Kim Carr, Senator
for Victoria
First Speech - 05/05/1993I
move: That the following Address-in-Reply be agreed to: To His Excellency
the Governor-General MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY-- We, the Senate of the
Commonwealth of Australia in Parliament assembled, desire to express our loyalty
to our Most Gracious Sovereign and to thank Your Excellency for the speech which
you have been pleased to address to Parliament. Mastering the skills needed
to effectively represent the labour movement in this place will be a challenging
task--even a slightly daunting one--but it is a task that I am looking forward
to. Already I have learned a great deal from my Caucus colleagues in this chamber
and in the House of Representatives. I know that I will continue to benefit from
their experience and comradeship. One politician whose example has been especially
important to me is my predecessor, John Button. His commitment to Australian industry
and sustainable industry development has helped to put this country in a stronger
position to meet the challenges ahead than it
might otherwise have been.
He believed that Australia's future depended on its ability to maintain a strong,
innovative and diverse industrial base. This is a belief I share. John Button's
commitment to Australian industry marked him as an authentic Australian nationalist--unlike
the sham loyalists who bristle whenever anyone suggests that we should have our
own flag, but who could not care less where the flag is manufactured or who owns
the ground it is planted in. John Button's reputation for honesty and integrity
has enhanced the standing of politicians generally, as well as the cause of Labor
in Victoria and beyond. His record of achievement will be difficult to match.
Despite the efforts of John Button and Labor governments over the last decade,
Australia remains a highly inequitable society. The recent federal election highlighted
the great differences that exist between the obsessions of the parties opposite
and the just society that Labor is striving to build--a society built on shared
effort,
shared rewards and a fair go for all. The election was resolved
in favour of Labor's vision. The people of this country once again rejected the
attitudes and the policies of the New Right which have held the Liberal Party
of Australia captive for the past 10 years. The result on 13 March demonstrated
the level of public commitment to social democratic values in this country. It
indicated the direction that the majority of Australians wanted their society
to move in. It demonstrated once again the confidence that the Australian people
have in the Keating Government and the Australian Labor Party, and the ideals
they represent. Even in times of adversity, like those we are currently going
through, Australians recognise that Labor's values are their values and that Labor's
aspirations are their aspirations. Perhaps it is especially in times of adversity
that we remember these things. Labor is the party committed to ensuring that each
person in this country develops to his or her full potential. Labor
continues
to believe that a dynamic public sector has a vital role to play in correcting
inequalities, spreading opportunities and guiding the nation to greatness. Only
the state can marshal the resources needed to ensure that all Australians--regardless
of accidents of birth or the whims of fortune--enjoy a reasonable standard of
living and participate meaningfully in the affairs of this country. Only Labor
has the courage and know-how to use the enormous public resources at its disposal
for the public good. By way of contrast, the anti-Labor forces want to divide
people, deprive them of their entitlements and debase their true value as citizens
of this country. Hopefully, the dividers, the deprivers and the debasers in this
country will have learnt something from the recent election. Hopefully, they will
reassess their inhumane policies; they will abandon their bankrupt ideology; and
they will join with the Keating Government and the people of Australia in creating
a fairer, more equitable society.
Australians will not allow the prosperity
of the few to be built on the hardship of the many. The sooner that all parties
recognise that, the sooner they will find a place within the Australian compact--a
compact based on the principles of social democracy. The great challenge that
Australians face, as we move towards the centenary of Federation in 2001, is how
to maintain that compact, maintain our commitment to Australia as one nation and
enshrine it in our Constitution. One thing is certain, and that is that Australians'
belief in themselves and each other will be severely challenged if we do not lift
employment and improve the conditions of employment. The worst of the recession
is over but the level of unemployment remains unacceptably high. The Government
has made getting Australians back to work its first priority. As a Victorian,
the long-term economic decline of my home State is a matter of special concern.
The 1980s brought to light deep structural problems within our economy and saw
a major
shift in resources from the south-east of the continent to the north
and the west. Throughout that decade, economic growth in Victoria was often below
the national average as measured by national account estimates. During the
recent recession, 60 per cent of Australian job losses occurred in Victoria. The
reasons for Victoria's decline are complex. One will search in vain for a truthful
explanation of the State's predicament in the self-serving propaganda of the Kennett
Government. Victoria's current problems cannot be adequately explained purely
in terms of debt, which is lower under Labor than it was under Henry Bolte; in
terms of wage costs, which are lower under Labor than they were under Rupert Hamer;
or just in terms of financial mismanagement, which is worse under Jeff Kennett
than it has ever been before. The depth of the recession in Victoria can be
attributed to the interaction of structural factors like the State's reliance
on protected industries; cyclical factors like the inevitable colla
pse of
the speculative construction boom; and human factors like the failure of poorly
managed enterprises such as the Farrow Group. Our effectiveness in dealing
with the problem of protracted unemployment will depend on our ability to strengthen
the link between manufacturing and industry services, particularly telecommunications,
transport and marketing. The first Keating Government gave a fresh impetus to
Victoria's economic recovery with its One Nation statement. The major infrastructure
projects announced in One Nation provided the foundation for future development
and will be of lasting benefit to this country, not least to depressed areas like
Victoria in which many of the projects were based. As a member of the Commonwealth
Parliament, my perspective will be a national one. I certainly do not have any
time for parochial notions of States rights. Nevertheless, there is a strong need
to articulate regional concerns at the national level and to ensure that all Australians
work together to address
those concerns. We should indeed be one nation
and, over our 93-year history as a united people, Victoria has made great sacrifices
to assist the less prosperous States of the Commonwealth. Victorians do not begrudge
those sacrifices. In fact, we are proud of the contribution we have made to the
wellbeing of Australians beyond our own State borders. All Australians now recognise
that, if we are to go forward, we must do so together. That may mean that some
of Victoria's past generosity in the national interest has to be returned in kind.
Forging a new republic will mean revising our relationship with other nations.
But it is not enough to reform our external power relations. We must reform our
internal power relations as well, and there are no power relations so fundamental
in our society as industrial relations. For those who do have a job, industrial
relations is a basic issue of concern. For those who do not have a job but are
seeking work, the relationship between workers and employers is no less
important.
Industrial relations was the Achilles heel for the Liberal Party in the last
election. Its promise to tilt the balance of industrial power even further in
favour of employers was roundly rejected by the people of this country. We have
outgrown our 19th century Constitution and we have outgrown 19th century notions
of master and servant as well. It was precisely to combat those notions that
the Australian trade union movement and the Australian Labor Party emerged. Trade
unions still offer working people their best chance of improving their standard
of living and securing some measure of real control over their lives. Similarly,
it is the duty of social democrats in government to ensure that minimum standards,
benchmarks and safety nets are enshrined in law to protect individuals and communities
that do not have the organised capacity to defend themselves when pitted against
the greater power of capital. The arbitration system remains one of the supreme
achievements of Australian soci
al democracy. However, this is not to say
that it cannot be improved. Labor's accord processes provide sufficient flexibility
to allow the Government to respond to changes in social conditions while still
protecting basic human rights. The last accord, known as mark 7, places responsibility
for industrial organisation on workers and their unions, operating within a framework
of minimum standards awarded by industrial tribunals. It throws out an enormous
challenge to our trade unions to be relevant and effective in the changing economic
conditions of the 1990s. Just as employers vary in their approach to industrial
relations, so unions vary in quality and competence. If a union is not doing its
job, it is important that there exists a wages and conditions floor to ensure
that community standards are protected. There are currently some 900 federal awards.
Many of these are completely outdated and in need of major revision. Many offer
wages and conditions grossly inferior to enterprise agreements currently b
eing won by workers and their unions. In Victoria, hundreds of thousands of workers
are fleeing to the federal industrial jurisdiction to escape the savage attacks
launched on them by the Kennett Government. Today, tens of thousands of workers
have struck against the Kennett Government's industrial madness. It is obvious
that we can never truly be one nation, one social democracy, one united republic,
unless we can guarantee all Australian workers reasonable and comparable rewards
for their labour. It does not matter whether they are victims of a political vendetta,
like the workers of Victoria, whether they are isolated or poorly organised, or
whether they are young, female or part-time workers, all Australian employees
should enjoy the protection of one national industrial relations system along
the reform lines described in accord mark 7 and referred to in the Governor-General's
speech yesterday. Education gives Australia a window on the world. For many
working class Australians, education is the k
ey to overcoming the barriers
to social participation and economic security. Achieving a more equitable spread
of educational opportunities will play a vital part in uniting the people of this
country in one national purpose and allowing them to enjoy the fruits of our national
life. The current series of Labor governments' records of achievement in education
are outstanding. They are to be commended for giving more and more people the
opportunity to enjoy the benefits of schooling. The number of Australian children
staying on to year 12 has increased from four in 10 to eight in 10 over the space
of 10 years. However, much more can be done to provide not just equality of opportunity
but greater equality of educational outcomes. The unequal educational outcomes
we see today are primarily the result of differences in social background, economic
circumstances and what educationalists have come to call cultural capital. Australians
can no longer afford to go on wasting the talents of young people simply becaus
e they were born to working class parents. Unfortunately, in Victoria today
the State Government seems determined to undermine state education. The long term
effect of this policy could well be that working class people are deprived of
the opportunity to fulfil their full potential. The Kennett Government's schools
of the future program seems designed to further advantage already resource-rich
schools in wealthier suburbs and to further impoverish those in less wealthy areas.
Despite these efforts in Victoria to undermine public education, the public
education system in this country generally does a first-rate job. We must make
every effort to make sure it can meet the exacting requirements of the future.
We have to raise the status of primary education, which is where the foundations
of educational success begin. We need to build on the advances we have made in
secondary education and we need to enlarge the scope of technical, tertiary and
further education. We should be giving all Australian childre
n education
which empowers them to understand and enjoy the environment in which they live--and
even, if they see fit, to change it. This is what I call a democratic education,
and I believe it will be the cornerstone of a new Australian republic. Australia
is essentially an urban nation, and the problems of Australian cities need to
be addressed if we are to remake our society. Joint actions by the Commonwealth,
the States and local government will be required to deal with the decaying infrastructure
in our older urban centres and the demand for new infrastructure in growth areas.
The public sector as a whole will need to expend not millions but billions of
dollars over the coming decades to provide basic services to the majority of Australians
who live in our major cities. Building and managing those services will be an
enormous task, but there is nothing to be gained by postponing it. The Government
is to be applauded for strengthening its urban development program at this crucial
time in the life cycl
e of our cities. A republican Australia would at
last be free of the confusion about our national identity which has baffled many
people overseas and even some within our own shores. Australia's national identity
is lived out each day by its people, and it lives on in the National Estate. During
the past 20 years, Labor governments have established a proud tradition of protecting
and enlarging our natural and cultural heritage. Labor has introduced legislation
to preserve world heritage areas, the built environment and our Aboriginal heritage.
At the Federal level, there has been enormous investment in national institutions
such as the Australian National Gallery, the National Library of Australia, the
National Maritime Museum and the National Museum of Australia. These museums and
repositories contain the collective memory and the collective conscience of the
nation. It will be essential in a new Australian republic that all Australians
have access to this wealth of material, and I welcome the Government
's commitment
to the establishment of a foundation of Australian cultural development. The
Federal Government can help also by encouraging museums around the country to
come together and establish genuinely national databases for research, educational
and public use. The Commonwealth could use its good offices--and perhaps a little
funding--to establish the necessary framework for cooperation. It should be possible
by 2001 to create a series of national databases that will give all Australians,
wherever they live, access to the collections of our major libraries, galleries
and museums. Those collections define our past achievements and our future hopes.
They will provide us with the raw material from which we can forge a new and truly
independent Australian identity. While a republican Australia will be prepared
to treat all nations of the world as friends and equals, its future will lie in
Asia rather than among the rapidly multiplying nations of Europe. We will have
to deal with new uncertainties as
we endeavour to establish our place in
a region marked by enormous cultural diversity and enormous economic potential.
Even now we are operating in an environment where national self-reliance and independence
are the essential pre-conditions of international cooperation. They are increasingly
important--if increasingly difficult--objectives to achieve. National self-reliance
can be measured in economic and foreign policy terms and also in terms of defence.
Since the 1950s many in the Australian Labor Party have tried to sidestep
the defence debate. It is no longer acceptable for those of us on the left of
politics to abdicate our responsibilities in this area. Defence expenditure makes
up a significant part of the national budget, and we need to consider our economic
and social goals as much as military issues when weighing up defence policy options.
Defence expenditure should be directed, above all, towards securing Australia's
autonomy and supporting Australian industry. This is not necessarily an argum
ent for higher defence spending. Rather than more money spent on defence overall,
we simply need more money to be spent on defence priorities set in Canberra, rather
than the conservatives' policy of following priorities set in Washington; more
money spent on defence procurement which supports Australian industry; and more
money spent on defence policies which reflect Australia's independent strategic
interests and our strategic obligations to our regional partners. I am sure next
year's defence white paper examining Australia's force structure and investment
priorities will address these issues. Finally, the Labor Party is committed
to constitutional reform. We have a lot of unfinished business left over from
the 19th century, when working people and their representatives were largely excluded
from the constitution-making process. In my view, the republican debate has so
far been too narrow in its focus. If we are to achieve meaningful constitutional
change we should be thinking and talking about br
oader issues than who should
be the president of Australia. For instance, there can be no new republic without
a reconciliation with the Aboriginal people of this country. The present ground
swell for constitutional reform gives us a once-in-a-century chance to declare
our independence, and that is not insignificant. It also gives us the chance to
give constitutional expression to Australia's social and democratic values. I
welcome the Government's commitment, as outlined in the Governor-General's speech
yesterday, to ongoing constitutional reform, considered separately and on its
own merits. It is important to remember that a constitution is not just a set
of procedural rules or a description of political machinery; it is also a statement
of beliefs and aspirations. The founders of the Commonwealth understood that political
structures can embody certain principles, and they set out to write a constitution
that reflected their belief that the interests of property could predominate over
the inte
rests of the majority. This is why Australia is a federation and
this is why federalism has become essentially a device to fragment and frustrate
the democratic will. That is why we have the section 92 free trade guarantee and
other provisions designed to prevent people from exercising control over capital.
The recent election result is a reminder that Australians no longer subscribe
to the principle that property should come first, the people second--that is,
if they ever really did. That result demonstrates once again that a majority of
Australians are unshakably committed to the principles of social democracy, equal
rights and opportunities for all. It shows that the people of this country recognise
and cherish the fact that we should be one nation. We should be using the republican
debate to review the fundamental shape of our federation, the division of powers
between the various levels of government and the way they are funded. The debate
gives us an opportunity to re-evaluate the prickly question o
f fiscal equalisation,
which is currently working very much against the majority of people in this country
who happen to live in the south-east of the continent. It is essential that funding
is directed to regions of real need, in line with national priorities. We should
be examining how best we can organise the public sector to serve our future needs.
In particular, we should be exploring the possibility of an enhanced role for
local government. The need for comprehensive constitutional reform is self-evident.
However, it is essential that discussions about the future constitution include
consideration of the sorts of social relations we want to protect and advance
in this country. Writing England's monarch out of Australia's Constitution will
certainly encourage greater pride and confidence in our national identity. But
we need to do more than that if we want a constitution which enshrines our social
democratic consensus, a constitution which fosters a more equitable and participatory
Australia. I conclude on a personal note by thanking the many people
who have entrusted me with the responsibility of representing them in this chamber.
First and foremost, I thank the Labor voters of Victoria for electing me and for
their part in returning the Keating Government. I thank my party, the Australian
Labor Party, for giving me the opportunity to embark on this great challenge.
Thanks in particular go to the many tireless workers in the Victorian branch and
their trade union affiliates, especially the Victorian branch of the Australasian
Meat Industry Employees Union, its officials and its secretary, Wally Curran,
who have given me tremendous support and encouragement. They have also given unstinting
support to Labor in Victoria during the difficult times we have had in recent
years. I know that they will continue to give that support in the even more difficult
times ahead.
Finally, I thank my wife Carole and my family, without whose
love, care and tolerance of the demands of political life I would not be h
ere today. My three daughters will come of age in the first decade of the 21st
century. I will do everything in my power to ensure that they come of age in an
even more equitable, prosperous and open Australian social democracy and in a
new Australian republic. Senator Loosley--I second the motion, compliment
Senator Carr on his first speech, and reserve the right to speak at a later date. 
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