Bills Digest no. 26 2009–10
Migration Amendment (Immigration Detention Reform) Bill 2009
WARNING:
This Digest was prepared for debate. It reflects the legislation as introduced
and does not canvass subsequent amendments. This Digest does not have
any official legal status. Other sources should be consulted to determine
the subsequent official status of the Bill.
CONTENTS
Passage history
Purpose
Background
Financial implications
Main provisions
Concluding comments
Contact officer & copyright details
Passage history
Date introduced: 25 June 2009
House: Senate
Portfolio: Immigration and Citizenship
Commencement: Sections 1 to 3 of Schedule 1 commence on the day of Royal
Assent. All other provisions commence on a day to be fixed by Proclamation or
six months after the day of Royal Assent which ever is the sooner.
Links: The relevant links to the Bill, Explanatory Memorandum
and second reading speech can be accessed via BillsNet, which is at http://www.aph.gov.au/bills/. When Bills have been passed they can
be found at ComLaw, which is at http://www.comlaw.gov.au/.
The purpose
of the Migration Amendment (Immigration Detention Reform) Bill 2009 (this Bill)
is to amend the Migration Act 1958 (the Act) to create more flexibility in
managing the detention of ‘unlawful non-citizens’. Explicitly, it restricts
mandatory detention to a specific category of people, introduces express
discretionary detention for other ‘unlawful non-citizens’, creates temporary
community access permissions (TCAPs) and removes the requirement that only the
Minister for Immigration and Citizenship (the Minister) can personally grant residency
determinations.
In the lead up to the 2007 federal election the Australian
Labor Party (ALP) set out its national policy platform. In relation to the detention
of asylum seekers, the platform relevantly stated:
Detention of asylum seekers should only be used for health,
identity and security checks. Children and family groups should initially be
placed under supervision within the community. In other circumstances,
detention would remain mandatory for the duration of these initial check [sic].
Conditions of detention must be humane and appropriate to the
needs of asylum seekers, with appropriate alternatives to detention centres
made to meet the needs of unaccompanied children and family groups.
The length and conditions of detention must be subject to
review and detention centres managed by the public sector.[1]
The ALP also ‘went to the last election with a commitment to
maintain a system of mandatory detention and the excision of certain places
from the migration zone’, a policy which it has consistently asserted,
especially in the debate surrounding this Bill.[2]
However, since forming Government, the ALP has sought to
significantly reform immigration detention to ensure a fairer, more humane and effective
system.[3] To this end, the Government has (amongst other things):
- introduced its ‘New Directions in Detention’ policy (discussed in
further detail below),
- introduced legislation to remove the requirement that certain
persons held in immigration detention be liable for the costs of their
detention;
- allocated $186.3 million in the 2009-10 budget to redevelop Sydney’s
Villawood Immigration Detention Centre;
- allocated $77.4 million in the 2009-10 budget to implement
initiatives to manage people in the community to an immigration outcome through
early intervention, e.g. Community Care Pilot and Community Status Resolution
Trial;
- removed the 45-day rule for certain bridging visa holders which prevented
some bridging visa holders, including asylum-seekers from being given
permission to work; and
- introduced this Bill which it asserts will implement or give
legislative effect to the New Directions in Detention policy’.[4]
On 29 July 2008 the Minister gave a speech at the Australian
National University (ANU) entitled ‘New Directions in Detention, Restoring
Integrity to Australia’s Immigration System’. In this speech, the Minister
listed seven ‘key immigration detention values’ (detention values) which would ‘inform
all aspects of the Department’s immigration detention services’. They included:
- Mandatory detention is an essential component of strong border
control.
- To support the integrity of Australia’s immigration
program three groups will be subject to mandatory detention:
- all unauthorised arrivals, for
management of health, identity and security risks to the community;
- unlawful non-citizens who
present unacceptable risks to the community; and
- unlawful non-citizens who have
repeatedly refused to comply with their visa conditions;
- Children,
including juvenile foreign fishers and, where possible, their families, will
not be detained in an immigration detention centre (IDC);
- Detention
that is indefinite or otherwise arbitrary is not acceptable and the length and
conditions of detention, including the appropriateness of both the
accommodation and the services provided, will be subject to regular review;
- Detention
in IDCs is only to be used as a last resort and for the shortest practicable
time;
- People in
detention will be treated fairly and reasonably within the law; and
- Conditions
of detention will ensure the inherent dignity of the human person.[5]
According to the Minister:
The values commit us to detention as a last resort; to
detention for the shortest practicable period; to the rejection of indefinite
or otherwise arbitrary detention. In other words, the current model of
immigration detention is fundamentally overturned (emphasis added)’.[6]
Administrative implementation of the Government’s detention
values has reportedly been progressing since July 2008.[7]
The Minister was of the view that taken cumulatively, the
detention values ‘embrace’ a risk-based approach to the management of ‘the
immigration population’.[8] However, unlike the detention values which were clearly articulated and expressly
endorsed by Cabinet, this risk-based approach is a little more ambiguous. Some
key features were identified in the Minister’s speech:
- people will be detained only if the need is established
- the key determinant of the need to detain a person in an
immigration detention centre will be risk to the community
- the presumption will be that persons will remain in the community
while their immigration status is resolved
- the Department will have to justify a decision to detain – not
presume detention
- once [health, identity and security] checks have been
successfully completed, continued detention while immigration status is
resolved is unwarranted.[9]
The second reading speech of this Bill clarifies that the
Government’s approach is based on a ‘risk management matrix’ whereby the level
of a person’s restriction of liberty is directly commensurate with their
assessed risk to the Australian community. Accordingly, only people considered
to pose a high risk to the Australian community will be detained in an
immigration detention centre. People generally assessed as posing an
unacceptable risk to the Australian community (such as unauthorised arrivals)
will similarly be assessed for the risk they pose and located within the
‘detention network’[10] which could include being detained in the community (community detention). This
is significant because under this Bill, the categories of people to be subject
to mandatory detention will either expressly be deemed to ‘present an
unacceptable risk to the Australian community’ or will be considered to be a
risk by virtue of failing to comply with immigration laws (which is considered
to entail a risk to the Australian community).[11]
Significantly, the Department of Immigration and Citizenship
(DIAC or the Department) notes that the Government’s ‘risk management approach
is consistent with past approaches to the use of detention’.[12] However, this Bill does not embed the risk-based approach to detention in the
Act. Nor does this Bill articulate what ‘risk to the Australian community’ might
encapsulate, other than listing categories of people deemed to be so.[13] To this end, the Department appears to be adopting a broad interpretation
ranging from risk to Australia’s migration and entry programs to risk to public
confidence in the Government’s management of those migration programs.[14]
Though sometimes overlooked, in his speech outlining the
Government’s New Directions in Detention policy, the Minister also addressed how
the new policy would affect people to be processed at an excised offshore place.[15] In brief:
- excision of offshore islands and non-statutory processing of
persons who arrive unauthorised at an excised place will remain;
- such unauthorised arrivals will be processed on Christmas Island;
and
- asylum seekers will receive publicly funded advice and
assistance, access to independent review of unfavourable decisions and external
scrutiny by the Immigration Ombudsman.[16]
In this regard, this Bill does not propose to amend the
Migration Act to create a statutory scheme for processing at excised offshore
places or an independent merits review mechanism.
The second reading speech confirms that ‘unlawful
non-citizens, including offshore entry persons, in excised offshore places will
continue to be subject to the existing detention and visa arrangements of the
excision policy’.[17]
It remains unclear whether the detention values will
apply to excised offshore places but it appears the amendments in this Bill
that do not expressly exclude ‘excised offshore places’ will apply:
The excised offshore places are under Australian jurisdiction
and sovereignty and the Act applies to these places in all respects, other than
extending the visa application process to unauthorised arrivals.[18]
This Bill was referred to the Senate Legal and
Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee for inquiry and report by 7 August
2009.[19] The timeframe in which to report was ultimately extended to 20 August 2009.[20] Details of the inquiry are available at the inquiry webpage.
The Committee was chaired by Senator Patricia Crossin (Australian Labor Party)
and the Deputy Chair was Senator Guy Barnett (Liberal Party).
The Committee received 53 submissions and held a public
hearing in Sydney on 7 August 2009. The Committee report was subsequently completed on 20 August 2009 wherein it made eight
recommendations to change this Bill (to be discussed in further detail below). Significantly,
the Committee ultimately recommended this Bill be supported, subject to these
recommendations. Of significance, particularly to people being processed at an
excised offshore place, the Committee considered that ‘it would be desirable
for 4AAA to more closely reflect the detention values adopted by the
Government, perhaps even to the extent of them being directly replicated in
the Bill as a statement of principle’(emphasis added).[21] To this end it recommended that:
- ‘the Government consider amending proposed section 4AAA of the
Bill to more closely reflect its adoption of the Immigration Detention Values’(recommendation
1) (emphasis added).[22]
Only two ‘noteworthy features’ of this Bill were identified
by the Committee namely, the insertion of discretionary detention and provision
for temporary community access permissions.[23] These features and other issues raised in the Committee report (including the
Liberal Senators minority report) will be discussed in further detail
throughout this Digest.
The Senate Standing Committee for the Scrutiny of Bills
raised concerns about proposed new section 194A (item 12) which
enables an authorised officer to grant a temporary community access permission.
The Committee sought ‘the Minister’s advice on the level, position or
qualifications of authorised officers who are expected to make decisions
pursuant to proposed new section 194A’.[24] The Minister subsequently responded to the Committee’s comments in a letter dated
18 August 2009 in which he stated:
I would like to clarify that it is envisaged that the power
to grant, vary or revoke a temporary community access permission will be used
by senior officers within my Department who hold broad responsibility for
oversight of case resolution and the management of immigration detention.[25]
On 5 June 2008 the Joint
Standing Committee on Migration (JSCM) commenced a comprehensive inquiry
into immigration detention in Australia.[26] The Committee received a total of 142 submissions and 29 supplementary
submissions, held 12 public hearings across the country and conducted site
inspections of detention facilities, including on Christmas Island. The first
report of the JSCM entitled criteria for release from detention was tabled
in Parliament on 1 December 2008 with bipartisan support. The Committee was
chaired by Michael Danby MP (Australian Labor Party) and the Deputy Chair was the
Hon Danna Vale MP (Liberal Party).
In its first
report, the JSCM made 18 recommendations. In the context of this Bill it is
worth noting that the JSCM commented that:
Codification and legislative reform is important to all
stakeholders in the immigration system, from DIAC to oversight bodies, lawyers
and advocates. DIAC decision-makers, in particular, need clear guidance and
processes in recognition of the principles to underpin detention
decision-making.
The Committee is highly supportive of the announced values
and considers they need to be reflected in Commonwealth law. The Committee
agrees that the Migration Act in its current form does not reflect the spirit
nor provide any legal guidance on the implementation of the Minister’s
detention values (emphasis added).[27]
The JSCM subsequently recommended that:
- the Migration Act be amended to enshrine in legislation
the reforms to immigration detention policy announced by the Minister; and also
that the Migration Regulations and guidelines be amended to reflect these
reforms (recommendation 12) (emphasis added); and
- the immigration detention values and the risk-based
approach to detention should apply to territories excised from the migration
zone (recommendation 9) (emphasis added).[28]
Other relevant recommendations of the Committee are
discussed later in this Digest.
Though the Minister for Immigration and Citizenship
instigated the inquiry into immigration detention,[29] the Government released its New Directions in Detention policy some five months
prior to the release of the Committee’s first report. Nonetheless, the second
reading speech states that the Committee’s first report was influential in the
framing of the Government’s policy.[30]
The second
report of the JSCM entitled ‘Immigration detention in Australia:
Community-based alternatives to detention’ was tabled in Parliament on 25
May 2009. In brief, some of the more significant recommendations relevant to
this Bill were that:
- the Australian Government reform the bridging visa framework to
comprehensively support those released into the community, with appropriate
reporting or surety requirements (recommendation 1);
- the Australian Government utilise the reformed bridging visa
framework in lieu of community detention until a person’s immigration status is
resolved (recommendation 2);
- any case where a person held in some form of immigration
detention is refused a bridging visa, the Australian Government require that:
- clear and detailed reasons in writing are provided to the person
being detained, and that
- the person has a reasonable time limit, up to 21 days, in which
to seek merits review of that refusal, commensurate with those that apply to
visa applicants in the community (recommendation 4).
The third and final report of the JSCM entitled ‘Immigration detention in Australia: Facilities,
services and transparency’ was tabled in Parliament on 18 August 2009. Of
particular relevance to this Bill, the Committee recommended that:
- detention in immigration residential housing should be used in
lieu of detention in immigration detention centres provided that it is feasible (emphasis added) (recommendation
4).
At time of writing the Government had not issued a formal response
to these reports.[31]
On 21 June 2005 the Legal
and Constitutional References Committee commenced an inquiry into the
administration and operation of the Migration Act. The inquiry primarily arose
from the wrongful detention of Australian resident, Ms Cornelia Rau and the
improper deportation of Ms Vivian Solon.[32] In the process of conducting its inquiry, the Committee considered recent
changes to the mandatory detention policy such as the Migration Amendment
Regulations 2005 (No.2) (SLI No. 76 of 2005) which created a new type of
bridging visa known as the Removal Pending Bridging Visa, and the Migration
Amendment (Detention Arrangements) Bill 2005 which sought to ‘soften’ the
policy through a number of amendments that provided for:
- Parliament’s affirmation as
a matter of principle that a minor shall only be detained as a measure of last
resort;
- an additional
non-compellable power for the minister to specify alternative arrangements for
a person’s detention and conditions to apply to that person…
- extending the ministers
non-compellable discretionary powers to allow release from immigration
detention, through the grant of a visa where the Minister believes this is
appropriate, including a removal pending bridging visa; and
- require DIMIA to report to
the Commonwealth Ombudsman when a person has been detained for 2 years, and
every 6 months thereafter that the person is in detention. The Ombudsman’s
assessment and recommendation are to be tabled in Parliament.[33]
These amendments are directly relevant to this Bill because
the amendments proposed in this Bill ‘build on these reforms’.[34]
The committee identified three key criticisms of mandatory
detention, namely, its effectiveness, legality, and its indeterminate nature.[35] In acknowledging that there was ‘persuasive argument that the deterrent effect
is not as efficacious as once thought’ and that ‘Parliament did not intend to
pass a law for the indefinite detention on non-nationals’ it concluded that it
was time to reconsider Australia’s policy of mandatory detention for the
duration of status determination.[36]
It subsequently made 3 recommendations of relevance to the
present Bill:
- that the Migration Act be amended to permit the mandatory
detention of unlawful non-citizens for the purpose of initial screening,
identity, security and health checks and that the initial period of
detention be limited to up to ninety days (emphasis added) (recommendation
45).
- the continuation of detention for a specified limited period
should be subject to a formal process, such as the approval of a Federal
Magistrate, on specified grounds and limited to situations where there is
suspicion that an individual is likely to disappear into the community to avoid
immigration processes; or otherwise poses a danger to the community
(recommendation 46).
- release into the community on a bridging visa with a level of
dignity that allows access to basic services, such as health, welfare, housing
and income support or work rights (recommendation 47).[37]
The then Coalition-led Government did not accept
recommendations 45 and 46 and noted recommendation 47. Most relevantly, in
relation to recommendation 45 it stated that ‘it is not appropriate to have an
arbitrary time limit of up to ninety days established regardless of the
circumstances of the case’ and ‘immigration detention centres are managed in
accordance with the principles (amongst others) that “people are detained for
the shortest practicable time, especially in facility-based detention…”’.[38] The former Government also noted that the policy of mandatory detention
‘ensures that essential health, identity, and security checks have been
conducted in each case’.[39]
The Senate Committee inquiry into this Bill observed that
most submitters supported its passage:
The direction taken by reforms contained in the Bill
attracted general support from most submitters. Many submitters commended the
Government on its adoption of a risk assessment-based policy, from which the
Bill is derived, and supported the passing of the Bill on the basis that it
signalled a further improvement on the status quo.[40]
However, it is important to distinguish support for the
detention values and/or the New Directions in Detention policy, from support
for this Bill as the two are arguably distinguishable. As the Commonwealth
Ombudsman noted ‘the detention values announced by the minister are reflected
in but not wholly subsumed in the proposed amendments’.[41] The response to the New Directions in Detention policy (incorporating the seven
detention values) was generally well-received by academics and interest groups,
as noted by the NSW Parliamentary Library:
The Chairman of the Refugee Advisory Council, Bruce Baird
stated that the changes were ‘long-overdue’ and that moving to a risk based
model ‘will ensure a more realistic approach to immigration processing, as well
as the humane treatment of vulnerable immigrants, not least refugees and asylum
seekers.’…Academic commentator George Williams also stated that the new risk
based approach is ‘more compassionate and more consistent with human rights’. Further,
the Refugee Council of Australia stated that the policy changes were a ‘very positive’
and ‘fundamental shift in policy’ (footnotes omitted).[42]
In comparison, support for this Bill has not been so
unequivocally positive and strong. Submitters to the Senate Committee inquiry into
this Bill generally extended in-principle support for some of the reforms but
expressed concerns about some of the provisions (to be discussed in further
detail below) and disappointment that it did not go far enough:
- to adequately give legislative effect to the New Directions in
Detention policy including the detention values; and
- to adequately implement the recommendations of the Joint Standing
Committee on Migration inquiry into immigration detention in Australia.[43]
Many submitters also expressed strong opposition to the
retention of mandatory detention and excision policy.[44]
For a more detailed examination of the issues raised by
significant interest groups, see chapter two (pages 5—19) of the Senate Committee
inquiry report into this Bill.
A 2004 Liberal Party policy document specifically addressing
the issue of immigration detention states:
- Mandatory detention plays a significant role in maintaining the
integrity of the migration program by ensuring that:
- Unauthorised arrivals do not enter the Australian community until
their identity and status have been properly assessed and they have been
granted a visa;
- People are immediately available for health and security checks
which are a requirement for the grant of a visa; and
- People are readily available for removal from Australia if their visa
applications are unsuccessful.
- A re-elected Coalition Government will maintain mandatory
immigration detention for all unlawful non-citizens;
- A re-elected Coalition Government will retain the policies of
excision, offshore processing (the “Pacific Solution”) and mandatory detention
that have acted as a powerful deterrent to illegal migration;
- Genuine refugees are immediately released from immigration
detention upon the completion of their health and security checks; and
- The Coalition Government believes that unlawful non-citizens
should be detained for the shortest possible time while their visa is being
processed or their removal from Australia is arranged.[45]
However, it is significant to note that the membership of
the JSCM which unanimously[46] recommended (in its first report) that the Migration Act be amended to
legislatively enshrine the Government’s New Directions in Detention policy
included several Coalition MPs including the Shadow Minister for Immigration
and Citizenship, the Hon. Dr Sharman Stone.[47] The membership also included Liberal Party ‘moderate’, Petro Georgiou MP who subsequently
consistently expressed deep concern about review rights of the decision to
detain and continue detention and about the continued detention of children in
closed secure environments.[48]
The three Liberal Senators on the Senate Committee inquiry
into this Bill ‘disagree[d] with several of the fundamental tenets of the Bill’
which they considered would ‘significantly weaken Australia’s border security
and lead to an increase in unauthorised arrivals’.[49] More explicitly, they were of the opinion that:
- the power to make residence determinations should remain with the
Minister to ensure accountability and transparency;
- the introduction of discretionary detention may see ‘many
potentially problematic non-citizens’ being released;
- TCAPs might lead to many more unlawful non-citizens ‘disappearing’
into the community;
- the proposed new mandatory detention provisions ‘fail to capture
the kinds of unlawful non-citizens for whom detention is the only safe
solution’; and
- the use of regulations (instead of primary legislation) on
important matters that directly impact on a person’s liberty was inadvisable.
The Australian Greens (AG) policy on immigration and refugees
states (amongst other things) that the Party will:
17 abolish mandatory and
indefinite detention of asylum seekers…
24 house asylum seekers who
arrive without a valid visa in publicly owned and managed open reception
centres, where entry and exit to these centres are unrestricted except where
prohibited for medical or security reasons specified in clause 28.
25 ensure that initial assessment
of refugee status is completed within 90 days.
26 grant asylum seekers an asylum
application visa (AAV) and assist without delay their move into the community
provided medical and security checks are satisfied or after 14 days has passed,
whichever occurs first.
27 ensure asylum seekers living
in the community while their claim is assessed will be granted an AAV which
will entitle them to travel, work, income support and access to ongoing
educational and medical services anywhere within Australia while their claims
for asylum are assessed.
28 deny an AAV if security checks
demonstrate the person poses a serious criminal threat to the Australian
community or if the person has not remained housed in the reception centre
while the medical and security checks were completed.[50]
Senator Sarah Hanson-Young was a member of the Senate
Committee inquiry into this Bill and issued additional comments wherein she stated
that the AG will be proposing changes to the Bill. She made 16 recommendations
including (in summary):
-
the policy of mandatory detention be abolished;
- Appeal rights should be strengthened and detention should not
exceed 30 days unless a court considers it necessary and there are no effective
alternatives;
- Section 4AA of the Act should be amended to state that a minor
must not be detained in any facilities that have similar conditions to
detention centres and that a Commonwealth Commissioner for Children be
established to oversee any detention;
- that proposed paragraph 4AAA(1)(b) be removed from the
Bill;
- the term ‘unacceptable risk’ be clearly defined and inserted into
the Migration Act and that individualised assessment of risk occur; and
- that an authorised officer be required to consider and determine
whether to grant a TCAP.[51]
The Family First Party policy on immigration and refugees
states (amongst other things) that the party:
believes all unauthorized
arrivals and asylum seekers should be detained in secure centres to assess
health, identity and security issues;
…
supports providing additional
resources to ensure detention time is kept to an absolute minimum. Asylum
seekers should then be transferred to low security facilities that are more like
a home than a prison until their claims can be fully processed.[52]
Independent Senator Nick Xenophon
has not publicly announced his position on mandatory detention or this Bill.
However he is reported to have expressed the view that the Government’s New Direction
in Detention policy ‘seemed to be more a humane and cost effective alternative
to mandatory detention as long as there were adequate safeguards for the
community’.[53]
The Explanatory Memorandum to
this Bill simply notes that ‘the financial impact of these amendments is low.
Any consequential costs will be met from within existing resources’.[54]
This Bill is contentious for a number of reasons. Firstly,
because of what it proposes to do, secondly, because of what it does not seek to change and thirdly, because of what it does not seek to insert, repeal,
or amend in the Act:
- confine mandatory immigration detention to only a specific
category of ‘unlawful non-citizens’ in the migration zone (other than an
excised offshore place) (proposed subparagraphs 189(1)(b)(i)-(v))
- embed in law discretionary detention for all other ‘unlawful
non-citizens’ in the migration zone (other than an excised offshore place) ((proposed
subsection 189(1C))
- affirm in principle that immigration detention centres are only to be used as a measure of last resort (proposed paragraph
4AAA(2)(a))
- affirm in principle that ‘unlawful non-citizens’ are only
to be detained in immigration detention centres for the shortest
practicable time (proposed paragraph 4AAA(2)(b))
- embed in law that a minor (and a person reasonably suspected of
being a minor) is not to be detained in an immigration detention centre (proposed subsection 4AA(3))
- embed in law that an officer ‘must make reasonable efforts’ to
resolve the immigration status of some detainees (proposed paragraph
189(1B)(d))
- introduce a discretionary temporary community access permission
(TCAP) to enable certain detainees to be absent from ‘immigration detention’
for a specific purpose and for a specified duration (proposed section 194A
and B)
- enable Departmental officers to make, vary or revoke ‘residence
determinations’ which are non-compellable determinations currently made by the
Minister that a person/s reside at a specified place rather than being detained
in a detention centre if it’s in the public interest (item 13)
- give legislative effect to all seven key detention values
- abolish administrative immigration detention
- completely abolish mandatory detention
- prohibit the detention of children
- impose a maximum time limit for detention
- prescribe that detention is ‘for the purpose’ of managing health,
identity and security risks to the community or require release once such
initial checks are completed
- require that immigration detention should only be ‘for the
shortest practicable time’
- require that immigration detention should only be used as ‘a
measure of last resort’ or when necessary (as per international
standards)[55]
- permit the reasonableness and appropriateness of detaining an
individual to be determined by the Courts, (as recommended by the Australian
Human Rights Commission and the United Nations Human Rights Committee)[56]
- introduce periodic independent review by a tribunal or court of
the ongoing need for detention
- amend the Migration Act to require six monthly reporting by the
Commonwealth Ombudsman on detention arrangements[57]
- prescribe that ‘unlawful non-citizens who have repeatedly refused
to comply with their visa conditions’ must be detained (as per immigration
detention value 2(c))
- incorporate the ‘best interests of the child’ principle
(contained in article 3(1) of the Convention on the Rights of the Child) into
the Migration Act. Rather, this Bill seeks to incorporate article 3(1) only for
the purposes of determining where a child is to be detained
- prescribe that, where possible, children will be detained with
their families (as per immigration detention value 3)
- introduce statutory processing of people on Christmas Island
(including provision of independent merits review)
- expressly embed the risk-based approach to detention placement in
the Act
- prescribe the criteria that requires detention in an immigration
detention centre
- prescribe all the circumstances in which a person must be
detained for presenting an ‘unacceptable risk to the Australian community’
- define ‘risk to the Australian community’
- provide for the mandatory detention of unauthorised arrivals at
an excised offshore place
- prescribe minimum standards for conditions and treatment of
persons in immigration detention, as per immigration detention value 6: ‘people
in detention will be treated fairly and reasonably within the law’ and 7 ‘conditions
of detention will ensure the inherent dignity of the human person’
- prescribe that ‘the length and conditions of detention, including
the appropriateness of both the accommodation and the services provided, will
be subject to regular review’, as per immigration detention value 4
However, it is important to distinguish measures that are to
be legislatively embedded in the Act from measures which are to be more
suitably implemented through policy and guidelines. As previously noted, administrative
implementation of the Government’s detention values has reportedly been
progressing since July 2008.[58] However, it is not clear why some detention values are to be inserted into the
Act while others (of arguably equal importance) are not. As the Australian
Human Rights Commission (AHRC) noted in its submission to the Senate Committee
inquiring into this Bill:
The Bill fails to implement Values 4, 6 and 7 regarding
conditions in immigration detention…The Commission is concerned, however, that
these values have not been given legislative effect in the Bill, and that the
government has not indicated further reforms in this area.[59]
As Petro Georgiou MP recently
opined:
Improvements of any sort are to
be welcomed, but the lack of legislative mandate means the reforms are
especially vulnerable to the vagaries of the political winds, which, as we
know, can shift abruptly.[60]
Item 1 inserts proposed section 4AAA which
articulates two principles that will apply to the detention of ‘non-citizens’. If
passed, the first principle that Parliament will affirm is that:
- the purpose of detention is to ‘manage the risks to the
Australian community of the non-citizen entering or remaining in Australia’;
and to ‘resolve the non-citizen’s immigration status’.
A distinction needs to be drawn between broadly articulating
the purpose of immigration detention, and specifically articulating the purpose
of mandatory detention. The former relates simply to the purpose of
administrative detention while the latter more controversially relates to the
purpose of imposing an express duty on officers to detain a certain category of
people. The former is what this Bill seeks to do while the latter is what the
detention values does. In effect the detention values articulated that the
purpose of mandatory detention is two-fold: ‘to support the integrity of
Australia’s immigration program’ and maintain ‘strong border control’ (as per
immigration detention value 1 and 2).
However, in practice this distinction appears to be rather immaterial
as reflected in the Department’s submission to the JSCM which stated that the
‘overall purpose of immigration detention is to support the integrity of
Australia’s immigration program’[61] while according to the second reading speech, the purpose of retaining the
policy of mandatory detention is to ‘manage health, identity and security risks
to the community’.[62]
Moreover, the Minister has emphasised that ‘once checks have
been successfully completed, continued detention while immigration status is
resolved is unwarranted’.[63] However, such an assertion appears to contradict the proposed legislated
purpose of detention, which is instead to resolve the non-citizen’s
immigration status (resulting in a visa being granted, removal or deportation).
In response to concerns raised by submitters that it was
inaccurate to assert that the purpose of immigration detention is to resolve a
non-citizen’s immigration status, the Senate Committee inquiry into this Bill
recommended that ‘proposed subsection 4AAA(1)(b)
be deleted and that proposed paragraph 4AAA (1)(a) be amended to read: (a)
Manage the risks to the Australian community of the non-citizen
entering or remaining in Australia, pending the resolution of the non-citizen’s
immigration status’.[64]
The second principle that Parliament will be asked to
affirm is that:
- a non-citizen must only be detained in a detention centre as a
measure of last resort and for the shortest practicable time.
This principle will only apply to persons detained in a
detention centre as opposed to other facilities that nonetheless
constitute ‘immigration detention’. Therefore, the ‘detention’ of unlawful
non-citizens (including minors) at other detention facilities will not be governed by this principle. Existing section 273 of the Migration Act
gives the Minister the power to establish detention centres. For this purpose
it defines ‘detention centres’ as ‘a centre for the detention of persons whose
detention is authorised under this Act’.[65] There are currently five operational immigration detention centres:
- Villawood Immigration Detention Centre (NSW)
- Northern Immigration Detention Centre (NT)
- Maribyrnong Immigration Detention Centre (Vic)
- Perth Immigration Detention Centre (WA)
- Christmas Island Immigration Detention Centre.[66]
Significantly, in the absence of any clear judicial
authority on the issue, it remains unclear whether these ‘principles’ are in
fact judiciable. The Australian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) has argued that
the affirmation of the principle that children should only be detained as a
measure of last resort (in existing section 4AA of the Migration Act) ‘is a
statement of principle only and does not create legally enforceable rights’.[67]
The drafters of this Bill have chosen to retain the phrase
‘measure of last resort’ which was inserted into existing section 4AA
(‘detention of minors a last resort’) by the Migration Amendment (Detention
Arrangements) Act 2005. The phrase has been used in various international instruments,
though most notably in article 37(b) of the Convention on the Rights of the
Child (CRC) which states:
No child shall be deprived of his or her liberty unlawfully
or arbitrarily. The arrest, detention or imprisonment of a child shall be in
conformity with the law and shall be used only as a measure of last resort and for the shortest appropriate period of time (emphasis added).
However, in a domestic statutory context it is not clear what
the expression ‘measure of last resort’ means in real terms for a prospective
detainee. Does it mean that they will only be detained in a detention centre if
it is absolutely necessary, if there are no other viable options, or only in
the most exceptional circumstances? Importantly, this Bill does not clarify what those circumstances or criteria are.
Though not expressed as a principle in legislation it is interesting
to note that the 1991 Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody
(RCIADIC) emphasised the need to reduce the disproportionate levels of
Aboriginal people in custody (14% of the total prison population) and to use
incarceration ‘as a measure of last resort’. However, this did not translate
into fewer Indigenous people being incarcerated. Rather HREOC found the number
of Indigenous prisoners to have increased over the last decade (22% of
the total prisoner population as at 30 June 2005).[68]
Item 2 clarifies that for the purposes of existing
section 4AA reference to a ‘minor’ includes ‘a person whom an officer
reasonably suspects of being a minor’. This is in keeping with existing
subsection 189(1) which states that not only unlawful citizens must be detained
but also those reasonably suspected of being so.
Item 3 inserts proposed subsections 4AA(3) and (4) which together elaborate upon the principle asserted in existing
subsection 4AA(1) that a ‘minor shall only be detained as a measure of last
resort’. Proposed subsection 4AA(3) provides that if a minor is
detained, the minor must not be detained in a detention centre. Though
detention value 3 stated that where possible, their families would similarly
not be detained in an immigration detention centre; this Bill is silent on the
issue.[69]
Proposed subsection 4AA(4) provides that if a minor
is to be detained, an officer must, for the purposes of determining where the minor is to be detained, regard the best interests of the minor as a
primary consideration. The requirement to regard the best interests of the
child as a primary consideration stems from article 3(1) of the CRC but
significantly it does not only apply to determining where a minor is to
be detained, rather it applies in all actions concerning children. It
relevantly states:
In all actions concerning children, whether undertaken by
public or private social welfare institutions, courts of law, administrative
authorities or legislative bodies, the best interests of the child shall be a
primary consideration.
To properly incorporate Australia’s international
obligations in this respect, it is arguable that this Bill should instead be requiring
that the best interests of the minor be a primary consideration in all actions
taken under the Migration Act.
Moreover, this Bill does not propose to remove the
qualification in existing subsection 4AA(2) that permits minors to be detained
in accordance with a residence determination. As AHRC observed in its most
recent report into immigration detention, even though children are only to be
detained as a measure of last resort, children continued to be ‘held in other
closed immigration detention facilities, both on the mainland and on Christmas
Island’.[70] The AHRC has also asserted that though ‘most children and families are no
longer in facility-based detention’[71],
residence determinations do not offer alternatives to detention, but
rather alternative forms of detention and so though people may reside in
the community they must still abide by certain conditions which might include
residence at a specified place.[72] Further, the AHRC continues to recommend, as it has done since 2004 when it
conducted its national inquiry into children in immigration detention, that
‘Australia’s laws should require independent assessment of the need to detain
children within 72 hours of any initial detention, similar to bail application
procedures in the juvenile justice system’.[73]
In response to concerns expressed by submitters about the
qualified expression of this principle in the Bill, the Senate Committee
inquiring into this Bill made three recommendations:
- that proposed subsection 4AA(4) be amended to require that the
best interests of the child should be a primary consideration in the placement
of the child's immediate family as well as the placement of the child;
- that proposed section 4AA(4) be amended so that the best
interests of the child be regarded by an officer as a primary consideration in
where and how a child is detained (including in accordance with a residence
determination); and
- that the Government consider amending the Bill to provide for the
appointment of an independent guardian for unaccompanied minors and children
housed apart from their immediate families.[74]
Presently, there are a variety of placement or accommodation
options for ‘unlawful non-citizens’ with varying degrees of security/confinement.
They broadly fit within five categories (ranging from the most secure to the
least secure):
- Immigration detention centres
- Immigration residential housing
- Purpose-built housing complexes in the community or on detention
centre grounds
- Secure and closed environment with restricted (accompanied)
outside access
- Immigration transit accommodation
- Temporary semi-independent hostel style (secure) accommodation
- Alternative places of detention
- May include a motel, apartment, private house, hospital, remand and/or
correctional facility etc
- Person will normally remain in the presence of an officer
- Community detention
- Residential house in the community
- Does not require the person to be in the company of, or
restrained by an officer or other designated person
- Other specified conditions (monitoring, reporting conditions) may
apply.[75]
Notwithstanding all these different accommodation options
(with their varying levels of confinement) they are all a form of immigration
detention and all come within the single definition of ‘immigration detention’ contained
in existing section 5.[76] Though it may be administratively convenient to maintain such a broad
definition of immigration detention it is also potentially misleading and
confusing. For instance, when the Minister says ‘the presumption will be that
persons will remain in the community while their immigration status is
resolved’[77] it is important to recognise that such people will still be in what is commonly
referred to as ‘community detention’ rather than residing freely in the community
because their immigration status has not yet been ‘resolved’. As the Department
notes ‘it is intended to remain the case that a non-citizen in Australia either
holds a visa or is liable for immigration detention’.[78]
Not surprisingly, such an all-encompassing definition of
‘immigration detention’ has resulted in it becoming a contested issue,
particularly with respect to the ‘detention’ of minors.[79] The Minister has
acknowledged that confusion arises as a result of existing definitions under
the Migration Act:
We have the definitions in the Act which do need changing.
People still say to me, ‘You’ve still got that child detained.’ That is legally
true but I would argue they are not really detained if they are in community
detention.[80]
The Secretary of the Department, Andrew Metcalfe has
similarly acknowledged that the existing definition may require revision:
We are already seeing a significant move away from detention
centres into other forms of detention and community detention. Indeed, the
phrase ‘community detention’ is the wrong phrase to use. It is really a form of
bail or a reporting arrangement. Part of our work here is to get our
definitions straightened out a bit.[81]
This Bill retains the existing definition of ‘immigration
detention’ and broadens it even further by inserting proposed subsection
5(1)(c) (item 5) to the definition of immigration detention to
clarify that ‘being at, or going to, a place in accordance with a temporary
community access permission without being in the company of, and restrained by,
an officer or another person directed by the Secretary’ will come within the
definition of ‘immigration detention’ under the Act.
Proposed Note 1A to the definition of ‘immigration
detention’ in existing section 5 clarifies that places approved by the
Minister for the purposes of existing subparagraph (b)(v) ‘may include, for
example, immigration transit accommodation, immigration residential housing and
other places that may be used to provide accommodation’.
Item 13 repeals existing section 197AF which provides
that the power to make, vary or revoke a residence determination may only be
exercised by the Minister personally. Item 14 makes a consequential
amendment to existing paragraphs 197AG(1)(a) and (b) which means though
officers will have the power to make, vary or revoke a residence determination,
the Minister will still be obligated to table a statement in Parliament when a
residence determination is made and the reasons why it was made, with
particular reference as to why it was thought to be in the public interest.
The policy of mandatory detention is given legislative
effect through existing subsection 189(1) which states that ‘if an officer knows
or reasonably suspects that a person in the migration zone (other than an
excised offshore place) is an unlawful non-citizen the officer must detain the person’.
Proposed new subsection 189(1)(b) restricts the power
and obligation to detain all ‘unlawful non-citizens’. Under this new provision the
category of ‘unlawful non-citizens’ that must be detained is limited to:
- present an unacceptable risk to the Australian community;
- have bypassed immigration clearance;
- have been refused immigration clearance;
- have had their visa cancelled under section 109 because when in
immigration clearance they produced a document that was false or had been
obtained falsely;
- have had their visa cancelled under section 109 because when in
immigration clearance they gave information that was false.
Significantly, this new mandatory detention provision appears
to simply list categories of people that are already subject to mandatory
detention under existing subsection 189(1). Of greater significance are the
categories of people who will not be subject to mandatory detention
including which include:
- asylum seekers (protection visa applicants);
- people that overstay their visa; and
- people who have had their visa cancelled for non-compliance of a
minor nature.[82]
Presumably ‘unlawful
non-citizens’ awaiting the outcome of merits or judicial review proceedings or
a request for ministerial intervention (who do not fall within proposed 189
(1)(b) could also be added to this list.
These four categories of people are discussed in further
detail under ‘discretionary detention’ at p.40.
Under proposed subparagraph 189(1)(b)(i) a
person who is, or is reasonably suspected of being an unlawful non-citizen in
the migration zone (other than an excised offshore place) who presents an
unacceptable risk to the Australian community must be detained. ‘Unacceptable
risk to the Australian community’ is not expressly defined rather, proposed
subsection 189(1A) provides that people in the following circumstances will
be deemed to ‘present an unacceptable risk to the Australian community’, and will
thereby be subject to mandatory detention:
- those who have been refused a visa or had their visa cancelled
under sections 501, 501A or 501B (refusal or cancellation of visa on character
grounds);
- those who have been refused a visa or had their visa cancelled ‘on
grounds relating to national security’;
- those who remain in Australia following the cessation of their
enforcement visa; and
- those who come within other circumstances to be prescribed by the
regulations.
Two preliminary observations need to be made about this
proposed amendment. Firstly, the statutory classification of people who will be
deemed to ‘present an unacceptable risk to the Australian community’ may in
effect predetermine or at least influence any subsequent ‘risk assessment’ for
the purposes of placement within the detention network which in turn may run
counter to the recommendation of the JSCM which was that section 501 detainees
should be individually assessed taking into account various factors such
as the nature, severity and number of crimes committed, the likelihood of
recidivism, and the immediate risk that person poses to the Australian
community.[83]
Secondly, it is not clear why the proposed statutory obligation
to make reasonable efforts to resolve a person’s immigration status (in proposed
paragraph 189(1B)(d) resulting in either a visa being granted to the person
or the person being removed or deported), expressly excludes people who are
deemed to present an unacceptable risk to the Australian community (in proposed
subparagraph 189(1)(b)(i)). This proposed amendment is discussed in further
detail below under ‘statutory obligation to resolve a detainee’s immigration
status’. This Bill has not adopted the recommendation of the JSCM in this
regard which was that for any person who after twelve months in detention is
determined to be a significant and ongoing unacceptable risk to the Australian
community, the Migration Act should be amended to give the person the right to
have the decision reviewed by an independent tribunal and subsequently have the
right of judicial review.[84]
Proposed paragraphs 189(1A)(a) and (b) provide that a
person who has been refused a visa or had a visa cancelled ‘under section 501,
501A or 501B’ will be deemed to present an unacceptable risk to the Australian
community for the purposes of proposed subparagraph 189(1)(b)(i).[85] Under existing section 501, a person’s visa may be refused or cancelled on
‘character grounds’. The grounds on which a person may be found not to pass the
character test can broadly be grouped into four categories:
- substantial criminal record
- association with criminal conduct
- not of good character on account of past and present criminal or
general conduct
- significant risk of future conduct grounds[86]
The administration of section 501 of the Migration Act has
been the subject of a number of inquiries, most recently:
The main criticisms surrounding the administration of the section
can be broadly summarised as follows:
- The prolonged period of time spent in immigration detention
following cancellation of a visa under section 501 (sometimes following
release from correctional detention);
-
The increasing use of section 501 to cancel the visas of
long-term permanent residents (those who have lived in Australia for more than
ten years) is beyond the intended scope of the provision;
- The broad and subjective nature of the ‘character test’;
- The extent and reliability of information upon which decisions
are made;
- The standard of procedural fairness available to those affected
by the provision;
- The broad and non-transparent discretion available to the
Minister to substitute a decision of the Department or the Administrative
Appeals Tribunal which is expressly not governed by ordinary rules of natural
justice;
- The Department’s lack of expertise to adequately assess a
person’s potential ‘risk to the community’;
- Increasing reliance on the wider power to cancel visas on
character grounds under section 501 where a person has been convicted of a
criminal offence rather than criminal deportation provisions (section 201);
- The length of time a person has spent in Australia is not
considered to be a primary consideration for the Department when deciding
whether to cancel a visa under section 501;
- Decision-makers are failing to adequately consider Australia’s
international obligations when deciding whether to cancel a visa under section
501;
- Absolute international obligations including that of non-refoulement is considered subordinate to considerations of national interest;
- The standard of immigration detention facilities used to
accommodate people who have had their visa cancelled under section 501;
- The provision unfairly impacts upon people with a mental illness,
especially those acquitted on grounds of unsoundness of mind or insanity;
Though some of these observations or criticisms have arguably
been made redundant following the commencement on 15 June 2009 of the
Minister’s new Direction No. 41 entitled ‘visa refusal and cancellation
under section 501’ which is binding on all decision-makers, and measures
such as the redevelopment of Villawood Immigration Detention Centre to provide
a range of accommodation options to account for the different requirements of
people in detention, other more substantive criticisms arguably remain and can
only be addressed by legislative change.
Proposed paragraphs 189(1A)(a)
and (b) provide that a person who has been refused a visa or had a visa
cancelled ‘on grounds relating to national security’ will be deemed to
present an unacceptable risk to the Australian community for the purposes of proposed
subparagraph 189(1)(b)(i). Under the Migration Act and Migration
Regulations, a person may be refused a visa or have their visa cancelled if they
have been assessed by the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO)
to be directly or indirectly a risk to security as defined in section 4 of the Australian
Security Intelligence Organisation Act 1979 (ASIO Act).[87]
Section 4 relevantly defines ‘security’ as:
- the protection of, and of the people of, the Commonwealth and the
several States and Territories from:
- espionage;
- sabotage;
- politically motivated violence;
- promotion of communal violence;
- attacks on Australia’s defence system; or
- acts of foreign interference
whether directed from, or committed within, Australia or not; and
- the carrying out of Australia’s responsibilities to any foreign
country in relation to a matter mentioned in any of the subparagraphs of
paragraph (a).
An enforcement visa is a temporary visa which comes into
force ‘by operation of law to non-citizens who are detained by fisheries officers
or who are aboard a vessel directed or brought to Australia by fisheries
officers’.[88] The Department’s submission to the Senate Committee inquiry into this Bill
states that existing arrangements under the Act are unaffected by this proposed
amendment:
The second group of former Enforcement visa holders reflects
existing provisions in the Fisheries Management Act 1991, the Environment
Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999 and the Torres Strait
Fisheries Act 1984, which provide for the mandatory detention of those people
brought to Australia under the provisions of the above Acts. These people, for
example, illegal foreign fishers, who are initially granted Enforcement visas,
currently become subject to mandatory detention if their visa ceases to be in
effect and they remain in Australia. These arrangements are unaffected by the
proposed amendments to the Act.[89]
Though no draft regulations have yet been made publicly
available, the Department envisages that a person in the following two
circumstances might come within the ambit of proposed paragraph 189(1A)(d):
- where an officer knows or reasonably suspects a
person will not abide by visa conditions imposed in a visa grant; and where an
officer knows or reasonably suspects that detention will facilitate the
resolution of the non-citizen’s immigration status; OR
- where an officer knows or reasonably suspects
an unlawful non-citizen has been a participant in (not limited to only the
actual organiser of) organised migration or identity fraud in respect of an
entitlement under the Act or Regulations; and where an officer knows or
reasonably suspects that detention will facilitate the resolution of the
unlawful non-citizen’s immigration status.[90]
It is not clear what changed between the drafting of the
immigration detention values (which listed this category of people as being
subject to mandatory detention) and this Bill but this category of people will not
be expressly subject to mandatory detention under this Bill. Rather, it
appears they will be mandatorily detained pursuant to proposed paragraph
189(1A)(d) which states the regulations may prescribe additional circumstances
that apply in relation to the person.[91] Though interest groups and the Senate Committee inquiring into this Bill
expressed concern that it proposed to leave such a significant matter to the
regulations (which it conceded are not as closely scrutinised as Bills before
Parliament), it is worth noting that such circumstances to be prescribed by the
regulations are in addition to the person being an ‘unlawful
non-citizen’ and therefore this provision does not permit the detention of
people who would not already be classified as ‘unlawful non-citizens’ and
therefore subject to mandatory detention under existing subsection 189(1).
It is interesting to note that the former category of people
identified by the Department (those who have repeatedly refused to abide by
their visa conditions or are anticipated to not comply) will not only be
detained, they will come within the definition of people who by law present
an ‘unacceptable risk to the Australian community’ along side people of
character or national security concern. In comparison, people who have actually
had their visa cancelled for non-compliance with visa conditions will only be
subject to discretionary detention.
The Senate Committee inquiring into this Bill declined to
make a recommendation in this regard[92] but the JSCM expressed concern with visa non-compliance acting as a criterion
for mandatory detention because it implied that detention had a punitive as
opposed to administrative function:
The Committee’s concern with visa non-compliance acting as a
criterion for mandatory detention is it suggests immigration detention as a
punitive response to visa non-compliance, rather than as an administrative
function of Australia’s immigration compliance system. The Committee considers
the distinction is vital.[93]
It subsequently recommended that:
the Department of Immigration and Citizenship clarify and
publish the criteria for assessing the need for detention due to repeated visa
non-compliance. The criteria should include the need to demonstrate that detention
is intended to be short-term, is necessary for the purposes of removal and that
prior consideration was given to: reissue of the existing visa, or a bridging
visa, with or without conditions such as sureties or reporting requirements.[94]
Proposed subparagraphs 189(1)(b)(ii)-(iii) provide
that unlawful non-citizens (other than those at an excised offshore place) who
have bypassed or been refused immigration clearance will be mandatorily
detained. Proposed subparagraphs 189(1)(b)(iv)-(v) provide that unlawful
non-citizens (other than those at an excised offshore place) who have produced
a false document or given false information in immigration clearance must similarly
be detained. Each of these categories will be briefly discussed below.
Immigration clearance is a process (defined in existing section
172) which regulates the entry of persons to Australia to ensure that those who
enter have authority to do so, that they are who they claim to be and that they
provide other information if required to do so.[95]
In broad terms, a person seeking to enter Australia bypasses
immigration clearance under existing subsection 172(4) if they leave the place
where they entered Australia without complying with section 166 (‘persons
entering to present certain evidence of identity etc.’). Current official
departmental policy further clarifies that:
- A non-citizen who enters at a port holding a visa and leaves the
port without complying with section 166 bypasses immigration clearance and
becomes an unlawful non-citizen (as s174 deems their visa to have ceased);
- A non-citizen who enters Australia without holding a visa and who
bypasses immigration clearance is an unlawful non-citizen because they do not
hold a visa;
- A non-citizen who bypasses immigration clearance is an unlawful
non-citizen and is subject to detention under section 189.[96]
A person seeking to enter Australia is refused immigration
clearance under existing subsection 172(3) if whilst in immigration clearance one
of the following applies:
- They have refused to, or are unable to, produce evidence of their
identity and a visa; [97] or
- They have refused to, or are unable to, give the information
required on a passenger card;[98] or
- They have had their visa cancelled in immigration clearance and
have not been granted another visa; or
- They have refused to, or cannot, comply with any requirements
referred to in existing paragraph 166(1)(c) to provide one or more personal
identifiers.[99]
Existing subsection 190(1) of the Migration Act relevantly
provides that for the purposes of existing section 189 (‘detention of
unlawful non-citizens’), an officer suspects on reasonable grounds that a
person in Australia is an unlawful non-citizen if they know or suspect on
reasonable grounds that the person was required to comply with section 166 and:
- bypassed, attempted to bypass, or appeared to attempt to bypass,
immigration clearance;
- was not able to provide, or otherwise did not provide information
required by section 166;
- was not able to comply with, or did not otherwise comply with any
requirement referred to in section 166 to provide one or more personal
identifiers.
In broad terms, existing section 109 currently provides a discretionary
power to cancel visas where a non-citizen:
- provides incorrect information in a visa application or on a
passenger card; or
- gives an officer a bogus document;[100] or
- fails to notify the department of a change of circumstances; or
- fails to correct incorrect answers; or
- makes any incorrect statement in response to a visa cancellation
notice.[101]
Significantly, official departmental policy states that
‘section 109 applies only to visas held by non-citizens who are in Australia after being immigration cleared’.[102] Proposed paragraphs 189(1)(b)(iv)-(v) appear to place a further
limitation on the cancellation power by providing that detention is only
mandatory if the false information or a false (or falsely obtained) document
was given when the person was ‘in immigration clearance’, as opposed to after
they had been immigration cleared.
Further, cancellation under existing section 109 requires certain
procedural fairness requirements to be satisfied and an officer must have regard
to the following matters (prescribed in regulation 2.41) when deciding whether
to cancel a visa:
- the correct information
- the content of the genuine
document (if any)
- the likely effect of the
correct information or the genuine document on a decision to grant a visa or
immigration clear the visa holder
- the circumstances in which
the non-compliance occurred
- the visa holder’s current
circumstances
- the visa holder’s subsequent
behaviour in regards to their obligations under Subdivision C of Division 3 of
Part 2 of the Act
- any other instances known
to the delegate of non-compliance by the visa holder
- the time that has elapsed
since the non-compliance
- any breaches of law since the
non-compliance and the seriousness of those breaches and
- any contribution to the community made by the visa
holder.[103]
Proposed subsection 189(1B) provides that if a person
is detained because they have bypassed or been refused immigration clearance or
produced a false document (or falsely obtained document) or given false
information in immigration clearance, then ‘an officer must make reasonable
efforts to:’
- ascertain the person’s identity; and
- identify whether the person is of character concern; and
- ascertain the health and security risks to the Australian community
of the person entering and remaining in Australia; and
- resolve the person’s immigration status.
Significantly, this
Bill does not introduce a time frame in which health, identity and
security checks must be completed. Nor does it impose a maximum time limit for
a person to remain in immigration detention. It simply requires officers to
‘make reasonable efforts’ to conduct the requisite checks and resolve a
person’s immigration status, and as previously noted, this obligation does not extend to:
- people who are deemed to present an unacceptable risk to the
Australian community (in proposed subparagraph 189(1)(b)(i)); and
- people who are detained following the exercise of an officer’s
discretion under proposed subsection 189(1C); and
- people detained at an ‘excised offshore place’ under existing
subsections 189(3) or (4).
This is despite detention value 4 stating (in part) that
‘detention that is indefinite is not acceptable’ and two parliamentary
inquiries recommending that a maximum time limit be imposed. Most recently, the
JSCM which recommended that:
- DIAC establish an expected time frame such as five days for the processing of health checks for unauthorised arrivals (recommendation
2);
- where a person’s identity is not conclusively established within 90
days, mechanisms be developed to enable conditional release from detention
(recommendation 3);
- where a person’s security assessment is ongoing after 90 days of detention, mechanisms be developed to enable conditional release from
detention (recommendation 4. See also recommendation 5);
- provided a person is not determined to be a significant and
ongoing unacceptable risk to the Australian community, a maximum time limit of twelve
months be set for a person to remain in immigration detention (recommendation
13. See also recommendation 14).[104]
With regard to the second category of people (people who are
detained following the exercise of an officer’s discretion), it is interesting
to note that the AHRC has recommended to the Senate Committee inquiring into
this Bill that proposed subsection 189(1C) creating an express
discretion whether to detain be removed. The principal reason for its
concern stems from the apparent lack of procedural safeguards (as mentioned
above) and the absence of any requirement for an officer to provide
justification for deciding to detain a person which together may create a
greater risk of arbitrary detention.[105]
Significantly, the Senate Committee inquiry into this Bill
recommended that it be:
‘amended to broaden the application of proposed subsection
189(1B) to impose a duty on the Department of Immigration and Citizenship to
make reasonable efforts to identify any person detained within the
migration zone or in an excised offshore place, to conduct character, health
and security assessments, and resolve the person's immigration status in a
timely fashion’ (emphasis added).
This is arguably the Senate Committee’s most significant
recommendation.
In addition, though perhaps of less significance (due to the
way it was expressed) was the Senate Committee’s recommendation that the
Government give only further consideration to implementing
recommendations 13 and 14 of the JSCM which recommended the imposition of a
maximum time limit of 12 months for a person to remain in immigration detention
if they were not determined to be a significant and ongoing unacceptable
risk to the Australian community and merits and judicial review rights for
detainees who were considered to be so.[106]
Proposed subsection 189(1C) creates an express
statutory discretion whether to detain a person reasonably suspected of
being an ‘unlawful non-citizen’ (other than at an excised offshore place).
According to the Department, this approach allows the individual risk presented
by the unlawful non-citizen to be assessed and the response (detention or grant
of a visa) to be proportionate to that assessed risk’.[107] The discretion does not apply to people being processed at an excised offshore place
and no other qualification or limitation is placed on the exercise of this
discretion. The granting of a visa would necessarily follow the exercise of the
discretion in order to conform to Australia’s universal visa regime that
requires all non-citizens to hold a valid visa in order to enter and remain in
Australia.[108]
However, even within the statutory confines of existing subsection
189(1) there is already an inherent or implied discretion whether to detain an ‘unlawful
non-citizen’. This discretion derives from the definition of ‘unlawful
non-citizen’ as simply someone who does not hold a visa that is in effect.[109]
If an otherwise ‘unlawful non-citizen’ is granted a visa (including a non-substantive
visa), then the obligation to detain under existing subsection 189 (1) is
rendered redundant. As explained by the Department in its recent submission to
the JSCM:
The exercise of the power to detain under s189(1) is
mandatory as indicated by the term 'must detain' but the department's policy is
that the grant of a Bridging E visa should be considered prior to detaining a
person, where it is appropriate and safe to do so. Where a compliance officer
grants a BVE, the person becomes a lawful non-citizen and there is no obligation
to detain the person under s189.[110]
The second reading speech similarly acknowledges that ‘the
Department has significantly reduced the use of detention by using flexibilities currently available in migration legislation, and in particular in Bridging E
provisions (emphasis added).’[111] Accordingly, it is difficult to see how inserting an express discretionary
power to detain into the Migration Act will make any real practical difference
to existing arrangements.
If discretionary detention is exercised, interest groups
have expressed concern that there may not be adequate arrangements for the care
of asylum seekers in the community. For instance, according to Uniting Justice
Australia:
‘carefully planned community care arrangements, based on the circumstances
and vulnerabilities of individuals being released from detention on bridging
visas, are clearly required’ in order to avoid the risk of homelessness and the
potential negative impact on health and overall wellbeing, particularly for
child asylum seekers.[112]
It is envisaged that the following groups of people may be subject to discretionary detention:
- asylum seekers (protection visa applicants);
- people that overstay their visa; and
- people who have had their visa cancelled for non-compliance of a
minor nature.[113]
-
‘unlawful non-citizens’ awaiting the outcome of merits or
judicial review proceedings or a request for ministerial intervention (if they
do not come within proposed subsection 189(1)(b).
When a person applies for a protection visa then they
automatically apply for a bridging visa to give them ‘lawful’ status while
their application is being processed. The application form for a protection
visa (Application for a Protection (Class XA) visa) also serves as an
application form for a bridging visa which means that provided the criteria for
the bridging visa are satisfied, such people will not be detained as
they will be ‘lawful’ non-citizens.
If a protection visa applicant did not satisfy the
criteria for a bridging visa under current arrangements it is difficult to see
how they would benefit from the introduction of an express discretionary
detention provision which would still require them to satisfy the criteria for
a bridging visa. The only way protection visa applicants would benefit from the
introduction of an express discretionary detention provision is if the bridging
visa criteria were changed to ensure they will be able to satisfy the criteria
for grant. Accordingly, the Department is planning to make amendments to the
Bridging E visa regulations ‘to indicate that a visa application will be
granted unless the decision-maker knows or reasonably suspects that the person
presents an unacceptable risk as specified in the Regulations’.[114]
All unlawful non-citizens who remain in Australia following
the expiration of their visa (otherwise known as ‘visa overstayers’) are
subject to mandatory detention under existing subsection 189(1) because they no
longer hold a visa that is in effect. However, under proposed new subsection
189(1A) and (1)(b) only former holders of enforcement visas that have
expired will be subject to mandatory detention.
According to the Department, there are currently
approximately 48 000 visa overstayers in Australia.[115]
People who have had their visa cancelled are subject to
mandatory detention under existing subsection 189(1). However, under proposed
new subsection 189(1)(b) only people whose visas are cancelled on
prescribed grounds will be subject to mandatory detention i.e. ‘on grounds
relating to national security’; under sections 501, 501A or 501B (character);
and under section 109 for producing a false (or falsely obtained) document or
giving information that was false when in immigration clearance. All other visa
cancellations would presumably come within the newly created discretionary
detention provision or proposed 189(1A)(d).
Detention statistics on the DIAC website indicate that,
as at 24 July 2009 there were 175 people (about 18 per
cent of the total immigration detention population) who had arrived in
Australia lawfully and were then taken into immigration detention for either
overstaying their visa or breaching their visa conditions, resulting in a visa
cancellation. The number of people in immigration detention who had arrived
unlawfully by air or boat as at 24 July 2009 was 796, representing about 81 per
cent of the total immigration detention population (emphasis added).[116]
Of these 175 people (or 18 per cent of the total detention
population), 105 were visa overstayers, and 70 were visa cancellations.[117]
It is not clear whether ‘unlawful non-citizens’ awaiting the
outcome of merits or judicial review proceedings or a request for ministerial
intervention will similarly be detained on a discretionary rather than
mandatory basis, though it appears they would on the basis that they are not
expressly included in the list of people to be subject to mandatory detention.
This group of people are likely to remain in immigration detention for
prolonged periods of time due to the delays caused by legal processes.
The Migration Act does not require or obligate
officers to detain all unauthorised arrivals at excised offshore places. Rather,
existing subsection 189(3) creates a discretionary power (reflected in the use
of the term ‘may’) to detain ‘unlawful non-citizens’ and those reasonably
suspected of being so in an ‘excised offshore place’ such as Christmas Island.[118] This Bill does not propose to amend the Act to introduce mandatory detention
of all unauthorised arrivals at excised offshore places.
However, under the New Directions in Detention policy three
categories of persons will be subject to mandatory immigration
detention:
- all unauthorised arrivals, for management of health, identity and
security risks to the community
- unlawful non-citizens who present unacceptable risks to the
community and
- unlawful non-citizens who have repeatedly refused to comply with
their visa conditions.
Significantly, official Departmental Policy Instruction confirms
that this policy applies to persons being processed on Christmas Island:
As a matter of policy, it is intended, as a general rule,
that all unauthorised air and sea arrivals at Christmas Island will initially
be taken into immigration detention to enable processing, initial interviews
and health checks to take place.[119]
Accordingly, it appears that unlawful non-citizens, (or
those reasonably suspected of being so) on Christmas Island will now be subject
to mandatory rather than discretionary detention, albeit in policy only.
Item 12 inserts proposed section 194A into the
Migration Act which will create what is to be known as ‘temporary community
access permission’ (TCAP), which the Minister equates to an unaccompanied ‘day release’ for detainees to e.g. undertake an educational course, visit a
doctor, attend a wedding or funeral of a close friend or relative etc.[120] The main features of this proposed scheme are as follows:
- it enables a person/s to ‘be absent’ from the person’s place of
detention for a specific purpose and for a specified duration;
- it is available to those in ‘immigration detention’ but not those covered by a residence determination;
- it is only available if it would involve a minimal risk to the
Australian community;
- an authorised officer is not under any obligation to consider a
request for a TCAP;
- a TCAP can be varied or revoked;
- being at, or going to, a place in accordance with a TCAP is still
considered to be ‘immigration detention’ for the purposes of the Migration Act;
- being at, or going to, a place in accordance with a TCAP may
involve the person not being in the company of, and restrained by an officer or
another person; and
- a TCAP must be in writing and specify the conditions that must be
complied with.
Though immigration detention value 7 (conditions of
detention will ensure the inherent dignity of the human person) will not be
embedded in the Act, the Minister claims that the TCAP will support the
value, in the same way the Residence Determination system introduced by the
former Coalition Government did.[121]
In response to concerns that an authorised officer is not
under any obligation to consider a request for a TCAP, and the Department’s
statement which the Senate Committee inquiry into this Bill interpreted as
meaning that ‘the TCAP is intended to be used by the Department, primarily for
its own purposes and at its own initiative’, the Committee recommended that ‘proposed
section 194A be amended to require an officer to consider a request by a
detainee for a Temporary Community Access Permission’.[122]
The more technical aspects of a TCAP may be summarised as
follows:
- a TCAP is not a legislative instrument (and
thus not disallowable) (proposed subsection 194(5));
- preparing or helping to prepare a request for a TCAP or advising someone
about making a request is considered to be ‘immigration assistance’ (items
15 and 16);[123]
- a lawyer does not give ‘immigration legal assistance’ in giving
advice regarding a request for a TCAP (item 17);[124]
- a person makes ‘immigration representations’ if they make
representations to, or otherwise communicates with, the Minister, a member of
the Minister’s staff or the Department on behalf of a person who has made, or
is proposing to make a request for a TCAP (item 18);[125] and
- a decision not to exercise, or not to consider the exercise the
power to grant a TCAP is a ‘privative clause decision’ for the purposes of
existing section 474 (item 19) therefore judicial review is limited.[126]
Subitem 20(1) provides that a detainee in immigration
detention under existing subsection 189(1) will be taken to be detained under proposed
new subsection 189(1) as inserted by item 9 if at the time this item
commences, if an officer knows or reasonably suspects that the person is
someone mentioned in paragraph 189(1)(b).
Subitem (2) provides that if a detainee is not
someone covered by subitem (1), then the person is simply taken to be detained
under proposed new subsection 189(1C) upon commencement.
Item 21 confirms that the amendments made by Schedule
1 apply ‘in relation to a person who is in immigration detention on or after
the day on which this item commences’.
Concluding
comments
When introducing the Government’s ‘New Directions in
Detention policy’, the Minister claimed that the former Coalition Government’s
reforms to immigration detention in 2005 were ‘largely superficial and never
fundamentally reformed the system’. In contrast, he asserted that the
Government’s new detention policy would address serious concerns about the
immigration detention system and fundamentally change the premise underlying
detention policy so that people would be treated humanely and compassionately.
Moreover, its new detention policy would reduce the duration of detention;
create greater transparency, oversight and accountability around the decision
to detain and the decision to continue detention. It is against this backdrop
that this Bill must be assessed because it is this new detention policy (incorporating
the detention values) that this Bill will give legislative (as opposed to
regulatory and administrative) effect. In this respect this Bill simply
proposes to make rather minor and qualified amendments to the Act to give
legislative effect to largely existing policy and practice. Accordingly, parts
of this Bill could be described as symbolic. As conceded in the second reading
speech, the amendments proposed largely represent a continuation of the reforms
introduced by the former Government. In doing so, this Bill, as it currently stands,
does not adequately embed in legislation the Government’s new detention policy and
more importantly, the considered recommendations of consecutive parliamentary
inquiries.
Elibritt Karlsen
11 September 2009
Bills Digest Service
Parliamentary Library
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