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Shaping Relations Between Government and Citizens: Future Directions
in Public Administration?
Rose Verspaandonk
Politics and Public Administration Group
3 October 2001
Contents
Major Issues
Introduction
The Commonwealth Government and Public Administration
Recent Commonwealth Government Reforms
Australia's Standing in Public Administration
The Goals of Public Administration
Political Context
Ideas From Other Jurisdictions
Transparency and Accountability
Open Appointment of Public Figures-United Kingdom
Publishing of Government Contracts-Victoria and
the Australian Capital Territory, Australia
Commissioner of the Environment and Sustainable
Development-Canada
Participation
Internet Forum-Finland
Citizens First Survey-Canada
Health Forum-Canada
People's Panel-United Kingdom
Online Discussions for Parliamentary Inquiries-United
Kingdom
Consensus Conferences on Genetically Modified Food-Norway
Interactive Policy-Making Initiative-European
Union
Expertise Center for Innovative Policy Making-Netherlands
Community Cabinets-Queensland, Australia
Tasmania Together-Tasmania, Australia
Ethical Behaviour
Committee on Standards in Public Life-United Kingdom
Office of the Ethics Counsellor-Canada
Criminal Justice Commission-Queensland, Australia
Independent Commission Against Corruption-New
South Wales, Australia
Fairness
Open and Merit-Based Appointment of Public Figures-United
Kingdom
Learning from Other Jurisdictions
The United Kingdom
Canada
Other Countries
Australian States and Territories
Conclusion-Broadening the Agenda
Appendix 1: Efficiency, Effectiveness and Responsiveness
Appendix 2: Efficiency Reforms in Australia and Other
OECD Countries
Appendix 3: Useful Websites
Appendix 4: Useful Reading
Endnotes
Major
Issues
'Public administration' refers to the rules and processes
followed by the government when using public resources. It is important
because it shapes the relationship between citizens and their elected
representatives. Successful public administration ensures that the relationship
between government and citizens is based on mutual respect. It does so
by promoting efficient and effective resource management, responsiveness
to clients, transparency in government operations and accountability for
government actions, the opportunity for citizens to participate in policy-making,
fair dealing between government and citizens, and the ethical behaviour
of public officials.
Since the 1970s, successive Commonwealth Governments
have sought to achieve these goals through the implementation of extensive
and significant reforms in public administration. Since the mid-1980s,
the goals of reform have become increasingly focused on the achievement
of efficiency and effectiveness, and responsiveness to clients.
There is growing support for a renewed emphasis on the
goals of transparency and accountability, participation, fairness and
ethical behaviour. These goals are important because they establish the
authority of citizens over their representatives. For this reason, their
rigorous promotion might serve as a circuit-breaker to the cynicism that
appears to have gripped Australian voters' perceptions of their political
leaders. This paper aims to contribute to the discussion by providing
examples of other governments' recent attempts to institutionalise these
goals.
Many of these initiatives are designed to facilitate
the participation of citizens in the policy-making process. Examples include
a survey of citizens' views (Canada) through to online discussions for
parliamentary inquiries (United Kingdom) and the use of consensus conferences
(Norway), as well as online approaches by the European Commission, the
Netherlands and Finland. Examples from Australian States are also discussed-Queensland's
Community Cabinets and the Tasmania Together project. Facilitating participation
appears to be an important objective for several of the Commonwealth Government's
peers, and may provide a means with which to strengthen the credibility
of Australia's major parties.
The paper also discusses several mechanisms designed
to institutionalise ethical behaviour by public officials. These are the
United Kingdom's Committee on Standards in Public Life, Canada's Office
of the Ethics Counsellor, Queensland's Criminal Justice Commission and
New South Wales's Independent Commission Against Corruption. Ensuring
ethical behaviour may become an increasingly important priority for the
Commonwealth Government as new ethical challenges are presented by the
blurring of the boundaries between the public and private sectors.
Transparency and accountability motivate four of the
initiatives discussed in this paper (from Canada, the United Kingdom,
Victoria and the Australian Capital Territory). This is an issue that
is capturing growing attention from parliamentary committees, journalists
and other government watchdogs.
Similarly, the recent discussion about the breaching
of welfare recipients indicates that the issue of fairness might gain
a greater public profile. The United Kingdom's attempts to achieve the
open and merit-based appointment of public figures deal with a different
aspect of fairness, but they support the important principle that all
people (not just 'insiders') should be treated with respect and given
the same opportunities as those who are well connected.
The Commonwealth Government's implementation of efficiency,
effectiveness and responsiveness reforms required considerable vision
and determination. This paper argues that those qualities could also be
employed to implement a range of reforms designed to promote transparency
and accountability, participation, fairness and ethical behaviour. It
also presents some possible approaches for consideration. The rewards
could be better public administration and renewed public confidence in
political institutions and players.
Introduction
The rise of Pauline Hanson's One Nation and the growth
in support for other small parties and independent candidates suggest
that Australian voters are increasingly disillusioned with the Liberal,
National and Labor parties.(1) Three reasons are often cited
for this decline-policy issues, the style of the mainstream parties, and
a perception that parliamentarians are 'out of touch' and pampered. This
paper discusses a fourth, and less commonly cited, set of issues-the way
in which the Commonwealth Government manages its relationship with citizens
and its use of public money.
'Public administration' refers to the rules governing
the use of public resources and government authority. These rules partially
determine how government revenue is spent and also help to shape relationships
between the government and citizens. Sound practices in this area are
critical for sustaining a healthy democracy because public confidence
in government can only be maintained when the use of authority and public
resources is demonstrably fair, efficient and ethical. Public administration
is rarely considered to be an exciting field of inquiry. It often revolves
around detailed structures and processes which, at best, appear to be
remote from the lives of most people. At worst, they evoke frustration
and contempt, as demonstrated by the negative connotations of the terms
'red tape' and 'bureaucracy'.(2) However, while these processes
are often dull, their impact can be significant. This is because they
can determine whether public money is wasted or spent to good effect.
They can also determine the quality and fairness of government services.
It is for these reasons that the Parliament, particularly through its
committees, invests so much time and energy investigating public administration.(3)
Since the 1970s, administrative law reform, more equitable
employment practices, enhanced accountability mechanisms and a range of
efficiency initiatives have transformed the Commonwealth public administration
framework.(4)During the Hawke, Keating and Howard Governments,
reforms aimed at greater efficiency have been dominant. In this, the Australian
Commonwealth Government has much in common with other governments, particularly
in the United Kingdom and New Zealand. Also important have been reforms
aimed at enhancing the responsiveness of the Australian Public Service
to the government and other clients.
This paper does not evaluate reforms already undertaken.
Rather, it argues that there are other goals of public administration
which are also important and which warrant renewed attention from policy-makers.
These are transparency and accountability, participation, fairness and
ethical behaviour by public figures. As well as being intrinsically important,
these objectives appear to be widely shared by the Australian public and
therefore constitute good politics. The paper discusses relevant reforms
undertaken by various countries as well as Australian States and Territories,
and argues that their consideration might benefit Commonwealth public
administration.
The
Commonwealth Government and Public Administration
Recent
Commonwealth Government Reforms
Australia has embraced a range of reforms in public administration
since the 1970s.(5) Successive governments have generally consolidated,
or at least tolerated, the reforms of previous governments. However, since
1983 there has been a clear shift in emphasis towards the pursuit of efficiency
and responsiveness. The Hawke and Keating Governments developed this emphasis
in the 1980s and 1990s, and the Howard Government has continued it. The
resulting changes to the Commonwealth public sector have been profound,
as evidenced by the common shift in terminology from the traditional 'public
administration' to the results-oriented 'public management'. These changes
were implemented in conjunction with fiscal restraint and falling public
service staff numbers.(6)
Australia's
Standing in Public Administration
It is difficult to find objective measures of successful
public administration. However, the following indicators support the conclusion
that the quality of Commonwealth public administration is relatively high.
- Transparency
International(7) has rated Australia 11th
of 91 countries in terms of a low degree of corruption, as perceived
by business people, academics and risk analysts (score of 8.5 out of
10, with 10 indicating a very low level of corruption)(8)
- Australia exports public sector innovations (approximately $2 billion
in 1997, or two per cent of total exports)(9)
- some academic and professional opinion places Australia in the vanguard
of efficiency reforms(10)
- the 1998 Global Competitiveness Report rated Australia 12th
(of 53 countries) in terms of perceived civil service independence(11)
- the 2001 World Competitiveness Yearbook rated Australia 5th
in terms of its public service being perceived by executives to be immune
from political interference, (12)and
- the 2001 World Competitiveness Yearbook rated Australia 6th
in terms of executives' perceptions that bribery and corruption do not
exist in the public sphere.(13)
While laudable, these measures provide no grounds for
complacency. The National Crime Authority's claims about the extent of
organised crime in Australia suggest that a more pro-active ethics infrastructure
may be required to ensure that the Commonwealth Government's political,
administrative and judicial systems are not compromised.(14)
Further, there is anecdotal evidence to support the conclusion that citizens
are experiencing a level of frustration with respect to their opportunity
to participate in decision-making (or at least be heard) and with the
secrecy of executive government. The Weekend Australian's
July 2001 survey of voters in marginal electorates found that many 'say
they think Australia's political leadership is not listening to the concerns
of voters.'(15) Similarly, a leaked memo by Liberal Party President
Shane Stone is said to have stated 'Our leadership is not listening',
and 'The government won't even listen to our own people, so what hope
the public?'.(16) Crispin Hull of The Canberra Times
has referred to the anger and disillusionment fostered by the actions
of executive governments, concluding that:
In the long run, openness, decency and looking after
the middle ground have their own political reward. They are good politics
as well as good governance.(17)
High quality public administration needs to be cultivated.
The purpose of this paper is to present some ideas for maintaining and
enhancing Australia's already strong framework.
Further, it should be noted that most of the 'measures'
discussed above rely on perceptions, whether of academic commentators,
other governments or business executives. While it is instructive to take
these perceptions into account, it is also important to seek the views
of citizens. The Canadian attempt to gauge the opinions of citizens is
discussed later in this paper. Given the level of political frustration
apparently being voiced by many Australian voters, such an approach might
be useful in determining the level of satisfaction with the Commonwealth
Government's approach to administration.
The
Goals of Public Administration
Public administration has the potential to contribute
to social capital and public trust only if it reflects the values of the
people it is meant to serve (i.e. the government and citizens). High quality
public administration should be marked by:
- efficient and effective resource management and service delivery
- responsiveness to clients (government and the public)
- transparency in government operations and accountability for executive
actions
- opportunities for citizens to participate in policy-making
- fair dealing between government and citizens, and
- the ethical behaviour of public officials.
While it is useful to discuss the goals listed above
individually, it is also important to note that they can be (but are not
necessarily) mutually reinforcing. For example, the inter-relatedness
of participation, transparency, efficiency and fairness has been described
as follows:
Besides increasing the flow of information to public
officials, techniques for citizen and client consultation can introduce
more openness and transparency into the system. As more people become
aware of the performance of specific agencies or officials, they are
more likely to exert collective pressure on the agency to perform
better. At the same time public agencies will have less opportunity
for arbitrary action.(18)
Unfortunately, these goals can also be in competition
with one another. For example, in some situations efficiency savings from
outsourcing need to be weighed against a resulting loss in transparency.
Just as efficiency is not the only goal we take into account when evaluating
our democratic system of government, we need to consider, and sometimes
prioritise, a range of goals when we evaluate, and develop, our system
of public administration.(19)
Initiatives promoting efficiency, effectiveness and responsiveness
will not be discussed in this paper. This is because they have been the
main foci of reform since the mid-1980s and the purpose of this paper
is to present ideas that promote the other goals listed above. However,
readers wanting to know more about the reforms already undertaken should
consult Appendix 1 (for discussion of Australia) and Appendix 2
(for discussion of international trends).
Transparency, accountability, participation, fairness
and ethical behaviour are important for reasons of principle because they
strengthen citizenship, social capital and democracy. They also make good
sense for governments because under-emphasising them feeds public cynicism
and mistrust about government. As people become more educated and assertive
and continue to see a significant proportion of their income taxed by
governments, they can be expected to demand that governments submit to
more rigorous rules about how public resources are used and policies are
developed. In most Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development
(OECD) countries, government spends a substantial proportion of the gross
domestic product (GDP). In 1999 government spending ranged from 21.83
per cent in Mexico to 66.89 per cent in Denmark. Australian
governments (Commonwealth, State and Territory) spent 43.47 per cent of
the GDP.(20)
While the goals of efficiency, effectiveness and responsiveness
have dominated reform since the 1980s, it would be inaccurate to assert
that all reforms have fallen into these categories. Other innovations
in public administration include the following:
It could be argued that these important goals have been
partially undermined by other measures. For example the Commonwealth Government's
accrual budget documentation has been criticised for being opaque(24)
and Centrelink's approach to breaching social security recipients has
been characterised as harsh, unfair and indiscriminate.(25)
However, the purpose of this paper is not to conduct an evaluation of
reforms to date. Rather, it is to present some initiatives for consideration
by the Parliament. None of these initiatives would undermine the implementation
of efficiency measures.
Political
Context
Generally speaking, Australian public administration
reforms have been philosophically in tune with other contemporary policies.
The pursuit of efficiency and responsiveness in the public sector can
be viewed as a component of the broader microeconomic reform agenda which
commenced in the 1980s. However that reform agenda was driven by elite,
rather than popular, opinion.(26) Media reports cite participation,
transparency and accountability as values that citizens would like to
see practiced more effectively by governments. Electronic voting on policy
issues and citizens' deliberative panels have been suggested as ways of
institutionalising participation.(27) The Australian Labor
Party's Carmen Lawrence has suggested a range of mechanisms to promote
participation and transparency. These include deliberative polls, the
investigation of all petitions, the promotion and sponsorship of civic
forums and the strengthening of freedom of information legislation.(28)
A related development is the use of parliamentarians' websites to canvass
public opinion on policy issues or government services (see for example
the websites of Mark Latham(29)
and Marise Payne(30)).
However, these are more accurately viewed as facilitating constituents'
participation in the political realm than facilitating citizens' participation
in the government's policy development process.
In line with this trend, there appears to be growing
public concern about the ethics and accountability of the private sector.
Two relevant Royal Commissions (into the collapse of HIH Insurance and
practices in the construction industry) have been called in the space
of less than three months,(31) and survey data indicates that
Australians are becoming wary of deregulation and privatisation as well
as pessimistic about business ethics.(32)
Professor Owen Hughes and Associate Professor Deirdre
O'Neill from Monash University have argued that the 1999 downfall of the
Kennett Coalition Government in Victoria can be partly attributed to its
comprehensive implementation of measures such as privatisation, funding
cuts to health and education services, and a substantial increase in competitive
tendering and contracting (including some public audit functions).(33)
To these could be added questions about tendering processes and weakened
capacity to scrutinise contracts. This is a broad list of grievances that
goes beyond the boundaries of public administration as defined in this
paper. However, there is evidence to suggest that Victorian voters were
concerned about some of the 'process' issues of government. For example,
considerable anger was expressed about the reduced autonomy of the Auditor-General,
and the three independent members of the Legislative Assembly after the
1999 election made the institutionalisation of 'open and accountable government'
a precondition of their support.(34)
In recent Australian elections, many citizens have flexed
their muscles by voting for minor parties and independents. This has had
a direct impact on public administration because independents and minor
parties have a strong record in promoting transparency and participation.(35)
Ideas
From Other Jurisdictions
Efficiency-focused approaches have been influential in
other countries as well (for more details, see Appendix 2). However,
a range of other reforms has also been implemented, and this section discusses
examples of initiatives that are intended to promote transparency and
accountability, participation, ethical behaviour and fairness. The point
of this section is to highlight initiatives that might complement Australia's
reform record if introduced by the Commonwealth Government.
The initiatives that follow constitute just a fraction
of what the Commonwealth Government can learn from other jurisdictions,
as they don't include longstanding practices (e.g. citizen-initiated referenda
in Switzerland). For practical reasons of data collection, several initiatives
have been the subject of OECD reports and they are mostly from English-speaking
countries from which information was more readily available. Therefore
the initiatives that are discussed should be viewed as a selection of
possible options rather than representing the state of play in global
public administration.
While it is unlikely to be a comprehensive list, all
potentially relevant initiatives that were found have been included. For
this reason, some goals (e.g. participation) are represented by several
initiatives while others (e.g. fairness) are not. This does not necessarily
mean that fairness is under-valued, as it has already been the subject
of significant reform (e.g. the establishment of Ombudsmen).
Many of the examples are from polities with a Westminster-style
parliamentary system (the United Kingdom, Canada, New Zealand and Australian
States and Territories). These initiatives might be the most readily adapted
to the Commonwealth Government context. Where possible, information has
been provided on the results or evaluation of these initiatives. However,
in many cases this information was not yet available.
Transparency
and Accountability
The institutionalisation of transparency and accountability
reflects the principle that governments should be answerable for the way
they use public resources and exercise authority. The Australian Public
Service Values refer to the public service being 'openly accountable for
its actions, within the framework of Ministerial responsibility to the
Government, the Parliament and the Australian public'. Examples of mechanisms
that facilitate transparency and accountability include:
- the Auditor-General's power to conduct financial audits and performance
audits
- the Charter of Budget Honesty Act 1998
- Parliament's powers to probe the Executive (e.g. committees, Question
Time, powers of the Senate)
- freedom of information rights, and
- the Commonwealth Ombudsman.
An area in which the Commonwealth Government faces frequent
criticism is the lack of transparency in public appointments and government
contracts. Three governments' approaches to institutionalising transparency
are discussed here. Also discussed is a rather unusual example of an accountability
mechanism. The Canadian Commissioner of the Environment and Sustainable
Development is primarily intended as a mechanism for protecting the environment,
making it a policy initiative. However, the Commissioner's establishment
within the Office of the Auditor-General demonstrates an innovative use
of the accountability mechanism-extending its scope beyond efficiency
to encompass accountability for the 'use' of environmental resources.
Open
Appointment of Public Figures-United Kingdom
In November 1995 the Office
of the Commissioner for Public Appointments(36) was established.
The Commissioner's role is to monitor, regulate, report on and advise
on appointments to public bodies. She also investigates complaints about
appointments or how applications are handled. Appointments must encompass
the principles of ministerial responsibility, merit, independent scrutiny,
equal opportunity, probity, openness and transparency and proportionality.
In July 2000, a report was prepared for the Office of
the Commissioner for Public Appointments. Public
Perceptions of the Public Appointments Process(37) found
that only eight per cent of respondents from the general community had
heard of the Office. The recognition factor was higher among senior managerial
and professional people and those involved in many community and voluntary
activities. Perceptions of the appointment process were 'overwhelmingly
negative'(38), presumably reflecting this lack of awareness.
However, when asked to describe how the process should occur, respondents
endorsed the merit principle institutionalised by the Office.
These findings appear to demonstrate the importance (and
perhaps difficulty) of informing the public about innovations such as
this and promoting their effectiveness.
The Office of the Commissioner for Public Appointments
is also discussed under 'Fairness'.
Publishing
of Government Contracts-Victoria and the Australian Capital Territory,
Australia
In January 2000, the Victorian Government:
commissioned an independent Audit Review of Government
Contracts to examine the privatisation, outsourcing and other contracting
arrangements entered into by the Victorian Government between 1992
and 1999.(39)
The review was released in June 2000. It recommended
that 'Government departments should publicly disclose, to the maximum
extent possible, the details of the major contracts to which they are
a party.'(40) New contracts over $10 million are intended
to be made available at http://www.contracts.vic.gov.au
and some existing contracts will also be made available.
Similarly, the Public Access to Government Contracts
Act 2000 (ACT) requires the ACT Government to publish on the internet
all contracts worth more than $50 000. These are available at http://www.basis.act.gov.au/sta/ca.nsf.
Commissioner
of the Environment and Sustainable Development-Canada
This initiative extended the concept of auditing to environmental
considerations. Since June 1996, Canada has had a Commissioner
of the Environment and Sustainable Development(41) whose
role 'is to assist parliamentarians in their oversight of the federal
government's efforts to protect the environment and foster sustainable
development, by providing them with objective, independent analysis and
recommendations.'(42) The Commissioner's responsibilities include:
- monitoring sustainable development strategies (i.e. the extent to
which departments have implemented the action plans and met the objectives
outlined in their strategies)
- incorporating environmental considerations into audits and conducting
special studies of environmental issues
- forwarding petitions on environmental matters to the appropriate minister
on behalf of the Auditor General, and
- reporting annually to the House of Commons on matters relating to
the environment and sustainable development.
Participation
As well as providing the right to vote, a well-functioning democracy
could be expected to grant citizens the right to be consulted between
elections about the work of government. In its discussion of the 'new
paradigm for public management', the OECD's 1995 report Governance
in Transition referred to opportunities for feedback from 'clients
and other interest groups'. It also referred to the 'well-performing public
sector' taking 'a more participative approach to governance'.(43)
Although it is not included in the Australian Public Service Values,
this approach is a logical development given the growing level of taxation(44)
and Australia's increasingly well-educated and assertive citizenry. The
OECD website has a section dedicated to 'engaging
citizens'.(45) Participation might also increase the level
of trust in public institutions. Examples of current participation mechanisms
include:
- parliamentary committee inquiries
- stakeholder consultation mechanisms
- client surveys by Centrelink and other service providers
- the youth round table, and
- funding of advocacy groups.
Non-government initiatives in this area include deliberative polling,(46)
the Australian Broadcasting Corporation's Australia Talks and the
House of Representatives' emphasis on communicating the work of the House
and its committees to the public. This appears to be an area in which
the Commonwealth Government is not at the forefront of reform, although
its efforts to improve citizens' understanding of government and political
institutions may help to build a foundation for popular participation.
A renewed focus on the quality of service delivery and
concern about citizen alienation have prompted other governments to implement
several initiatives designed to gauge the views of clients and citizens.
This section discusses approaches taken by the governments of Finland,
Canada, the United Kingdom and Norway, the Netherlands, Queensland and
Tasmania, as well as the European Commission and parliamentary committees
in the United Kingdom. It is interesting to note that several of these
initiatives involve direct interaction between citizens and the public
service. For Westminster-based systems, this represents a significant
break with the traditional practice of maintaining the anonymity of public
servants and emphasising the representative role of Members of Parliament.
Other initiatives, such as Community Cabinets, maintain the traditional
roles, while encouraging greater input from citizens.
Internet
Forum-Finland
In April 1998 the Finnish government resolved that:
On all administrative levels, the real possibilities
of the citizens to influence matters as well as the openness and transparency
of administration will be increased.(47)
In November 1999 the Ministry of Finance launched a project
called New information technology and citizen's possibilities to influence.
The aim of the project is to explore ways of strengthening connections
between citizens and the government through the use of information technology.
It includes a discussion forum on the internet in which citizens can discuss
issues such as the quality of public services. According to the government's
report to the
OECD,(48) there has been a good level of interest in the
forum, though more people are visiting the site than are engaging in discussion.
Citizens
First Survey-Canada
In 1998 the Canadian Centre for Management Development
and several federal and provincial government agencies commissioned a
survey of citizens on their service needs, expectations, satisfaction
and priorities for service improvement. Approximately 2 900 Canadians
completed the survey. The report
to the OECD(49) noted that:
According to the results of the survey Canadians
rate public sector services in the same range as private sector services.
In the Citizens First survey, Canadians gave seven private
sector services an average rating of 6.2 out of ten, whereas they
gave federal services an average rating of 6.0, provincial services
an average rating of 6.2, and municipal services an average rating
of 6.4 out of 10. These results are consistent with a 1993 survey
undertaken by the UK Citizens Charter Office which demonstrated that
UK citizens rated individual public and private sector services in
generally the same ranges. The Citizens First survey also identified
the five key drivers of satisfaction and dissatisfaction: timeliness,
competence, courtesy, fairness and outcome.
The summary report is available at http://www.ccmd-ccg.gc.ca/pdfs/cit-first.pdf.(50)
Canadian governments are using the results of the survey to improve performance
through the Results
for Canadians initiative,(51) which seeks to secure a significant
and quantifiable improvement in client satisfaction within five years.
Health
Forum-Canada
From 1994 to 1997, the federal government held a forum
to discuss the direction of health policy. Chaired by Prime Minister Chretien,
the main body also included the Health Minister (as vice-chair) and twenty-four
individuals (economists, health policy analysts, physicians, community
activists and others). Provincial ministries were also invited to be associated
with the forum. The consultation process included:
- the distribution of a consultation document
- discussion groups involving 1300 Canadians
- an internet discussion group
- letters, briefs and submissions
- polling
- media appearances
- a conference of key stakeholders, and
- a preliminary report, followed by two conferences of citizens and
stakeholders and telephone surveys.
On 4 February 1997, the forum presented the Prime Minister
with Canada Health Action: Building on the Legacy.
Since the forum, Canada has initiated the development
of Federal Policy Statement and Guidelines on Engaging Canadians which
is intended to enhance the consultative culture of the federal government
(December 2000 draft available at http://www.ccmd-ccg.gc.ca/programs/special/mtp/precourse/consultation/policy.pdf).(52)
Canada's report
to the OECD(53) on the health forum refers to a poll that
indicated that '88 per cent of Canadians would feel better about government
decisions if they knew that governments regularly sought informed input
from average citizens'.(54) It also makes the point that health
policy is changing and this has implications for the relative influence
of traditional stake-holders such as physicians.(55)
In assessing the impact of the forum and the challenges
that it faced, that report made the following observations:
- 'Many initiatives rooted in the work of the Forum are being realized
today', examples being the establishment of the Aboriginal Health Institute
and the Canadian Health Information Network
- the contributions of different groups needed to be weighted, leaving
some groups feeling unhappy with the outcome
- capturing the diversity of the community in discussion groups was
difficult
- senior political and bureaucratic support was vital, as was adequate
resourcing
- many Canadians were prepared to devote the time required to participate,
and the deliberation process was successful in encouraging reflection
and 'ownership'
- it was valuable to have forum members engaged as individuals and volunteers,
rather than representatives of stakeholder groups, and
- 'the Forum succeeded in heightening the level of dialogue surrounding
health and health care issues across Canada.'
People's
Panel-United Kingdom
In 1998 the United Kingdom Cabinet Office's Modernising
Public Services Group established the People's Panel. Its purpose is to
assist the government to know the public's views on government services.
The panel consists of 5 000 members of the public, with a profile
that is representative of the population in terms of age, gender, region
and a wide range of other demographic indicators. An additional 830 members
have been recruited from ethnic minorities to ensure that there is a large
enough sample of this group to be used for quantitative research.
In May 2000 the Government released its first evaluation
report of the project. The purpose of the evaluation was to establish
that the Panel was operating effectively across a range of customers and
uses. It concluded that the panel had demonstrated a need in Whitehall
for a rapid survey tool, had met that need well for the majority of users,
and had shown its value as a symbol of consulting consumers. The report
made several recommendations, including suggested measures to avoid the
panel becoming unrepresentative, or 'conditioned'.
The report to the OECD can be found at http://www.oecd.org/puma/focus/compend/uk.htm,
and further information (including the evaluation report) is available
at
http://www.cabinet-office.gov.uk/servicefirst/index/pphome.htm.(56)
Online Discussions for Parliamentary Inquiries-United Kingdom
In 1999 the House of Commons Select Committee on Public Administration
commissioned an online
discussion(57) on the 'participatory possibilities offered
by the new electronic technologies' during its inquiry into innovations
in citizen participation in government.(58) According to the
Hansard Society,(59)
which conducted the discussion:
A selected panel of experts, with experience of e-democracy
projects, took part in a closed discussion. We also wanted to hear
from the wider public. So, we invited them to send us their own thoughts.
The best were included in the submission to be made to the Select
Committee. There was also a chance to add weight to our online opinion
barometer. This was not a voting or scientific polling device, but
a monitor intensity of opinions held.
Other parliamentary committees have since followed this approach. For
example, during August-September 2001, an online discussion was conducted
on Parliament's role in scrutinising the Executive.
Consensus
Conferences on Genetically Modified Food-Norway
In 1996 the Norwegian Biotechnology Advisory Board and
National Committees for Research Ethics decided to conduct two consensus
conferences on the genetic modification of food. According to Norway's
report to
the OECD,(60) this was partly in response to a perceived
weakening of political participation in Norway (indicated by falling political
party membership and voter turnout), and also to a perceived need to balance
expert knowledge with public insight, understanding and control.
The first conference was held in October 1996. It involved
sixteen people from different parts of Norway and with diverse backgrounds.
They did not have close links with occupations or organisations with established
policies in the area. The same people were involved in a follow-up conference
in November 2000.
An independent evaluation of the 1996 conference gave
it a good rating, saying that 'there were good conditions for dialogue'
and that 'there had been a relatively balanced discussion'. It also noted
the important role played by the facilitator.(61) The cost
of the conferences was around 175 000 EUR (approximately A$306 700)(62)
and was met by various ministries and public institutions.
Norway's 2001 report to the OECD observed that the conference's
main contribution might have been raising public awareness rather than
influencing government. It has also led to further conferences on other
issues such as science, health and medicine.
Interactive
Policy-Making Initiative-European Union
The European Commission has announced an initiative designed
to involve citizens, consumers and businesses in policy development and
evaluation. The Interactive
Policy-Making Initiative(63) includes:
- 'a feedback mechanism which helps to collect spontaneous reactions
in the marketplace, using existing networks and contact points as intermediaries,
in order to obtain continuous access to the opinions and experiences
of economic operators and EU citizens', and
- 'a consultation mechanism which will allow the more rapid and structured
collection of stakeholders' reactions to new initiatives.'
According to the European Commission:
Feedback will be more structured than is presently
the case and will, at the same time, be able to accommodate more complex
issues than is possible using existing on-line questionnaires or opinion
surveys.
Examples of online consultations can be found on the
website.(64)
For example, the web page for consultation on the recast of the existing
detergent legislation has some introductory information, a preliminary
business impact statement, a draft proposal and a press release. Interested
parties are invited to e-mail their views to the Enterprise Directorate-General,
which may publish responses on the website.
Expertise
Center for Innovative Policy Making-Netherlands
The Expertise
Center for Innovative Policy Making,(65) known as XPIN,
was launched in June 2001. It aims to harness information technology to
develop different ways of involving citizens in policy development. The
ultimate goal is to enhance 'horizontal cooperation' (the exchange of
information between citizens and government).
Ministries, regional authorities and local authorities
have developed a range of approaches for various policy issues. The role
of XPIN is to 'compile the acquired know-how and experience and apply
it elsewhere in government organizations.'(66) 'XPIN collects
best practices of innovative policy-making in order to enhance innovation
at the national, regional and local level of government.'(67)
Its website also lists some projects from other countries. The activities
of XPIN include:
- collecting knowledge about, and gaining insights into, best practices
in the field of 'horizontal government' (i.e. participative government),
and disseminating these insights among participants
- establishing links and promoting cooperation between administrators
and civil servants involved in new, interactive forms of decision-making,
and
- compiling knowledge, gaining insights and stimulating the use of structured
information technology (especially the Internet) in forms of interactive
policy-making.
XPIN has been instituted for four years with an interim
evaluation yet to be undertaken.
Community
Cabinets-Queensland, Australia
Community
Cabinets(68) involve the Queensland Cabinet visiting a
regional city or town, with Ministers making themselves available to talk
directly with citizens. In the words of Patrick Bishop and Jim Chalmers,
who have discussed the politics behind Community Cabinets:
A typical Community Cabinet Meeting includes: an
informal function, in which the Premier addresses the gathering; one
or two sessions in which individuals citizens or community groups
can make formal deputations to Ministers; a Cabinet Meeting; a media
conference; and an official luncheon.(69)
Community Cabinets were triggered by the demand of Peter
Wellington MP (who held the balance of power after the 1998 election)
for a more participative style of government. However, they are also a
response to the growing cynicism displayed by voters towards the major
parties.
The first Community Cabinets were held in Longreach and
Barcaldine in January-February 1999. By June 2000, Premier Beattie noted
that his government had 'talked and worked with hundreds of organisations
and thousands of people, many of who would never have spoken to a Minister
before' and had met with 4500 deputations.(70) In 1999, Bishop
and Chalmers observed that Community Cabinets had received both positive
and negative responses. They noted that media coverage had generally been
positive and a survey of Gold Coast participants 'indicated broad endorsement
of the process'.(71) Media criticism had been based around
the claims that the process is ineffectual, expensive and electorally
driven (e.g. meetings in One Nation seats and marginal Labor seats).(72)
Tasmania
Together-Tasmania, Australia
The purpose of Tasmania
Together(73) is for Tasmanians to develop a plan for how
they would like their State to be in 2020. Broad goals have been articulated
(e.g. ensuring all Tasmanians have a reasonable standard of living with
regard to food, shelter, transport, justice, education, communication,
health and community services). These goals are then translated into more
specific challenges (e.g. reducing workplace accidents and illnesses).
The goals and challenges were identified during a consultation
process initiated by Premier Bacon in February 1999. This included the
formation of a Community Leaders Group, the holding of a conference, the
release of a discussion document Our Vision Our Future, and community
consultations carried out between February and May 2000. The community
consultations resulted in:
- 4000 comment sheets returned from the discussion document Our Vision
Our Future
- over 6200 visits to the web site
- 60 community forums held around the State
- over 160 detailed written submissions received, and
- over 100 community organisations directly consulted face-to-face and
over 2500 Tasmania Together postcards returned.
On 3 September 2001 the Tasmania Together report
was released. The independent Progress Board will take responsibility
for monitoring progress and encouraging community groups to assist in
reaching benchmarks. The report has attracted some criticism. For example,
the Chief Executive of the Tasmanian Chamber of Commerce and Industry
commented that:
The overall flavour is one of Utopia. ... Everybody's
wish is on the table to be granted and one must ask the question 'who
is to pay for this paradise as it must come at someone's expense?'(74)
Political support for the project is also an issue, with
the leader of the Liberal Party boycotting the launch and Greens MP, Peg
Putt, saying that she would withdraw her support if benchmarks reducing
logging did not become government policy by December.(75)
Ethical
Behaviour
Ethical standards are intended to prevent public officials from using
their position to benefit themselves (or others close to them). They are
critical for maintaining public confidence in public institutions and
ensuring the effective use of resources. An inverse correlation has been
found between the perceived level of corruption in a country and foreign
direct investment.(76) The OECD has stated that:
Integrity has become the fundamental condition for
governments to provide a trustworthy and effective framework for the
economic and social life of their citizens. The institutions and mechanisms
for promoting integrity are more and more considered as basic components
of good governance.(77)
The implementation of private sector-style approaches
to public management raises some new ethical challenges. For example,
is it appropriate for managers (who are expected to behave more like their
private sector counterparts) to give and receive gifts? Also, as agencies
or departments develop their own culture and ethos, and increasingly recruit
from the private sector, will traditional public service ethics become
fragmented and weakened? The OECD has noted that:
Internalising ethics is more and more difficult for
a public service which has converged with other sectors. Maintaining
distinct public service standards needs special efforts from managers
to motivate public servants. Additionally, governments need to anticipate
situations that might weaken adherence to the distinct public service
values and standards of behaviour and prepare suitable responses to
prevent adverse effects.(78)
The issue of public sector ethics appears to be a high
priority within the OECD itself as well as many of its member countries.
A visit to the OECD
website's ethics pages(79) reveals a large number of guidance
materials, studies and conference notifications.
In a study of nine countries' attempts to promote ethical
behaviour,(80) the OECD identified four main themes-attempts
to redefine values, new codes of conduct, whistle-blowing procedures,
and requirements to declare interests and assets. The report noted an
emphasis in most of these countries on broad guidance and greater transparency
rather than detailed control, arguing that such an approach 'reflects
wider trends in public management.'(81)
Some individual ethics initiatives will be discussed
below. However, the overall flavour of action in this area can be gleaned
from an OECD study published in 2000:
- 'almost all OECD countries have developed a more detailed description
of standards expected of all public servants in sensitive situations',
and 'legislating standards of behaviour for the whole public service
has been a strong tendency throughout the OECD area'(82)
- 'over one-third of Member countries have already updated their core
public service values in the last five years and further reviews are
still being undertaken'(83)
- 'a growing number of OECD countries ... criminalise breaches of core
public service values and principles, such as impartiality in decision-making,
and upholding the public trust: not using the public office for private
gain'(84)
- 'a growing number of countries have been recognising the advantage
of using new technology, especially the Internet and interactive CD
ROMs, to give information on values and expected standards as well as
to train public servants on ethics issues'(85)
- 'empowering an independent commissioner or commission (Ombudsman)
to scrutinise maladministration has become a popular instrument in over
half of the countries. An emerging trend is to create a specialised
independent unit for public service ethics'(86)
- 'countries are increasingly realising the necessity of prevention
[of corruption] because they have recognised that the more they pay
attention to prevention, the less enforcement is needed'(87)
As discussed above, Australia has a good reputation with respect to ethical
behaviour. Mechanisms intended to promote it include the following:
The transparency and accountability mechanisms discussed
above also encourage ethical behaviour through the likelihood of disclosure.
The initiatives discussed below might complement this framework.
Committee
on Standards in Public Life-United Kingdom
The Committee on Standards in Public Life (also known
as the Nolan Committee) was formed in October 1994. It has a diverse membership
which includes academics, business figures, serving and former parliamentarians,
a rabbi and others. Its original terms of reference were:
to examine current concerns about standards of conduct
of all holders of public office, including arrangements relating to
financial and commercial activities, and make recommendations as to
any changes in present arrangements which might be required to ensure
the highest standards of propriety in public life.(90)
In November 1997, additional terms of reference were
added:
to review issues in relation to the funding of political
parties, and to make recommendations as to any changes in present
arrangements.(91)
The committee has reported, and made recommendations,
on a range of issues, including
- standards of conduct in local government (third report)
- the funding of political parties (fifth report), and
- standards of conduct in the House of Lords (seventh report).
The committee also plans to:
undertake a systematic review of the action taken
on the Committee's first six reports. This will help us determine
whether there are gaps and areas where new works needs to be done.
The stock-take of recommendations will be published early in the autumn
of 2001 and will provide a firm foundation for our work for the next
year.
The Committee has also decided to commission research
into public attitudes about standards of conduct in public life. This
rolling assessment of public opinion will enable us to identify key
issues and whether attitudes are changing.(92)
Office
of the Ethics Counsellor-Canada
The Office
of the Ethics Counsellor(93) was created by the Chretien
Government in June 1994. It has responsibility for the Conflict of
Interest and Post-Employment Code for Public Office Holders, the Lobbyists
Registration Act, and the Lobbyists' Code of Conduct.
The Office provides advice on ethical issues to federal
and provincial departments and agencies, foreign governments and private
sector organisations. Its responsibilities have included:
- being available to the Prime Minister to investigate allegations against
his Ministers and senior officials involving conflict of interest or
lobbying
- administering the Prime Minister's Conflict of Interest Code
for public office holders (all members of the Federal Cabinet, their
spouses and dependent children, ministerial staff and senior public
servants)
- having responsibility for the Lobbyists Registration Act
- consulting the lobbying industry in order to issue a code of conduct
to set the standard for behaviour in the industry
- offering guidance to lobbyists and their clients before they enter
into dealings with the federal government
- investigating complaints about lobbying activities that appear to
be contrary to the lobbyists' code of conduct, and requiring the reporting
of lobbying fees with respect to government contracts, and
- reporting annually to Parliament on matters related to lobbying.(94)
In a 1999
speech in Australia(95), the Ethics Counsellor, Mr Howard
Wilson explained that the Office was established in response to the 'growing
sense among Canadians that private interests were crowding out the public
interest in decision-making', and the 'sense that a new generation of
lobbyists, and the people who could afford their services, had become
far too influential in the halls of government'. He described his jurisdiction
as being:
the gray areas of potential or real conflict of interest.
In practice, these are issues that may seem broadly wrong in the eyes
of citizens, without ever actually being illegal.(96)
The Ethics Counsellor reports to the Prime Minister,
underlining his role as a source of independent advice rather than an
officer of the Parliament (such as the Auditor-General).
Criminal
Justice Commission-Queensland, Australia
The Criminal Justice
Commission(97) was established by the Criminal Justice
Act 1989 (Qld) as a result of the Fitzgerald Commission of Inquiry
which commenced in 1987. Its role is to monitor, review and initiate reform
of the administration of criminal justice in Queensland. This role extends
to the prevention and investigation of public sector corruption and includes
activities such as:
- investigating complaints of misconduct in the public sector, including
State-run prisons
- gathering and analysing intelligence on public sector corruption
- conducting investigations and hearings and protecting witnesses when
necessary
- educating the community in avoiding, detecting and dealing with workplace
corruption, and
- advising and supporting whistleblowers.
Chief Executive Officers of government departments and
all police officers are required by law to refer cases of wrongdoing that
come to their attention. The Commission is accountable to the Parliamentary
Criminal Justice Committee and the Parliamentary Commissioner. The Commission
reports that since 1989, it has received over 22 000 complaints.
Independent
Commission Against Corruption-New South Wales, Australia
The Independent
Commission Against Corruption(98) was established in 1989
in response to community concern about the integrity of the public sector.
In his second reading speech for the relevant Bill, the Premier, Nick
Greiner, said:
Nothing's more destructive of democracy than a situation
where people lack confidence in those administrators that stand in
a position of public trust. If a liberal and democratic society is
to flourish we need to ensure that the credibility of public institutions
is restored and safeguarded and that community confidence in the integrity
of public administration is preserved and justified.(99)
The Commission's role is to:
- expose corruption through investigations which can include public
hearings
- prevent corruption by giving advice and developing resistance to corrupt
practices in public sector organisations, and
- educate the public sector and the community about corruption and the
role of the Commission.
The Commission is subject to several accountability mechanisms
including the Joint Parliamentary Committee on the Independent Commission
Against Corruption, the Operations Review Committee and reporting and
oversight requirements.
Fairness
Fairness refers to the right of citizens to be treated
justly and consistently with others (e.g. in relation to income support
or government employment). Fairness is an objective of several of the
Commonwealth Government's reforms of the 1970s and 1980s, and the Australian
Public Service Values(100) refer to the importance of fairness
and equity for clients, employees and potential employees. Mechanisms
include:
- the Purchasing Advisory and Complaints Service
- Administrative Appeals Tribunal
- Commonwealth Ombudsman
- judicial review
- merit selection for public employment, and
- workplace diversity and equal employment opportunity rules and initiatives.
Currently, there does not appear to be a large amount
of reform by other governments that is designed to promote fairness. However,
one initiative from the United Kingdom may be of interest to Australia.
Open
and Merit-Based Appointment of Public Figures-United Kingdom
As discussed under 'Transparency', the Office
of the Commissioner for Public Appointments(101) was established
in November 1995. The Commissioner monitors, regulates, reports on and
advises on appointments to public bodies. Her role also includes investigating
complaints about appointments or how applications are handled. Appointments
are required to encompass the principles of ministerial responsibility,
merit, independent scrutiny, equal opportunity, probity, openness and
transparency and proportionality.
In June 1998 the United Kingdom Government launched an
initiative designed to increase the representation of women and minorities
on public bodies, and to make appointments based on merit. As well as
a central action plan, departments have individual
plans(102) to further this end. For example, the Cabinet
Office aims to increase the percentage of appointments to people from
ethnic minorities from 2.6 per cent in 1998 to 4 per cent in 2002, and
is planning to establish a target for representation of people with disabilities.
Learning
from Other Jurisdictions
The
United Kingdom
Several of the initiatives discussed above are from the
United Kingdom. These might be of particular interest to Commonwealth
parliamentarians due to the strong similarities between both countries
in terms of political structure and administrative history.
As discussed, the issue of whether governments are listening
to the community has been a point of contention in Australia. Also of
concern is the perception that talk-back radio hosts, big business and
trade unions exercise disproportionate influence on policy-making.(103)
The People's Panel's direct solicitation of the views of ordinary (i.e.
not usually influential) citizens could be a valuable mechanism for institutionalising
consultation by the Commonwealth Government. Similarly, Parliamentary
committees may wish to explore the possibility of conducting or commissioning
online forums.
The public responses to the Reith telecard incident(104)
and the Senate inquiry into parliamentarians' superannuation entitlements(105)
indicated a community perception that many parliamentarians (and possibly
other public figures) believe that they operate under different rules
from ordinary people. A body similar to the Committee on Standards in
Public Life, involving non-parliamentarians as well as some parliamentarians,
might be able to restore public confidence by investigating issues and,
where appropriate, recommending reforms.
The open and merit-based selection of public figures
could be expected to be a well-received initiative in Australia. The appointment
of people with political affiliations to international posts and public
boards (particularly the Australian Broadcasting Corporation Board) has
prompted concerns about partisanship and fuelled cynicism about 'jobs
for the boys/girls'.
More broadly, the United Kingdom's approach suggests
a possible reform trajectory for Australia-the move from traditional public
administration towards efficiency-oriented public management that began
during the 1980s, and then the more rigorous incorporation of goals such
as fairness, participation, ethics and transparency. It is interesting
to note the active role that the British Parliament is taking in this
process, both in using participatory mechanisms for committee work and
in calling for the extension of participation. For example, the House
of Commons Public Administration Select Committee has called for further
initiatives in participation, including a competitive fund for sponsoring
innovation in consultation, the routine use of deliberative techniques,
the establishment of a Public Participation Unit in the Cabinet Office,
and the streamlining and clarification of requirements to consult.(106)
Canada
The Canadian system of government, like the Australian,
is a Westminster-derived federation. It has implemented several initiatives
which may be of interest to Australian parliamentarians.
The Commissioner of the Environment and Sustainable Development
provides an interesting example of the potential to expand the scope of
independent audit beyond its current focus on efficiency. Another possible
criterion on which government agencies could be evaluated is the impact
of their policies and operations on public health.(107)
The Citizens First Survey and Health Forum provide different
models of initiating public participation in the decision-making process.
These approaches are potentially more inclusive than the People's Panel
but not necessarily more representative. Selecting and empowering a statistically
representative group of people may be more genuinely inclusive than calling
for public input. This is particularly the case for those people who lack
confidence in articulating their views. However, any of these mechanisms
may be appropriate, depending on the circumstances.
Australia may need to consider procedures that ensure
Parliament's integrity with respect to lobbying, particularly if there
is a fragmentation of representation within the Parliament (i.e. more
parties and/or more independents).(108) Canada's Office of
the Ethics Counsellor only covers Ministers (and their families and staff)
and senior public servants. However, Australia might be able to adapt
this approach to cover all Members of Parliament if this is thought to
be desirable.
Other
Countries
Several European countries and the European Commission
have implemented initiatives designed to facilitate participation:
- the Finnish Internet Forum and the European Commission's Interactive
Policy-Making Initiative provide examples of relatively low cost ways
to increase community participation in policy-making
- the Norwegian Consensus Conference model is narrower but deeper, encouraging
a small number of citizens to deliberate on a particular issue, and
- the Dutch Expertise Center for Innovative Policy Making is a more
exploratory approach. There may be scope for Australia to contribute
to its work and learn from its accumulated experience.
Australian
States and Territories
One of the advantages of a federal system of government
is that the different jurisdictions can observe each other's actions and
learn from them. This paper has presented several initiatives by Australian
States and Territories that Commonwealth parliamentarians may wish to
consider.
- The Queensland Criminal Justice Commission and the New South Wales
Independent Commission Against Corruption were both established in response
to crises. Such a trigger has not occurred at the Commonwealth Government
level. However a similar institution might serve to enhance and promote
the integrity of Commonwealth public officials (both elected and non-elected).
- Parliamentary committees, the Auditor-General(109) and
the media frequently call for greater transparency in government contracting.
For example the Senate Finance and Public Administration References
Committee has stated that:
Partnerships with government need to be open, well
documented and conducted with integrity-not only because the public
has a right to know how public funds are spent, but because anything
less may expose the Commonwealth to litigation, is costly and undermines
public confidence.(110)
The Victorian and ACT practice of publishing most contracts
would be a step in this direction.
- The Queensland and Tasmanian governments' different approaches to
engaging more actively with citizens warrant consideration by the Commonwealth
Government. The Queensland approach opens the day to day work of government
to wider input, and the Tasmanian approach asks citizens to identify
their aspirations for the State.
Conclusion-Broadening
the Agenda
Substantial public administration reform has been implemented
by successive Commonwealth governments since the 1970s. These reforms
have covered areas as diverse as freedom of information, rights to appeal
against government decisions, equity in employment practices and private
sector oriented management practices.
In line with the dominance of free market economics since
the mid-1980s, this reform agenda has become increasingly focused on achieving
efficiency gains and enhancing responsiveness. While not engaging in the
debate about the merits of this agenda, this paper has sought to emphasise
the importance of other objectives, particularly transparency and accountability,
participation, fairness and ethics.
As well as being intrinsically important, a renewed focus
on these goals may provide the efficiency-responsiveness reform agenda
with more credibility by demonstrating to a wary electorate that governments
are willing to undertake reforms that enhance the authority of citizens.
For example, mechanisms for institutionalising the goals discussed in
this paper could be expected to be welcomed by an electorate that appears
to be increasingly cynical of government.
The Commonwealth Government's approach to public administration
has been marked by adventurousness. Examples of initiatives pioneered
by Australia include the Public Service Board, the Commonwealth Grants
Commission, the administrative law framework, the incorporation of feminist
perspectives and methods, and Centrelink.(111) Australia has
also been an early and comprehensive advocate of private sector-style
management reforms. This paper has presented some initiatives that could
broaden the reform agenda-an outcome that might encourage renewed public
confidence as well as improving the quality of public administration.
Appendix 1: Efficiency, Effectiveness and Responsiveness
The purpose of efficient and effective resource management and service
delivery is to ensure that the optimal benefit is extracted from the use
of public resources. As the OECD has observed:
Any inefficiency must be funded by higher charges or taxes or passed
on as costs or hardships arising from poor service. Society as a whole
ultimately bears the burden of higher taxes and related deadweight
losses.(112)
The efficiency and effectiveness agenda has been implemented
in conjunction with an enhanced focus on responsiveness to clients (citizens
and Ministers). While the chart that follows mostly documents efficiency
reforms, these have been complemented by such innovations as electronic
service delivery, rural transaction centres, choice of service providers
in some cases (e.g. employment services), and the use of private sector
language (e.g. 'service', 'client', 'customer'). In several cases the
goals of efficiency and responsiveness to clients can be served by the
same means. An example of this is electronic service delivery, which has
the potential to provide easy and flexible access to citizens as well
as cost savings to the government.
In Australia, the United Kingdom and New Zealand, efficiency
measures have been implemented so comprehensively and coherently that
many commentators refer (with either satisfaction or frustration) to the
triumph of 'managerialism' or 'new public management', which has been
described in the following terms:
a focus on management, not policy, and on performance
appraisal and efficiency; the disaggregation of public bureaucracies
into agencies which deal with each other on a user-pays basis; the
use of quasi-markets and contracting out to foster competition; cost-cutting;
and a style of management which emphasises, amongst other things,
output targets, limited-term contracts, monetary incentives and freedom
to manage.(113)
Advocates of managerialism argue that it:
- facilitates the more efficient use of public resources, with resulting
economic and social benefits
- promotes high quality service delivery by providing choice and/or
information about standards and performance,(114) and
- enhances the accountability of public servants to Ministers through
the use of clear objectives and written performance agreements, and
a reduction in anonymity.(115)
Critics of managerialism argue that it:
- is premised on the erroneous belief that the public and private sectors
can be managed in the same way, underplaying the importance of due process,
accountability and the distinction between citizens and clients(116)
- misrepresents bureaucracy, or public administration, as unresponsive
and inefficient (e.g. ignoring earlier examples of innovation within
bureaucracies)(117)
- has failed to deliver the superior management of public resources,(118)
and
- undermines morale in the public service by devaluing its distinctiveness
and subjecting it to continual cost-cutting.(119)
Another comment that has been made about managerialism
is that it fails to address some fundamental problems, such as the need
for horizontally integrated policy advice(120) and reform of
political institutions.(121) This is not necessarily a criticism
because one approach should not be expected to solve every problem. However,
it does highlight the need for efficiency measures to be implemented in
a framework that also has strong regard to the other objectives of public
administration.
The following chart outlines many of the public administration
changes that have been implemented to enhance efficiency.
|
Traditional approach of the public service
|
New approach of the public service
|
Examples of changes
|
|
Integration of policy formulation and service delivery
Government as monopoly provider of functions and services
|
Separation of policy formulation and service delivery, possibly
with the latter being contracted to the private or voluntary sector.
This is sometimes referred to as 'steering not rowing'.
Contestability of functions (i.e. possibility that they will be
carried out by a different agency or the private or voluntary sectors)
|
- establishment of Centrelink to provide services on behalf of
other government agencies
- increasing use of outsourcing (e.g. employment services, corporate
services, information technology)
- opening government business enterprises to competition (e.g.
Telstra)
- increasing use of private sector finance to build public infrastructure(122)
|
|
Emphasis on following established processes
|
Emphasis on achieving identified results, with responsibility attributed
to individual managers
|
- performance reporting
- performance agreements
- performance bonuses
- risk management
- accrual
budgeting(123)
|
|
Relatively closed employment framework and expectation of a career
in the public service
|
Employment available to all and greater likelihood of a career
moving between the public and private sectors
|
- greater use of external advertising for positions
- 'headhunting' from the private sector
|
|
Strong role for trade unions in determining conditions and practices
|
Reduced role for unions and increased role for staff overall
|
- management-staff-union consultative committees
- certified agreements subject to agreement by at least 50% of
voting staff
- Australian Workplace Agreements between an individual and an
agency
|
|
Centralised determination of conditions and practices, and collection
of information
|
Devolution of responsibility
|
- remuneration and conditions determined at agency level
- some information no longer available on a whole-of-government
basis (e.g. cessation of quarterly reviews informing the Minister
for Finance and Administration of actions taken in response to
Auditor-General recommendations)(124)
|
|
Accountability mechanisms unique to government (e.g. Ombudsman,
Auditor-General, Parliamentary scrutiny)
|
Continuing, role for traditional accountability mechanisms, along
with new emphasis on market-style mechanisms
|
- contestability
- service charters
- disagreement between Executive government and some parliamentary
committees over commercial confidentiality of government contracts
|
Appendix 2: Efficiency Reforms in Australia and Other OECD Countries
Implementation
of Efficiency Measures
Efficiency measures have been implemented in most developed
countries (and many developing countries). In the words of B. Guy
Peters:
The ideas of the new public management (NPM) have
become the gold standard for administrative reform around the world,
albeit at different times and at different rates.(125)
Professor John Halligan of the University of Canberra
has grouped OECD countries into three categories according to their implementation
of efficiency-oriented approaches:(126)
- Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom have been the most comprehensive
reformers (with Canada and the United States occupying a more ambiguous
position)
- most European states fall into the middle category, although there
is variation between them, and
- Germany, Japan and Switzerland have implemented relatively limited
reform, although this situation may be changing.
Examples of commonly adopted measures include financial
management reform and devolution, downsizing, civil service reform, outsourcing,
performance measurement, corporatisation and privatisation. However, there
is also considerable variation. For example, Halligan observes that '...
the extensive use of market principles for core functions defines the
boundary that many countries are not prepared to cross.'(127)
The following examples illustrate the variety of approaches within the
OECD:(128)
- a 1997 study of OECD countries found that the most widely adopted
reform was decentralisation. This is not a feature of managerialist
approaches as defined in this paper. Nor has it figured prominently
in the Australian experience(129)
- Pollitt and Summa's study of Finland, New Zealand, Sweden and the
United Kingdom found a greater emphasis on managerial reforms in the
English-speaking countries. This was particularly the case with respect
to privatisation, the use of market mechanisms within the public sector
and the intensity of the reform process.(130) Peters also
found that Anglo-American countries tended to lead administrative reform.
He attributed this largely to their emphasis on management rather than
law or economics as the basis for administration. Peters noted that
the slower innovators, particularly German-derived systems, emphasised
administration 'as a manifestation of the legal system'(131)
- while adopting several other market-style approaches, Denmark, Finland,
Norway and Sweden have been reluctant to embrace privatisation(132)
- managerial reforms in Spain have been implemented more coherently
by regional and local governments than by the central government. This
has been attributed partly to the strong influence of a legal, bureaucratic
mindset, which distrusts managerial discourse, and(133)
- while the United Kingdom has enthusiastically implemented managerialist
approaches, it has also pioneered reforms designed to improve the openness
of government.
Explaining
International Variation and Convergence
To the extent that there is a common international approach
to the reform of public administration, this would be managerialism. This
raises the question of why some countries have adopted this agenda more
comprehensively than others. The following table provides some possible
answers to this question.
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Explanation
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Evidence
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Families of nations and administrative culture
Historical and cultural bonds may engender a common administrative
culture. This will influence the direction of future reforms. It
will also mean that countries do not begin the reform process with
identical administrative approaches.
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Administrative culture has been found to be more
predictive of policy behaviour than economic circumstances and the
political complexion of the relevant government.(134)
For example, the Anglo-American administrative culture may be more
conducive to managerialism than its continental counterparts, particularly
the law-based German approach.(135)
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Structure of political institutions
A strong Executive in a unitary state may enjoy greater scope to
implement difficult reforms.
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The autonomy of the Executive can influence the character and extent
of reform.(136) It is interesting to note that even though
the United States was the source of much managerialist thinking,
it implemented less of it than the United Kingdom, New Zealand and
Australia, all of which have an Executive that controls the Parliament
(the lower house in the case of Australia).(137)
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Influence of economists and economic agencies
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The New Zealand example suggests that the status of central departments
(particularly Treasury) can influence the character and extent of
reform.(138)
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Influence of economic policy approaches
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There appears to be a correlation between adherence to economic
rationalist policies and managerialist policies (e.g. United Kingdom,
Australia, New Zealand). Advocates of both approaches place a high
value on achieving efficiency gains and increasing the use of market
mechanisms.
Likewise, the more interventionist European states appear to demonstrate
greater confidence in the ability of the state.
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Perceptions of crisis
For various reasons, countries may face a similar (or different)
set of circumstances that encourage a particular direction for reform.
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In the 1980s Australia experienced difficult economic conditions
(e.g. declining commodity prices and currency and rising foreign
debt). This gave added force to the argument that the public sector
needed to become more efficient.
The British House of Commons established the Nolan Committee following
a spate of controversies involving politicians, including allegations
about certain members accepting money for asking parliamentary questions.
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Political complexion of governments
We might expect that reforms would be broadly consistent with the
governing party's ideology.
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The evidence is mixed. While stronger managerialist reforms have
often been implemented by overtly right of centre parties, their
traditionally left-wing (or less right-wing) counterparts have surprised
observers with their approach. Australia, New Zealand and the United
Kingdom are good examples of this phenomenon.
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Appendix 3: Useful Websites
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