended or undesirable powers?
[24]
The Age in Melbourne also focused on
the democratic process and said the Federal Government was 'wrong
to expect the House of Representatives to approve the federal
takeovers of Northern Territory Aboriginal communities and of the
Murray-Darling Basin within a day of legislation being
introduced':
The Opposition, though, is so desperate to avoid
being split this late in the term that yesterday it decided to
support the legislation, while proposing some amendments as a sop
to Labor consciences concerned by its discriminatory elements.
[25]
The Northern Territory News said the
'only valid argument against scrapping permits to enter Aboriginal
land - that grog runners and drug smugglers would have a field day
- would be nullified by the laws', but identified a 'loophole' for
fishermen:
Does this mean grog runners will be able to pack
a fishing rod along with the cartons of beer and claim they are
going fishing?
[26]
The Australian Financial Review saw
the reforms as moving back to a policy of assimilation and
asked:
Whether you think such a shift is a good idea,
it is profoundly shocking that it is taking place with virtually no
public debate. But even if you put this lack of debate aside, the
reasons for the bureaucratic and cabinet disquiet are alarming. The
bureaucracy s concern is simply about whether it has the physical
capacity to implement the plan without creating a disaster.
[27]
See also David Marr,
Entering Dangerous Territory, Sydney Morning Herald,
11 August 2007, p. 33.
The Explanatory Memorandum states that the
total resourcing for the measures contained in the Bill for the
2007 08 financial year is $4.9 million. [28] See further the 'Financial
Implications' section of the Emergency Response Bills Digest.
Clause 4 suspends part of the
operation of the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (the RDA).
See extended discussion of the RDA issues in the 'Background'
section of the Bills Digest on the Emergency Response Bill. See
also the
submission and evidence of the Human Rights and Equal
Opportunity Commission to the Senate
inquiry.
Schedule 1 amends the Commonwealth
Classification (Publications, Films and Computer Games) Act
1995 (the Classification Act) to prohibit the possession,
control and supply of pornography in prescribed areas . [29]
Pornography or prohibited material as it is
described in the Bill is films (including DVDs and videos) or
publications that have been classified by the Commonwealth
Classification Board according to the Classification Code as RC
(Refused Classification), X18+ (sexually explicit material) and
Category 1 or Category 2 Restricted material, as well as
unclassified material likely to be classified in those
categories.
The Explanatory Memorandum notes that the
Anderson/Wild report revealed that the availability of pornography
in Indigenous communities is a factor that contributes to child
sexual abuse in those communities, the grooming of children for
sex, and the normalisation of inappropriate sexualised and violent
behaviour in children. [30]
The Bill s provisions for the prohibition of
pornographic material are therefore the Government s response to
this problem, and as the Explanatory Memorandum argues, they are
necessary to help in the establishment of normal standards in
Indigenous communities.
The Classification Act facilitates the
operation of a national classification scheme, a cooperative
arrangement between the Commonwealth, states and territories. The
Classification Act provides that the Classification Board shall
classify films (including videos and DVDs), computer games and
certain publications according to the National Classification Code.
As part of the national scheme, each state and territory has
enacted complementary classification enforcement legislation that
prescribes penalties for classification offences and provides for
enforcement of classification decisions in the particular
jurisdictions. [31]
In the Northern Territory, the
Classification of Publications, Films and Computer Games
Act 2005 (NT) provides the framework for prohibitions
on dealing with pornography of different classification categories
and enforcement. Restrictions apply to the sale, exhibition,
attendance at and copying of films and computer games which are
unclassified, or classified RC, or films which are classified X18+.
In addition, there are restrictions on the sale or delivery of
publications which are unclassified, classified RC or classified
Category 1 Restricted or Category 2 Restricted. [32] In the Northern Territory (as in
the Australian Capital Territory), the sale and hire of X18+
classified material is permitted but on a restricted basis.
Item 1 inserts a new
Part 10 into the Classification Act to prohibit the
possession, control and supply of pornography in prescribed areas
.
The Bill distinguishes between two types of
prohibited material:
-
Level 1 prohibited material, which is
essentially sexually explicit material classified as X18+, Category
1 Restricted or Category 2 Restricted, and
-
Level 2 prohibited material, which is
Refused Classification (RC) material.
The Bill in proposed sections
101 and 102 makes the possession or
control of prohibited material an offence in prescribed areas.
Unlike existing offences in Northern Territory legislation, the
prohibition applies to mere possession of the prohibited material
without any intention of selling, copying or hiring. The penalty is
50 penalty units (i.e. $5,500) in relation to level 1 prohibited
material and 100 penalty units for level 2 prohibited material.
Proposed section 103
prohibits the supply of prohibited material (both levels 1 and 2)
in and to prescribed areas. Supply includes preparation,
transportation, guarding, concealing or possession with the
intention to supply to a person in a prescribed area. Supply is
defined broadly and includes distribution on a not-for-profit
basis. The penalty for this offence is 100 penalty units. For the
supply of five or more prohibited items, the onus of proof is
reversed and the penalty is 200 penalty units and/or imprisonment
for two years. A reversal of the onus of proof means the defendant
must prove that he or she did not have the requisite intention or
belief. The Explanatory Memorandum argues that the reversal of the
onus of proof in this context is considered appropriate to assist
in prosecutions of people trafficking in commercial quantities of
prohibited material. [33] By way of comparison, the Northern Territory
Classification Act contains an offence of possessing with intention
to sell or exhibit RC classified films or unclassified films likely
to be classified RC or R18+. The penalty is 200 penalty units
and/or 2 years imprisonment and where a person has made 10 or more
such copies, the onus of proof is reversed (section 50C).
Proposed sections 106 109
provide for police powers to seize and destroy prohibited material
. Entry and search must be done by warrant or consent in accordance
with Part 1AA of the Crimes Act 1914. The Northern
Territory Classification Act, like other state and territory
classification Acts, also contains similar search and seizure
provisions.
Proposed section 100
clarifies that the offences in Part 10 are to apply in addition to
state and territory legislation. Similarly proposed section
111 clarifies that the search and seizure powers in this
Part operate in addition to state and territory legislation.
Proposed section 113 refers
to compulsory acquisition of property, presumably relating to any
seized films, videos and publications. The provision is drafted
according to a formula used in other Schedules of the Bill for
acquisition of property. It suspends subsection 50(2) of the
Northern Territory Self-Government Act 1978,
which refers to the acquisition of property on just terms according
to section 51(xxxi) of the Constitution. It also provides that
where there is an acquisition of property to which section 51(xxxi)
applies, then the Commonwealth is liable to pay a reasonable amount
of compensation . Further discussion of acquisition-of-property
provisions is found at page 20 of the Digest.
The provisions in Schedule 1 are subject to a
five-year sunset clause.
The Explanatory Memorandum states that the
amendments in Schedule 2 to the powers and functions of the
Australian Crime Commission (ACC) and Australian Federal Police are
designed to protect Aboriginal children in the Northern Territory
from harm . [34]
The proposed amendments in Schedule
2 relating to the Australian Crime Commission were not
part of the Anderson/Wild report or any debate preceding the Bill s
introduction, apart from general discussions of law and order .
Schedule 2, Part 1 amends the
Australian Crime Commission Act 2002 (ACC Act).
The ACC (formerly the National
Crime Authority but with enhanced intelligence functions) commenced
operations on 1 January 2003. According to the latest Annual
Report, the aim of the ACC is to reduce the incidence and impact of
serious and organised criminal activity on the Australian community
(see section 7A of the ACC Act). [35]
To achieve this aim, the ACC has a range of
special coercive powers such as the capacity to compel attendance
at examinations, production of documents and the answering of
questions (similar to a Royal Commission). The ACC also has an
intelligence-gathering capacity and a range of investigative powers
common to law-enforcement agencies, such as the power to tap
phones, use surveillance devices and participate in controlled
operations. These powers will be expanded if the Crimes Legislation
Amendment (National Investigative Powers and Witness Protection)
Bill 2006 currently before the House of Representatives is passed
by the Parliament. [36] Another Bill before the Parliament, the
Telecommunications (Interception and Access) Bill 2007, if passed,
will deem all child-pornography offences to be serious offences for
the purpose of obtaining a warrant to intercept phone calls,
emails, and other forms of telecommunications. [37]
The National
Indigenous Violence and Child Abuse Intelligence Task Force
(NIITF) was announced in July 2006, and will coordinate national
action in the collection and sharing of information and
intelligence relating to child abuse, violence, drugs, alcohol,
pornography and fraud affecting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island
communities. Activities will be coordinated by the Task Force s
operational head, based in Alice Springs, with support from ACC and
jurisdictional staff working from Darwin and other ACC offices.
Subject to ACC Board approval, the NIITF will operate until late
2008, with a final report to the ACC Board due in mid-2009. The ACC
website for the NIITF states:
The fundamental drivers of Indigenous violence
and child abuse are social and economic. Accordingly, the NIITF is
adopting an approach which is non punitive and respectful of
Indigenous people and cultures. National and regional level
consultative arrangements will be established, where possible
utilising existing structures. In these processes, particular
efforts will be made to engage with and involve Indigenous elders,
leaders and women s groups.
[38]
The Law Society of the NT was critical of this
development at the time because of the Star Chamber powers of the
ACC. The Society stated in a media release that:
Threatening witnesses with gaol is unlikely to
help if Indigenous people are already facing an environment of
threats and intimidation.
[39]
Under existing subsection 7C(c), the Board can
authorise the ACC, in writing, to undertake intelligence operations
or to investigate matters relating to federally relevant
criminal activity. [40]
The main change made by Division 1
(items 1 to 14) is that the words serious and organised
crime are deleted from the definition of federally relevant
criminal activity (and elsewhere in the definitions subsection
4(1)) and replaced with the term relevant crime.
Item 6 inserts a new
definition of relevant crime into subsection 4(1) to
include:
(a) serious and organised crime; or
(b) Indigenous violence or child abuse.
Indigenous violence or child abuse is
further defined widely in item 5 as serious
violence or child abuse committed by or against, or involving, an
indigenous person . Serious violence is further defined in
item 9 as limited to an offence punishable by a
minimum three years imprisonment. Child abuse is also
defined in item 2 as limited to an offence
punishable by a minimum three years imprisonment.
The Explanatory Memorandum explains that the
Government fully intends the full range of ACC powers to be
directed at the issue, and that it is clearly envisaged by the
Government that these offences would not normally be caught by the
term organised crime .
Offences concerning Indigenous violence or child abuse
(including sexual offences) are unlikely to meet the first set of
elements, which require that the offence involves two or more
offenders, substantial planning and organisation, and the use of
sophisticated methods and techniques. Even if the first set of
elements were met, not all offences relevant to Indigenous violence
or child abuse would be captured by the list of the type of
offences which for present purposes would be limited to violence
offences and certain Commonwealth child sex offences involving the
use of a carriage service.
The government wishes to ensure that the existing special
coercive powers of the ACC should be available for the purpose of
an operation/investigation (or special operation/investigation)
into Indigenous violence or child abuse, should the ACC Board
decide that their use for this purpose should be authorised.
[41]
The amendments in Division 2
would allow an ACC examiner to request or compel information,
documents or things held by a state or territory agency that are
relevant to an operation/investigation, provided an arrangement is
in force between the Commonwealth and the state or territory.
Presumably this will allow the ACC to compel information from the
NT Government.
The Division 3 amendments
would extend the term of appointment for ACC examiners from five to
10 years. The Explanatory Memorandum does not explain how this
amendment is in any way connected to the Bill s purpose.
Schedule 2, Part 2 amends the
Australian Federal Police Act 1979 (the AFP Act) to put
beyond doubt that members of the Australian Federal Police (AFP)
deployed to the Northern Territory Police Service (NTPOL) and
appointed special constables can exercise all of the powers and
duties of a member of the NTPOL under Northern Territory
legislation.
The provisions are made retrospective to 21
June 2007, the date of the first deployment of AFP officers to the
Northern Territory.
Schedule
3 of the Bill grants the Commonwealth and the NT
Government an ongoing property interest in any building or major
renovation funded on Aboriginal land. This Schedule (especially
proposed section 20ZD) should be assessed in
conjunction with changes to leases proposed by Part 4 of the
Emergency Response Bill.
Readers are
directed to the breakdown of the available costings for the
emergency plan in the accompanying Bills Digest for the
Appropriation (Northern Territory National Emergency Response) Bill
(No. 1) 2007-2008, which refers to a range of Commonwealth building
programs, such as accommodation for Commonwealth public
servants.
There is a
question mark as to whether these amendments could in practice
trigger a compulsory acquisition of property rights (discussed
further below under Schedule 4).
The question also
arises as to whether a renovation over the defined threshold amount
of $50 000 is sufficient to grant an exclusive statutory right
(proposed section 20W).
Schedule
4 Access to Aboriginal land
Schedule 4 of the Bill
effectively scraps the existing permit system relating to common
areas of Aboriginal land and allows entry for a wide range of
people (highlighted in
options 2 and 3 of the Brough discussion paper, outlined
above).
Item 9 repeals existing
subsection 70(2A) of the ALRA and replaces it with a new
subsection 70(2A) which details a long list of people who
may enter or remain on Aboriginal land, including:
-
the Governor-General or appointees
-
the Northern Territory Administrator or
deputy
-
a member of the Commonwealth Parliament or the
Northern Territory Legislative Assembly
-
a candidate for election to the Commonwealth
Parliament (representing an NT electorate or as an NT Senator) or
to the Northern Territory Legislative Assembly
-
a person performing functions under the ALRA or
another law of the Commonwealth or under a law of the Northern
Territory
-
a person performing functions as a Commonwealth
or Northern Territory officer (that is, an employee or
appointee)
-
a person performing functions as a NT local
government officer, member or employee, or
-
a person acting in accordance with the ALRA or
a law of the Northern Territory.
In addition, under proposed
new section 70(2BB), the Minister would be able to
authorise a specified person, or any class of persons, to enter or
remain on Aboriginal land. This provision has a sunset
clause of five years from commencement
(70(2BD).
Under proposed section 70F, a
person would be able to enter and remain on a common area within
community land, if the entry or remaining was not for a purpose
that is unlawful. A common area is defined as an area that is
generally used by members of the community concerned, but does not
include a building, a sacred site, or other areas which may be
prescribed by regulation (subsection 70F(20)).
Some temporary restrictions may apply to protect privacy for events
such as cultural ceremonies.
Access to common areas would not apply in
relation to areas that are covered by leases under section 19 of
the ALRA (subsection 70F(2)). Regulations may be
made providing that specified common areas are taken to be public
parks for the purposes of NT law relating to public parks
(subsection 70F(5)). The relevant Land Trust will
not be obliged to maintain a common area to a level that is
suitable for use by the public, and will not be liable for any
loss, damage or injury to a person using a common area
(subsection 70F(8)).
Proposed new Schedule 7 of
the ALRA details all community land in the NT.
Proposed new sections 70B, 70C, 70D
and 70E allow a person to use a road, aerodrome or
boat-landing place to travel to and from any community land,
provided that the purpose of access to the community land is not
unlawful. Some temporary restrictions may apply to protect privacy
for events and to protect public health and safety (for example for
road upgrades or repairs).
A person will be able to enter or remain on
Aboriginal land to attend a court hearing (proposed s.
70G).
Item
18 provides for compensation for acquisition of
property:
(1) Subsection 50(2) of the Northern Territory
(Self-Government) Act 1978 does not apply in relation to any
acquisition of property referred to in that subsection that occurs
as a result of:
(a) the operation of this Schedule; or
(b) an action taken under, or in accordance
with, section 70B, 70C, 70D, 70E, 70F or 70G of the Aboriginal
Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976 (as
inserted by this Schedule).
(a) the operation of this Schedule; or
(b) an action taken under, or in accordance
with, section 70B, 70C, 70D, 70E, 70F or 70G of the Aboriginal
Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976 (as inserted by this
Schedule);
would result in an acquisition of property to
which paragraph 51(xxxi) of the Constitution applies from a person
otherwise than on just terms, the Commonwealth is liable to pay a
reasonable amount of compensation to the person.
(3) If the Commonwealth and the person do not agree on the
amount of the compensation, the person may institute proceedings in
a court of competent jurisdiction for the recovery from the
Commonwealth of such reasonable amount of compensation as the court
determines.
(4) In subitem (2):
acquisition of property has the same
meaning as in paragraph 51(xxxi) of the Constitution.
just terms has the same meaning as in
paragraph 51(xxxi) of the Constitution.
The sections
discussed in this context include:
-
Proposed sections 60 to 64
(acquisition of leases) and 134 (catch-all) in the
Emergency Response Bill
-
Proposed new section 113 in
Schedule 1 of this Bill (amends the
Classification (Publications, Films and Computer Games) Act
1995 to prohibit classified material (pornography) in
prescribed areas compulsory acquisition presumably relates to any
seized material), and
-
Item 18 of Schedule 4 (under
present discussion)
Also notable is Schedule 3 of
this Bill, which grants the Commonwealth an ongoing property
interest in any building or major renovation it undertakes on
Aboriginal land. There is no acquisition section in Schedule 3.
There is a question as to whether these amendments could in
practice trigger a compulsory acquisition of property rights.
In considering whether the provisions are
constitutional, there is a threshold question.
Does the constitutional
guarantee in section 51(xxxi) apply to the Commonwealth acquisition
of Aboriginal land in the NT?
The law surrounding section 51(xxxi) of the
Constitution is complex in relation to its application to the
territories. This is for two reasons, firstly that section 51(xxxi)
is not expressed to apply to territories, only the states, and
secondly because of the plenary nature of section 122 of the
Constitution, which allows the Commonwealth unlimited power to make
laws for the government of any territory.
For example, it was long thought that section
51(xxxi) had no application to acquisitions of property in the
Northern Territory. This flowed from the High Court s
interpretation of section 122 ( the territories power ) in
Teori Tau, a unanimous 1969 decision which was upheld in a
number of subsequent cases well into the 1990s. [42]
However, in the Newcrest decision in
1997, a majority of four to three held that the constitutional
requirement of just terms could apply in the Northern Territory.
Three judges overruled Teori Tau, while Toohey J refused
to do so but substantially narrowed its application. [43] The upshot is that the
application of section 51(xxxi) in the Northern Territory is not a
foregone conclusion, but that present authority leans heavily
towards its application to acquisitions under Commonwealth law
where they are referable to a legislative power other than the
territories power in section 122.
This issue was recently discussed in
Bennett v Commonwealth (2007) 234 ALR 204 at
paragraph 194 of the decision, showing that the area is still open
for debate.
Teori Tau v The Commonwealth was
considered in
Newcrest Mining (WA) Ltd v The
Commonwealth, which was concerned with mining leases over land
in the Northern Territory. Commonwealth legislation purported to
operate on the land contained within those leases. A majority of
the Court (Toohey, Gaudron, Gummow and Kirby JJ) held that
s 51(xxxi) fettered the Commonwealth s legislative power
generally, while three Justices of the majority (Gaudron, Gummow
and Kirby JJ) would have overruled
Teori Tau v The
Commonwealth and found that s 51(xxxi) fettered
s 122 as well. Toohey J, however, thought it would be a
serious step to overrule a decision which has stood for nearly
thirty years and which reflects an approach which may have been
relied on in earlier years . His Honour was therefore unwilling to
overrule it.
[44]
It could be argued that as the permit system
is a creature of statute, it can be taken away by statute without
attracting the constitutional guarantee (in other words, it is an
inherently defeasible right). However, statutory rights
can be property for the purposes of section 51(xxxi), and there is
an argument as to whether the permit system is merely a
codification of private property rights, communally held, which
give property holders the right to exclude others. [45]
If section 51(xxxi) does apply, are the Bill s
provisions valid?
Current position
If subsection 50(2) were not suspended,
acquisition of property in the NT would be on just terms pursuant
to subsection 50(2) of the
Northern Territory (Self-Government) Act 1978. This would
be interpreted in accordance with the common law, that is, it must
be fair and even if an amount is not specified, there should be a
fair and just procedural framework for the determination of
compensation.
If the Bills pass
All the acquisition provisions above displace
subsection 50(2) of the NT Self-Government Act. This is possible
due to the fact that the Self-Government Act is a creature of the
Commonwealth Parliament. There is an argument that the Commonwealth
wanted the entire scheme to be found in a single Commonwealth
Act.
However, the upshot is that, in lieu of a
provision that reflects the standard constitutional position, a new
formula which has not been the subject of judicial scrutiny in this
context is being proposed.
What is different to the current
position?
The new provisions refer to an acquisition on
just terms and reference section 51(xxxi) but also use the formula
reasonable amount of compensation .
The use of this formula seems to have three
possible distinctions:
-
it does not specifically apply paragraph
51(xxxi) to the acquisition
-
it does not require just terms
-
if the acquisition is otherwise than on just
terms, the Commonwealth is liable to pay a reasonable amount of
compensation , as distinct from just terms .
The proposed compensation scheme could
therefore be read as providing that the Commonwealth should provide
just terms but if not, then a reasonable amount of compensation is
to be paid. Providing a list of issues for the court raises the
question of whether the Government is trying to displace the
judicial discretion of solatium.
Solatium is a term basically meaning
compensation to a person for non-financial disadvantage resulting
from the necessity of the person to relocate his or her principal
place of residence as a result of its acquisition.
Solatium in the context of
compulsorily acquiring Aboriginal land has been considered very
complex by property valuers. [46]
The Minister has been reported in the media
referring to the notion of in-kind compensation such as education
grants, renovations and so forth as reasonable.
Mr Brough said rent and improvements , including
infrastructure programs, could count as compensation. And he
conceded some traditional owners might have to wait a long time
until they received any compensation.
[47]
In the Senate hearing on 10
August, a Federal Government official refused to say what form the
compensation will take when more than 70 Aboriginal communities are
taken over for five years.
Greens Senator Rachel
Siewert asked senior government bureaucrat Wayne Gibbons what form
it would take.
What s been implied in the media is that provision of
infrastructure may be used as compensation and I ve just asked you
to guarantee to me that that is not the case and that the issues
around compensation are completely separate from the other
interventions.
The other provision of infrastructure and things like that and
you ve just said to me [that] you re not prepared to talk about it
now?
Mr Gibbons replied: No, because I believe I d
be prejudicing the Commonwealth in those negotiations, Senator .
[48]
In summary, the issues are:
-
there is no way of knowing what view the High
Court would take of in-kind compensation.
-
there is also clearly an argument, in fact
necessitated by the rules of statutory interpretation, that there
could be a divergence between compensation on just terms and
reasonable compensation.
This means that if the High Court finds that
section 51(xxxi) applies, there is certainly a question around the
invalidity of the formula reasonable amount of compensation .
A challenge to section 51(xxxi) is not
designed to get the applicant more compensation. If the court
finds that the provisions authorise an acquisition on terms that
are unjust, they will be rendered void ab initio.
There has been
commentary to the Senate inquiry as to whether the acquisition of
property rights proposed by the NT Bills is open to constitutional
challenge and if so, on what grounds. [49] Senator Bob Brown submitted an
opinion by Brian Walters QC to the inquiry, [50] which finds the provisions
invalid.
When introducing the package of Bills into
Parliament, Minister Mal Brough claimed that the Bills were all
about the safety and wellbeing of children . [51]
The nexus between some of the amendments and
this overarching stated purpose is not clear, and is not explained
in the accompanying materials such as the Explanatory
Memorandum.
For example, changing the appointment terms of
ACC examiners from five years to 10 years in Schedule
2, and the Commonwealth retaining an interest in buildings
that it renovates in Schedule 3 do not seem to be
directly linked to the situation of child abuse in the NT (although
the Schedule 3 provisions should be read in conjunction with the
lease provisions in Part 4 of the Emergency Response Bill).
It is difficult to see the justification for
suspending the operation of the Racial Discrimination Act to
provisions such as these, even if the argument holds that the other
provisions could be properly categorised as special measures .
In other cases, the causal nexus between the
provisions and the aim of protecting children is disputed, as is
the case of the Schedule 4 amendments relating to
overriding the current permit system for access to Aboriginal land.
There is at least a range of valid opinion which ought to be
properly considered that the permit system may protect children.
One example is the
report by Professor Jon Altman for Oxfam Australia. [52] Parliamentarians are
directed to the commentary on the permit system from the Senate
inquiry hearings on 10 August when the Hansard becomes
available.
Even if the provisions only apply to common
areas, a small percentage of Aboriginal land currently under the
permit system, it is these common areas which may most effect the
life of a remote community.
Also, the unusual drafting of the provisions
mean that a constitutional challenge could be made, as explained
above, which creates uncertainty about the validity of the Bill.
This will not be an immediate effect. A High Court challenge can
take some time and the right case, as the court does not provide
advisory opinions. As ANU academic Jennifer Clarke has stated in
relation to the compulsory acquisition provisions:
This is like putting up a sign saying, "If you
want the money, you'll have to take us to the High Court", which is
not what you'd expect in an emergency.
[53]
A similar question that might be asked is
whether the measures in Schedule 1 regarding
pornography are likely to be effective in combating the problems
concerning the welfare of Aboriginal children in the Northern
Territory.
The provisions in Schedule 1
go further than the Northern Territory classification enforcement
legislation (and indeed other State classification legislation) in
that they contain offences for mere possession of RC, X18+ and
other sexually-explicit material in prescribed areas. In
legislating in this way, the Federal Government has chosen to move
outside the cooperative classification scheme that has been
perceived as operating successfully between the Commonwealth,
states and territories since 1995. [54]
Social commentator Bettina Arndt has suggested
in recent media reports that the proposed ban on X-rated material
is a red herring and a token gesture designed to convince people
that there is a quick fix for the horrendous sexual abuse taking
place in some indigenous communities. Ms Arndt argues that X18+
videos are mild in comparison with the unclassified and illegal
violent sexual material that has readily been available in the
Northern Territory.
Porn is a red herring but one that appeals to an
electorate always squeamish about sexual matters. It s
disappointing that a Government brave enough to attempt bold
solutions to the shameful state of these outback communities would
resort to playing the porn card. Banning sexy videos will have no
impact on the complex drug-fuelled interplay of social and cultural
factors that leads to the rape of a three-year-old child. Deep
Throat simply isn t part of the equation.
[55]
And yet sexually violent material and child
pornography (that is, material classified or likely to be
classified as RC) is already banned under the Northern Territory
Classification Act and the Criminal Code.
As the Anderson/Wild report indicates,
pornography is a problem in the Northern Territory. However, the
report s recommendation is to enforce the criminal code already in
place, which makes it an offence to expose children to sexually
explicit material, and to conduct an education campaign to get this
message across. [56]
The Schedule 1 amendments apply only to the
Northern Territory and are subject to a five-year sunset
clause.
However, the amendments made to the remit of
the Australian Crime Commission in Schedule 2 go
far beyond the current situation in the Northern Territory. The
amendments are not geographically defined or time-limited, but
affect the mandate of the ACC itself, dependent on the
deliberations of the Board.
The amendments in Division 3 relating to the
appointments of ACC examiners do not seem to relate to the purpose
of the Bill in that they are not obviously directed to the NT plan
at all, and in this sense appear opportunistic.
Definitions of key terms such as federally
relevant crime were originally predicated on the need to
carefully delimit the capacity to deploy the ACC s special coercive
powers only against serious and organised crime.
The Parliamentary Joint Committee on the
Australian Crime Commission report, Review of the Australian
Crime Commission Act 2002, tabled on 10 November 2005,
summarised that:
The ACC therefore exists to provide
investigations that operate across jurisdictional boundaries,
equipped with the necessary specialist expertise and resources, and
able to focus exclusively on organised crime rather than street
crime/volume crime.
[57]
The second reading speech for the Bill
establishing the ACC noted, in relation to the previous National
Crime Authority:
The National Crime Authority does not deal with
simple street level crime, but with the web of complex criminal
activity engaged in by highly skilled and resourceful criminal
syndicates.
[58]
Whilst the allegations of child abuse and
violence in the Northern Territory are extremely serious and
alarming, the question remains whether the ACC is an appropriate
body to deal with such abuse. Family violence within Australian
society generally may be endemic and serious in both the moral and
legal senses of the term, but most Australians would not categorise
it as organised crime. The NIITF itself recognises that a
non-punitive approach is therefore appropriate. There do not appear
to be any trans-boundary/organised crime elements to the
allegations which would normally justify engaging the controlled
operations/coercive powers of the ACC. Parliament may wish to
consider, in the absence of such elements, whether good community
policing is more appropriate to the task.
Even if Parliament answers that question in
the negative, there is a strong argument that these amendments
should not be rushed. The Attorney-General s Department recently
conducted a
review of specific provisions of the National Crime Authority Act
1984 and the Australian Crime Commission Act 2002, with the
final report imminent. Mr Mark Trowell QC conducted the review on
behalf of the Australian Government. Any major amendments to the
scope and nature of the ACC should arguably not be made until the
outcome of the review is tabled and considered. [59]
Finally, the amendments in Division 1 of
Schedule 2 do not appear consistent with international law, in the
sense that they could apply punitive measures in a racially
discriminatory manner. [60] The definition of Indigenous violence and child abuse
refers to violence or abuse by, or against, or involving an
Indigenous person . The mere involvement of an Indigenous person in
a serious incident should not be enough to trigger the full force
of the ACC s special powers, even if subject to the discretion of
the Board.
These are weighty issues which require further
deliberation. Parliament may wish to consider the utility of adding
sunset clauses or mandatory-review provisions to this Bill.
Endnotes
[2]. Explanatory Memorandum, p. 1.
[6]. Hon. M. Brough,
Minister for Families, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs,
Answer to a question without notice: Indigenous Communities , House
of Representatives, Debates, 12 September 2006, p. 16.
[12] . See for example, the Combined Aboriginal
Organisations of the Northern Territory, Submission No. 125.
[13] . Law Council
of Australia, Submission no. 52, see especially
Attachment B.
[14] . Submission no 24, p. 3.
[16] . Danielle
Cronin, Laws get tick amid claims of genocide , Canberra
Times, 8 August 2007, p. 9.
[17] . Annabel
Stafford, Labor gets behind NT intervention , The Age, 8
August 2007, p. 8.
[18] . Laura
Tingle, Brough justice: assimilate or be damned , Australian
Financial Review, 10 August 2007, p. 87.
[19] . Annabel
Stafford, op cit.
[20] . Senate
Committee Hansard, 10 August 2007, forthcoming.
[21] . Editorial,
Aboriginal crisis: it is time to talk , Canberra Times, 8
August 2007, p. 12.
[22] . Tara Ravens,
NT: Martin says she is disappointed with Federal Labor , AAP, 8
August 2007.
[23] . Editorial:
Laws first step on lengthy road.
[24] . Editorial:
Treating Parliament with contempt.
[25] . Editorial:
Legislate in haste, PM and you may repent at leisure.
[26] . What the
Australian newspapers say today , AAP, 8 August 2007.
[27] . Laura
Tingle, Brough justice: assimilate or be damned , Australian
Financial Review, 10 August 2007, pp. 87 8.
[28] .
Explanatory Memorandum, p. [ii].
[29] . The
definition of prescribed areas will be the same as that contained
in the Northern Territory National Emergency Response Bill
2007.
[30] .
Explanatory Memorandum, p. 5.
[31] . Annual
Report of the Classification Board and the Classification Review
Board, 2005 2006, pp. 9 10.
[32] . These terms
are defined in the Classification Code and the definitions are set
out in the Explanatory Memorandum at pp. 6 8. Categories 1 and 2
Restricted are used for publications; X18+ is used for films and
computer games; and RC is used for films, computer games and
publications.
[33] . Explanatory Memorandum, p. 10.
[34] .
Explanatory Memorandum, p. 15.
[37] . See further
Bronwen Jaggers, Telecommunications (Interception and Access) Bill
2007 , Bills
Digest, no. 10, Parliamentary Library, Canberra, 2007
08.
[38]. According to
the ACC website, the NIITF has the following objectives:
-
improving
national coordination in the collection and sharing of relevant
information and intelligence;
-
enhancing
national understanding about the nature and extent of violence and
child abuse in Indigenous communities;
-
providing
related intelligence and other advice, including on organised
criminal involvement in drugs, alcohol, pornography and fraud;
and
-
conducting research on intelligence and information coordination
and identification of good practice in the prevention, detection
and responses to violence and child abuse in Indigenous
communities.
These are
being addressed through:
[39]. Law
Society of the NT, Safeguards needed to ensure Task force
success, media release, 19 July 2006
[40]. The ACC
currently has four Special Investigations on foot:
-
High Risk Crime
Groups
-
Established Criminal Networks - Victoria
-
Money
Laundering and Tax Fraud
-
Wickenby
Matters (tax investigation)
There are
five Special Intelligence Operations:
-
Illicit
Firearm Markets
-
Amphetamines and Other Synthetic Drugs
-
Serious
and Organised Fraud
-
Crime in
the Transport Sector
-
Illegal
Maritime Importation and Movement Methodologies
and
finally two Task Forces:
[41].
Explanatory Memorandum, p. 16.
[42].
Teori Tau
v Commonwealth [1969] HCA 62; (1969) 119 CLR 564.
[43].
Newcrest
Mining (WA) Limited v Commonwealth [1997] HCA 38; (1997)
190 CLR 513.
[44].
Bennett v
Commonwealth [2007] HCA 18 at 195.
[45]. See
further discussion of the case WMC (1998) 194 CLR 1 by
Sean Brennan, Native
Title and the Acquisition of Property under the Australian
Constitution, [2004] MULR 2, footnote 199.
[46]. John
Sheehan, Compensation for the Taking of Indigenous Common Property:
The Australian Experience , 2000,
http://dlc.dlib.indiana.edu/archive/00000577/00/sheehanj061500.pdf,
accessed on 10 August 2007.
[47]. Patricia
Karvelas,
Right to tribal law scrapped , The Australian, 7
August 2007.
[48]. Govt under
fire over patronising intervention push , ABC News, 10 August 2007,
http://www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2007/08/10/2001459.htm.
Quotation should be checked against Committee Hansard when
available.
[49]. See
especially the submissions by the Gilbert and Tobin Centre of
Public Law, Submissions no 40 and 40a, plus evidence presented by
the Law Council of Australia based on Submission no. 52. Hansard
for the 10 August hearing will be available
here.
[50]. Submission
no. 101.
[51]. Hon. M.
Brough, Minister for Families, Community Services and Indigenous
Affairs, Second reading speech: Northern Territory National
Emergency Response Bill 2007 , House of Representatives,
Debates, 7 August 2007, p. 7.
[52]. Professor
J. Altman, National Emergency and Land Rights Reform: Separating
fact from fiction. An assessment of the proposed amendments to the
Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976. Briefing
paper for Oxfam Australia , 7 August 2007,
http://www.oxfam.org.au/campaigns/indigenous/docs/land-rights-altman.pdf.
[53]. Jennifer
Clarke, The great federal land grab, The Canberra Times,
13 August 2007, p. .
[54]. As an
aside, the Classification (Publications, Films and Computer Games)
Amendment (Terrorist Material) Bill 2007, currently before the
Parliament, represents another example of the Commonwealth
legislating in relation to classification without the cooperation
of the states and territories.
[55]. Bettina Arndt,
Porn a red herring in fight against abuse ,
West
Australian, 29 June 2007, p. 16.
[56].
Recommendation 87.
[57]. Joint
Committee on the Australian Crime Commission,
op. cit., p. 9, paragraph 2.14.
[58]. Hon. D.
Williams, Attorney-General, Second reading speech: Australian Crime
Commission Establishment Bill 2002 , House of Representatives,
Debates, 26 September 2002, p. 7328.
[59]. The review was (originally at least)
required to be provided to the Inter Governmental Committee on the
ACC by
12 April 2007 at the
latest. (Hon. C. Ellison, Minister for Justice and Customs,
Review of specific provisions of the National Crime Authority Act
1984 and the Australian Crime Commission Act 2002, media
release, 8 December 2006).
[60]. Committee
on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, General recommendation
XXXI on the prevention of racial discrimination in the
administration and functioning of the criminal justice system
,
Report of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial
Discrimination. Sixty sixth session (21 February 11 March 2005),
Sixty seventh session (2 19 August 2005), United Nations
General Assembly A/60/18, pp. 98 108.
Sue Harris Rimmer, Bronwen Jaggers, Diane Spooner,
Kirsty Magarey, and Mary Anne Neilsen
Law and Bills Digest Section
John Gardiner-Garden
Social Policy Section
13 August 2007
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