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Bills Digest No. 11 1999-2000
Norfolk Island Amendment Bill 1999
WARNING:
This Digest was prepared for debate. It reflects the legislation as introduced
and does not canvass subsequent amendments. This Digest does not have
any official legal status. Other sources should be consulted to determine
the subsequent official status of the Bill.
CONTENTS
Passage History
Purpose
Background
Main Provisions
Concluding Comments
Endnotes
Contact Officer & Copyright Details
Norfolk Island Amendment Bill 1999
Date Introduced: 31 March
1999
House: Senate
Portfolio: Regional Services,
Territories and Local Government
Commencement: 28 days after
Royal Assent
The Norfolk Island Amendment Bill 1999 ('the Bill') has
6 purposes:
- to require candidates for future elections to the Norfolk Island Legislative
Assembly to hold Australian citizenship,
- to add Australian citizenship to the requirements for future enrolments
on the electoral roll, while relaxing the residency requirement
- to move 'firearms and ammunition' from Schedule 2 to Schedule 3 of
the Norfolk Island Act 1979 ('the Principal Act'), thereby permitting
the Commonwealth Minister to veto legislation passed by the Legislative
Assembly about those matters
- to provide for the Deputy Administrator of Norfolk Island to be appointed
by the Commonwealth Minister responsible for External Territories, rather
than by the Governor-General
- to remove gender-specific language from the Principal Act
- to make minor grammatical amendments to the Principal Act.
A Complex Constitutional History
Some on Norfolk Island dispute that it is part of the
Commonwealth of Australia. The High Court found to the contrary in 1976(if
any),(1) but the assertion persists in part because the constitutional
status and history of the Island is complex and unusual.
In brief,(2) the Island was unoccupied when mapped by
Captain Cook in 1774, although evidence apparently exists of earlier Polynesian
occupation. It was twice occupied by the British and used as a penal colony,
in the periods 1788-1814 and 1825-1855. In 1856, descendants of Bounty
mutineers who had intermarried with Polynesian islanders agreed with the
British Government to move from Pitcairn Island to Norfolk Island. Between
1856 and 1897, Norfolk Island was a separate British colony with its own
Governor, who was also the Governor of New South Wales. In 1897 the British
Crown transferred administrative responsibility for Norfolk Island to
the Governor of the colony of New South Wales, an arrangement continued
in 1900 with the Governor of the new State of New South Wales. By combined
British and Australian action in 1913 and 1914 the Island became a Territory
under the authority of the Commonwealth of Australia.
A distinct history combined with distance from the Australian
mainland has generated a strong sense of local identity on the Island.
Reaction to the Bill on Norfolk Island has been strong, most of it adverse
and consistent with the Island's 'rich history of civilised disputation
with faraway rulers'.(3) While the Commonwealth has depicted the Bill
as variously necessary or convenient from the national point of view,
opponents on Norfolk Island have treated it as paternalistic and a threat
to progress towards self-government. Much of the controversy over the
Bill thus reflects the contested nature of Norfolk Island's relationship
to the Commonwealth of Australia.
Partial Self Government Since 1979
In the mid-1970s the Commonwealth held a Royal Commission
into the future status of Norfolk Island, chaired by Sir John Nimmo. The
Fraser Government responded by committing itself to a form of self government
for the Island and in 1979 the Principal Act was passed by the Commonwealth
Parliament. The Principal Act functions as a quasi-constitutional document,
setting out the institutions of legislative, executive and judicial power
for the Island.
The Territory is administered by the Administrator, appointed
by the Governor-General (effectively the Commonwealth Government). In
forming certain opinions required under the Act, the Administrator must
rely on his or her own judgement. In all other respects, the Administrator
acts on advice. That advice comes from a variety of sources depending
on the category of matter involved. In some instances, the Administrator
is the senior representative of the Commonwealth on the Island, acting
on the advice of the Minister for Territories. In other situations, the
Administrator fills a role akin to the vice-regal function of a State
Governor, acting on the advice of the Norfolk Island Executive Council
or Legislative Assembly (both discussed immediately below). Finally, in
some situations the Administrator refers matters to the Governor-General,
who in turn acts on the advice of the Commonwealth Government.
The Principal Act creates an Executive Council 'to advise
the Administrator on all matters relating to the government of the Territory'.
Members of the executive are appointed from the Legislative Assembly by
members of the Assembly, and have authority over matters listed in Schedules
2 and 3 of the Principal Act. There are 4 Ministers of the Norfolk Island
Government.
The Principal Act also invests the Legislative Assembly
of Norfolk Island with the power 'to make laws for the peace, order and
good government of the Territory', subject to assent by the Administrator
or the Governor-General as the case may be. There are 9 members of the
Norfolk Island Legislative Assembly, elected from the Island voting as
a single electorate numbering between 950 and 1200 people. Voting is compulsory
and the franchise is available under a local law to those over
18 years old who meet a residency requirement, whether Australian citizens
or not.(4) While the right to vote is subject to local law, the right
to stand for election is governed by Commonwealth legislation. Candidates
for election to the Assembly must have been ordinarily resident on the
Island for 5 years prior to nomination. Citizenship of Australia is not
a requirement and it was recently suggested that 3 members of the current
Assembly are not Australian citizens, including the Chief Minister.(5)
There are reportedly no formal party groupings in the Assembly.
The legislative power of the Assembly is plenary (with
four defined exceptions),(6) but the conditions attaching to assent as
well as other forms of overriding legislative authority mean that the
Commonwealth retains a significant influence over the laws enacted to
apply in Norfolk Island. Laws about matters listed in Schedule 2 are at
the heart of Norfolk Island self-government, because the Administrator
assents or not to such laws on the advice of the Executive Council (the
Norfolk Island Government). Schedule 3 to the Principal Act lists a smaller
range of topics which in 1979 the Commonwealth Minister described as 'matters
of particular sensitivity or national importance'.(7) Regarding assent
to Schedule 3 laws, the Administrator appears again to act on the advice
of the Executive Council, but importantly is subject to over-riding instructions
from the Commonwealth Minister. Where a law relates to a matter in neither
Schedule 2 nor 3, the Administrator reserves the law for the attention
of the Governor-General (who will act on the advice of the Commonwealth
Government). The Governor-General also has the power to make ordinances
for the Island and to introduce legislation into the Assembly, although
apparently this power has not been exercised since 1979. Finally the Commonwealth
Parliament has the power to make laws which apply in Norfolk Island, but
only if an Act expressly says so.
The Principal Act preserved the already-established Supreme
Court of Norfolk Island as the seat of judicial power on the Island.
Citizenship Statistics
In its submission to the Senate Legal and Constitutional
Legislation Committee (SLCLC) inquiry into the Bill, the Norfolk Island
Government ('NIG') provided citizenship statistics from the Census of
Population and Housing conducted by the Administration of Norfolk Island
on 6 August 1996. It found that 81% of the permanently resident population
held Australian citizenship, 16% held New Zealand citizenship and less
than 2% each held UK and other citizenship respectively. Amongst the temporarily
resident population it found a higher proportion of New Zealanders (25%),
with 68% holding Australian citizenship. The NIG submitted that up to
20% of Island residents of Pitcairn descent were born in New Zealand,
'for medical or other reasons'.(8)
The National Firearms Program and Norfolk Island
Following the murder of 35 people by a lone gunman at
Port Arthur, Tasmania a meeting of Commonwealth, State and Territory Police
Ministers was held in May 1996. Agreement was reached on a national scheme
for firearms ownership, use and storage, which included wide prohibitions
and restrictions as well as national standards for licensing and registration.
The agreement also provided for an amnesty period and
buyback scheme to encourage firearms owners and dealers to surrender prohibited
weapons. The Commonwealth agreed to meet the costs of compensation and
administration under the agreement, funded by a one-off increase in the
Medicare levy. After May 1996, the Commonwealth, States and Territories
proceeded to pass legislation and effect necessary administrative changes.
The National Firearms Program Implementation Act 1998
(Cth) extended the firearms buyback scheme to the External Territories
of Norfolk Island, Cocos (Keeling) Islands and Christmas Island.
According to the submission made by the Norfolk Island
Government ('NIG') to the SLCLC, a Firearms Bill was introduced into the
Norfolk Island Legislative Assembly in 1996 and then, after an election,
it was reintroduced as the Firearms Bill 1997. Negotiations ensued between
the Commonwealth and the NIG, and the Bill was assented to in October
1997, in circumstances described by the NIG in the following terms:
the NIG took the view, after consultation with the
Administrator, that it would be irresponsible to permit the obsolete
and grossly deficient 1958 legislation to remain in force indefinitely
whilst fine-tuning of the 1997 Bill occurred, that the Bill (which was
on the cusp of passage by the Assembly) should therefore be enacted,
and that remaining divergences from the national scheme should be addressed
afterwards. A further consideration was that semi-automatic firearms
had been prohibited imports since as long ago as 1983, and remained
so. The Bill was accordingly assented to in October 1997.(9)
An amending Bill was introduced in the Legislative Assembly
in 1998 following further discussions with the Commonwealth, but appears
to have been initially defeated in November. In December 1998, regulations
were made under the Firearms Act 1997 (Norfolk Island) and then
in March 1999, amendments to the Act successfully passed the Assembly
and were assented to on 25 March 1999. The Commonwealth Bill dealt with
in this Digest was introduced into the Senate 6 days later.
One witness from Norfolk Island who supported the Bill
asserted that there was the equivalent of one registered gun to each person
on the Island and many more unregistered firearms, although he said it
was 'not possible to verify these figures'.(10) A witness from the Commonwealth
Attorney-General's Department said she was aware:
that there would be anecdotally that level of gun ownership...There
is at least one very large collection on the island...yes, I am aware
that there is a high level of gun ownership.(11)
In October 1997 the responsible NIG Minister wrote to
the Commonwealth and said:
There has not, to my knowledge, been a single incident
since the Pitcairn Islanders arrived here in 1856, of violence or robbery
involving use of a firearm. There is no ability to export semi-automatic
rifles from Norfolk Island, nor to import them into Norfolk Island,
nor to sell or transfer them in Norfolk Island.(12)
The witness for the Commonwealth quoted above conceded
that:
there is no more concern about unlawful use of firearms
on Norfolk Island than in any other Australian jurisdiction. In fact,
I think that we have to put that in the context of what is really quite
a low crime level on Norfolk Island.(13)
The operative amendments are contained in Schedule
1 of the Bill, which contains amendments to the Principal Act.
Deputy Administrator
The Deputy Administrator of Norfolk Island holds what
is known as a 'dormant commission'. An individual, conventionally a relatively
junior Commonwealth public servant, is appointed once to fill the position
from time to time as the need arises, when necessary duties can be fulfilled
neither by an Administrator nor by an Acting Administrator. At present,
the Deputy Administrator is appointed by Commission by the Governor-General,
thereby entailing the involvement of the Cabinet and Executive Council.
Item 1 of Schedule 1 would permit instead the Commonwealth Minister
to appoint the Deputy Administrator by written instrument.
The Deputy Administrator currently takes an oath or affirmation
before any one of a defined list of individuals including the Governor-General
or the Governor-General's appointee. That list will remain the same except
that item 3 means that it will now include the Minister or the
Minister's appointee, and not include the Governor-General and his or
her appointee. Item 2 is consequential on item 3.
Citizenship as a Requirement of Holding Office
Section 38 of the Principal Act presently sets out the
eligibility requirements which candidates for election to the Norfolk
Island Legislative Assembly must meet at the time of nomination. In its
original form, as passed in 1979, the Principal Act additionally required
that candidates be an Australian citizen or otherwise have the status
of a British subject. This additional requirement was removed by the Commonwealth
Parliament by amendment in 1985. Item 5 will reintroduce a requirement
that in future candidates be Australian citizens, although this time there
is no additional eligibility as a British subject.
Once elected, a member of the Legislative Assembly is
subject to disqualification on a number of grounds, which are set out
in section 39 of the Principal Act. Consistent with the policy intent
of item 5, item 7 will see a member's office become vacant if he
or she ceases to be an Australian citizen.
Item 8 clarifies that item 7 will not prejudice
a member's term of office already underway when item 7 commences, if they
are not or cease to be an Australian citizen, but it will operate to disqualify
members who are not Australian citizens from the next election onwards.
Citizenship and Residency as Requirements of
the Right to Vote
At present, the Principal Act does not prescribe the
eligibility requirements for a person's name to be entered on the Norfolk
Island electoral roll. Local legislation passed by the Norfolk Island
Legislative Assembly, the Legislative Assembly Act 1979 (Norfolk
Island), requires a prescribed period of presence on the Island in the
period leading up to attempted enrolment (and re-enrolment upon return
to the Island after an absence or after serving a term of imprisonment).
Item 9 (consisting of proposed sections 39A-39D) will incorporate
but also to some extent contradict and over-rule that local legislation.
Proposed section 39A requires that a person
seeking enrolment be at least 18, an Australian citizen and 'ordinarily
resident' on Norfolk Island in the previous 6 months. Re-enrolment after
an absence from the Island or imprisonment for at least a year is
possible, if the person is an Australian citizen and was present on the
Island for 150 of the last 240 days prior to enrolment. A person under
imprisonment for one year or longer for a Commonwealth, State or Territory
offence cannot enrol during their period of imprisonment. A person who
ceases to be an Australian citizen after commencement of item 9
must be removed from the roll (see proposed section 39C).
Enrolment permits a person to vote at Legislative Assembly
elections (see proposed section 39B).
The voting rights of those already on the roll (and who
for example may not be Australian citizens) are preserved by item 10
which says the eligibility requirements will only apply to enrolment
applications made after commencement of item 9. The effect of item 10
on proposed section 39C, however, is ambiguous. Will an Australian
citizen already enrolled when item 9 commences lose their enrolment if
he or she subsequently ceases to be an Australian citizen?
Firearms Legislation
As noted in the Background to this Digest, the Norfolk
Island Legislative Assembly was granted the power(14) to make laws for
the peace, order and good government of Norfolk Island subject to certain
restrictions set out in the Principal Act. The conditional or partial
form of self-government granted to Norfolk Island under the Principal
Act found expression, amongst other things, in section 21 which sets out
on whose advice and instructions the Administrator of Norfolk Island must
act when considering whether to give assent to laws passed by the Legislative
Assembly. If the law relates to a Schedule 2 matter, the Administrator
must act on the advice of the Norfolk Island Government. If the law involves
a Schedule 3 matter the Commonwealth Minister can issue over-riding instructions
to the Administrator. Schedule 2 sets out a list of 93 matters (42 when
the Principal Act was passed in 1979), while Schedule 3 lists 10 matters
(up from 4 in 1979).
Items 11 and 12 remove 'firearms' and 'ammunition'
from Schedule 2 and item 13 adds them to Schedule 3. This gives
the Commonwealth Minister direct leverage over the laws passed by the
Assembly dealing with firearms and ammunition, a matter which has assumed
significance in the wake of the Port Arthur murders in April 1996 and
consequent changes to Commonwealth legislation and policies designed to
achieve uniform national standards.
There appears to be a difference of interpretation between
the Commonwealth and the Norfolk Island Government as to whether, in the
absence of instructions from the Commonwealth Minister about a Schedule
3 law, the Administrator simply acts on the advice of the Norfolk Island
Government or must first seek instructions from the Commonwealth before
assenting or withholding assent to legislation.(15)
Other Amendments
Items 4 and 6 are minor grammatical amendments.
Items 14 to 17 replace the masculine pronoun
with gender-neutral language.
The Limits of Self Government
These Concluding Comments will deal in turn with the
citizenship and residency proposals for enrolment and entitlement to stand
as a candidate for the Legislative Assembly, as well as the proposed changes
regarding firearms legislation and the Deputy Administrator. The same
vein of controversy, however, runs through each issue and it is that recurrent
theme which is dealt with here first.
That theme can be summarised as a dispute over the boundary
between local autonomy and national standards.(16) Expressed that way,
it is a well-recognised source of political argument in Australia, given
its federal structure and extremely large landmass. Resentment at 'interference
by Canberra' in 'the way things are done around here' is a familiar refrain,
particularly the further one travels from the Australian Capital Territory.
The same dispute frequently arises in indigenous affairs. The distinctive
history of Norfolk Island, going right back to the mutiny on the Bounty,
as well as its particular geographic isolation as an island 1500 kilometres
from the east coast of the Australian mainland has contributed to a fairly
intense localism evident in the NIG's dealings with the Commonwealth.
Commonwealth agencies, themselves, seem quite ready to concede that Norfolk
Island is appropriately described as 'unique'.(17)
Leaving aside an undercurrent of secessionist sentiment
which has occasionally surfaced but which the Deputy Speaker of the Legislative
Assembly, for example, sought to downplay to the SLCLC as a minority view,(18)
the debate over the Bill so far has centred around the legitimate boundaries
of self government for this unique polity within the context of a continuing
constitutional relationship with Australia.
The NIG places heavy emphasis on the theme of continuous
devolution and steady progress to full self government which it identifies
as being at the heart of the Principal Act. For example, it points to
Minister Ellicott's Second Reading Speech when the Principal Act was introduced
into the Commonwealth Parliament in 1978:
This Bill...will confer on the Island residents the
opportunity to become increasingly involved in their own affairs...The
Government intends to review these arrangements over the next five years
and to increase the scope of the Legislative Assembly's powers as may
be appropriate.(19)
In its submission to the SLCLC, the NIG says that 65
years of Commonwealth administration left large areas of social policy
untended (such as social security, workers' compensation, planning and
environment regulation, revenue raising and criminal justice) whereas
considerable progress has been made by the Legislative Assembly on all
these fronts since 1979:
The Norfolk Island Government believes this shows that,
by and large, self-government is likely to be good government. Certainly
it is to be preferred to faltering attempts by the unelected to cope
with complex issues by means of a form of remote control.(20)
Instead of progressive devolution, the NIG sees the Bill,
however, as evidence of regression to central control, a 'confrontational
and provocative'(21) course of action pursued by an administration in
Canberra insensitive to the needs and aspirations of Norfolk Islanders:
The amendments, if passed, will damage self-government.
They will adversely affect the Island's self-identity, and lead to a
wholly unnecessary dispute over the Island's fundamental status. They
will result in the disenfranchisement of a significant minority of the
population. They will also achieve Departmental ideological and administrative
objectives, which have been nursed in bureaucratic recesses over the
years.(22)
As evidence of a shift away from devolution within the
Commonwealth, the NIG asserts that:
- all electoral legislation (including the abolition of a citizenship
requirement for enrolment in 1985) has either been introduced or assented
to by successive Commonwealth Governments but features of the local
franchise are now described as 'anomalies'
- the present Bill is 'the first occasion since 1979 on which unwanted,
unwarranted and provocative amendments to the Island's governing instrument...have
been introduced into the Federal Parliament',(23) and
- the Commonwealth has shown summary disregard for successive results
in referenda held on the Island regarding proposed electoral changes
by the Commonwealth.
Attempts by the Commonwealth to justify measures by reference
to other External Territories are typically regarded as a bureaucratic
reflex response betraying an intolerance or disregard for relevant difference.
The NIG submission to the SLCLC goes beyond criticism
of the Bill and proposes, instead, a strategy designed to achieve its
objective of further devolution and enhanced self-government. It is also
noteworthy that following the 12 May 1999 referendum on electoral changes
which registered a 71% 'No' vote (discussed further below), the Senate
called on the Government 'to enter into formal negotiations with the Government
of Norfolk Island in view of the referendum result'.(24)
The issue of process has also attracted controversy.
The NIG has referred to the 'antagonism' created by Commonwealth decisions
to act without consultation.(25) In particular, they said that despite
extensive contact over other elements of the Bill there was no consultation
over the proposal regarding the Deputy Administrator before the decision
was announced in a letter sent the month before the Bill's introduction.(26)
Similarly, after the demise of an earlier proposal to include citizenship
as a requirement of the franchise, there was no consultation prior to
a Cabinet decision in 1998 to revive the measure. The Norfolk Island Government
has commented:
Given the controversial previous history of the proposal,
this is surprising.(27)
The Commonwealth Grants Commission, reporting on Norfolk
Island in late 1997, acknowledged that:
In general, it can be said that, with the exception
of the Territories Office, Commonwealth agencies do not give sufficient
thought to Norfolk, the third self governing Territory in the Commonwealth,
and it is often considered, if at all, either by implication or as an
afterthought...
The Territories Office have little contact with the
Members of the Norfolk Island Assembly and tend to work through the
Administrator and a small number of Norfolk Island's senior public servants.
While the Territories Office staff cannot always express a Commonwealth
Government opinion, we think there would be benefits if they could have
a more open approach in their dealings with the people on Norfolk Island.
On the Island's part, there may well be unrealistic expectations of
what is feasible or what degree of priority can be given by the Commonwealth
to Norfolk Island issues. For whatever reason, there is evidently a
fair amount of mistrust on both sides and it is making the administration
of the Island more difficult than it need be.(28)
In its main findings, the Grants Commission noted the
'need for improved communication between the Commonwealth and Norfolk
Island Governments'.(29)
The Commonwealth Government's position on the appropriate
degree of self government for Norfolk Island is not dealt with in the
Explanatory Memorandum, and is referred to only briefly in the Second
Reading Speech where it says the Principal Act introduced 'a form of self-government'
and:
By way of comparison, the Norfolk Island model of self-government
is broadly similar to that of the Northern Territory.(30)
The most detailed exposition of the Commonwealth's position
is found in the Minister's response to the Senate Standing Committee for
the Scrutiny of Bills, where he made the following points:
- like other External and mainland Territories, Norfolk Island will
remain an integral part of the Commonwealth of Australia
- the Commonwealth Government 'remains open to realistic proposals'
from the NIG for the enhancement of internal self government, subject
to improvements in revenue raising.(31)
A major pillar of the Commonwealth's argument for the
citizenship requirement in relation to elections is equality across the
Commonwealth. It has promoted the combined citizenship/residency proposal
for the franchise as giving Australian citizens the same electoral rights
they enjoy in every other jurisdiction, and justified the phasing out
of non-citizen voting by asserting that Norfolk Island is the only State
or Territory legislature where non-Australian citizens are entitled to
vote and stand for election. In dismissing the relevance of local referenda
on electoral changes, the Minister has said that:
The rights of Australian citizens are national issues
for determination by the Federal Parliament, not the subject of local
plebiscites by small community groupings, especially where (a) not all
resident Australians are permitted to vote and (b) non citizen residents
can vote on an essentially national issue.(32)
It may be noted that there is some support for the Commonwealth's
proposals amongst Norfolk Island residents, and more generally shades
of opinion which place much greater emphasis on the constitutional integration
of the Island into the Commonwealth of Australia. One witness before the
SLCLC inquiry suggested that hostility to 'Canberra' may stem from more
than a hankering for political autonomy:
I wonder whether it was the independence movement or
when the Commonwealth, and rightly so, stepped in and stopped the tax
avoidance and the bottom-of-the-harbour schemes. We still have members
who operated those schemes as residents on the island, and some of them
are violently anti-Australian. As a matter of fact, some of them have
been elected to the assembly over the years.(33)
Election results for the Legislative Assembly since 1979
and the outcomes of referenda on Commonwealth electoral proposals (despite
some legitimate criticisms of the way questions have been framed) tend,
however, to indicate that the preference for localism over centralism
is quite widespread amongst long term Island residents.
This brief survey vindicates the NIG's submission that
there exists 'a consistent tension between, on the one hand, a continuing
Island effort to preserve the unique nature of the polity and, on the
other, a continuing metropolitan endeavour to remove 'anomalies' by treating
the Island as if it were an integral part of Australia'.(34)
Firearms Legislation
Norfolk Island's compliance with the National Agreement
on Firearms was canvassed at some length with witnesses appearing before
the SLCLC inquiry into the Bill, but it is difficult to discern precisely
where matters stand at present. The Norfolk Island Government asserted
that the Commonwealth Attorney-General's Department 'signed off' on the
Island's amendments leaving 'a number of minor matters that still need
to be included in the regulations to bring the current Norfolk Island
legislation into line with the legislation as approved by the Commonwealth
Attorney-General's (sic) in August 1998'. The NIG alleged that 'a raft
of new issues' was then raised by the Commonwealth in April 1999 (after
introduction of the Bill) which if they had been raised in April 1998
'would have been resolved by now'.(35) The Deputy Speaker of the Island's
Assembly said that 'there is really no dispute between the Norfolk Island
government and the Australian government'.(36)
Representatives of the Commonwealth agreed that while
some of the outstanding differences are 'significant in the sense that
they are necessary':
In terms of what needs to be done to remedy it, I think
I would agree that they are minor.(37)
Category C firearms - semiautomatic weapons, of which
there are 'quite a number on Norfolk Island at the moment' according to
the Commonwealth - are apparently the major outstanding issue.(38) The
responsible Commonwealth official asserted that the Act passed in March
1999 and the regulations made in December 1998 were not the same as the
laws 'ticked off' by the Commonwealth but was not able to elaborate on
the differences and the NIG appeared to contradict this evidence.(39)
The Commonwealth official disclaimed knowledge of why the two governments
appeared to be in an impasse when the NIG had indicated a commitment to
full compliance.(40)
In short, there appears to be some confusion over whether
the remaining deficiencies in Norfolk Island firearms legislation had
been brought to the NIG's attention before the Commonwealth signalled
its intention on 25 March 1999 that the Bill would move firearms and ammunition
to Schedule 3 of the Principal Act. If it had not, this would tend to
undercut the Commonwealth's case for giving the Commonwealth Minister
a direct veto over firearms legislation made on the Island and to vindicate
the NIG's case that self government is being wound back. If it had, it
would give some support to the Commonwealth's argument for greater leverage
over this category of legislation.
It is worth noting that the firearms issue appears to
have brought to the surface an important difference of opinion over the
role of the NIG in relation to Schedule 3 matters. The Second Reading
Speech to the Bill asserts that in considering assent to Schedule 3 laws,
the Administrator must first obtain the instructions of the Commonwealth
Minister for Territories.(41) It may be that this goes too far, and that
in light of sections 7 and 21, the Administrator must act on the advice
of the Executive Council of Norfolk Island, subject to over-riding instructions
from the Commonwealth Minister if any are forthcoming. The NIG
objects to the assertion in the Second Reading Speech, but itself may
go too far in insisting that contrary instructions must 'first' arrive
from the Commonwealth Minister.(42) The combined effect of sections 7
and 21 in relation to assent to Schedule 3 laws appears ambiguous.
Appointment of the Deputy Administrator
By comparison with the detailed submission on this issue
put to the SLCLC inquiry by the NIG, the Commonwealth has done little
to set out on the public record the merits of its case for this proposal
in the Bill. The Second Reading Speech and the Explanatory Memorandum
make the same two points: 'the appointment of a comparatively junior Commonwealth
officer to an essentially dormant commission does not warrant the attention
of the Governor-General'(43) and appointment by the Territories Minister
is consistent with the situation in the other two major External Territories,
Christmas Island and Cocos (Keeling) Island.
The NIG opposes the amendment on both technical and broader
political grounds. It says that in practice Acting Administrators - next
in the hierarchy below the Administrator - are rarely appointed, so that
in the absence of the Administrator it will frequently be the Deputy Administrator
who 'has and may exercise and perform all the powers and functions of
the Administrator',(44) and that on occasions this has been for as long
as three and four month periods. Next, it says that the Administrator
(and those acting in the position) must perform important functions,
such as forming an opinion as to the characterisation of a law as coming
within Schedule 2, 3 or neither. It thus questions what it sees as the
implication by the Commonwealth that the office is of little significance.
The NIG challenges other aspects of the Commonwealth's
case. It says no evidence of inconvenience arising from the appointment
process has been demonstrated,(45) and notes that as a 'dormant commission'
the appointment procedures need only be operated once for an individual
to hold the office, which can then be activated and returned to dormancy
as required - that is, it is not a matter of troubling the Governor-General
and Executive Council every time a Deputy Administrator is required to
act. The NIG also demonstrates that there is no uniformity of practice
across Australia's Territories and asserts that the argument for consistency
is therefore 'both pointless...and baseless'.(46) The NIG draws particular
attention to the Northern Territory, which the Commonwealth itself has
invoked as enjoying a broadly similar form of self government. The NIG
says that the Northern Territory Government has a far greater say in the
appointment of the Administrator and it is the Administrator who appoints
the Deputy Administrator. It notes that the previous Commonwealth Government
had foreshadowed a change to the Administrator's office including a greater
local say over appointments.(47) To the NIG, the assumption of Ministerial
control over appointments to the Deputy Administrator's position is incompatible
with 'the longer term aim that such appointments should be devolved to
the Norfolk Island Government in the process to achieve self-government'.(48)
Finally the NIG notes that a precedent exists, in that consultation over
Supreme Court judges takes place with the Executive Council by virtue
of section 53 of the Principal Act.
The Commonwealth has indicated recently its view on the
broader issues raised by the NIG submission:
Besides his vice regal activities the Administrator
is the most senior Commonwealth representative in the Territory and
discharges functions on behalf of the Commonwealth. It would be inappropriate
for the Norfolk Island Government to participate directly in the appointment
of the Norfolk Island Administrator.(49)
Residency and Citizenship and the Rights to Vote
and Stand for Election
Some History
The electoral proposals in the Bill have generated the
most controversy on Norfolk Island. In 1991 the House of Representatives
Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional Affairs recommended that
Australian citizenship be phased in as a requirement for voting and standing
for election to the Legislative Assembly. That Committee considered that
the residency requirement imposed by local law 'should remain unchanged'.(50)
This Bill would propose the same form of phased-in citizenship requirements
(the right to vote of currently enrolled non-Australian citizens to be
preserved, with citizenship requirements for candidature to operate from
the next election), but differs in that it would also significantly reduce
and alter the residency requirement for enrolment.
The then Commonwealth Government pursued the citizenship
issue with the NIG from October 1990 onwards, but it met vigorous opposition
and the proposal did not proceed.(51) The NIG has also drawn attention
to the fact that it was Commonwealth legislation which abolished
citizenship requirements for membership of the Assembly in 1985(52) when
references to 'British subjects' were being removed from various statutes
(a like amendment was made by the Assembly to the local law governing
enrolment). The Commonwealth's position now appears to be that the 1985
changes overshot the mark and created 'anomalies'. The NIG demonstrated
however that at the time the Commonwealth clearly considered the alternatives
of requiring Australian citizenship or abolishing a citizenship requirement
altogether, and noted that the latter option 'would be consistent with
the practice generally for local government, and perhaps better suited
to Island circumstances'.(53) An adviser to the NIG put it this way:
The situation is that the Commonwealth has approved
of every electoral law change in Norfolk Island that has ever been made.
Not only that, it invited the present situation to come about in correspondence
in 1984 and 1985 when it gave the very option to the Norfolk Island
authorities, which was adopted, of the abolition of the citizenship
requirement.(54)
The Main Arguments
The essence of the NIG argument is that a significant
period of continuous residence on the Island is the appropriate threshold
requirement, given Norfolk Island's distinctive character, and that Australian
citizenship, given the long-term demographics of the Island, its geographical
distance from the mainland and its highly developed form of self government,
is not a relevant criterion. It also argues that the pool of eligible
candidates for the Assembly, already small, will be significantly reduced.
The NIG is also concerned that reducing the residency requirement for
enrolment from 2 and a half years in the last 3, down to 6 months, will
permit a number of transient Australian citizens to swamp a small electorate,
as a constituency neither well versed in the distinctive ways of the Island
nor committed to its long term interests.
The essence of the Commonwealth argument is one of equality
across the Commonwealth. The Minister has written:
The aim of the legislation is to confer the same rights
and responsibilities for voting on Australian citizens, ordinarily resident
on Norfolk Island, as Australian citizens have elsewhere in Australia.
While Norfolk Island enjoys a special role and form of self-governance,
there is no reason why voting and electoral eligibility should be different
to the rest of the nation.(55)
The NIG has responded to the equality argument by asserting
that the franchise in the Commonwealth of Australia, by requiring citizenship,
necessitates a minimum 2 years residency in Australia in the last 5 years
which it says is comparable to the Norfolk Island requirement of 2 years
and 5 months in the last 4 years. In turn, the Commonwealth rejects this
argument, arguing that it implies Australia is somehow a foreign country
for citizenship purposes whereas the Australian Citizenship Act 1948
has applied in Norfolk Island since its commencement.
The other main argument put forward by the Commonwealth
for the citizenship requirement is that it is 'a generally accepted tenet
of representational government world wide, that the voters and elected
representatives in a nation are citizens of the nation'.(56) In evidence
to the SLCLC the NIG disputed this contention, claiming that its research
through the Inter-Parliamentary Union revealed that:
no less than 18 countries identified by the IPU do
not require national citizenship as a precondition for voting in parliamentary
elections. These countries include the United Kingdom, New Zealand,
the Netherlands, Argentina, Germany and Ireland.(57)
According to the NIG's submission on the Bill, the Commonwealth
suggested in a letter in March 1998:
Any practical problems could be overcome by dual citizenship,
'...since Australian law does not require a person to renounce any other
citizenship on assuming Australian citizenship'. So far as New Zealanders
were concerned, 'the New Zealand High Commission has confirmed that
a New Zealand-born person who acquires Australian citizenship can retain
his or her New Zealand citizenship'.(58)
The Minister had quoted, in the same letter, a Committee
finding which talked, in the context of the Commonwealth Parliament of
'the need to ensure that the primary loyalty of a member...is to Australia
and to prevent subversion by foreign governments'. The NIG has posed a
powerful counter-argument to the suggested solution of taking out dual
citizenship, which it said is 'contrary to the principles said to underly
the measures proposed in the Bill':
if citizenship is required as a demonstration of commitment
and allegiance, then what commitment is demonstrated by the holding
of dual or multiple citizenship?(59)
In assessing the Norfolk Island Government's position
on the citizenship issue, it is relevant that the current Chief Minister
of the NIG is a New Zealand citizen, as are 2 of the other 8 Members of
the Assembly, and, under the proposed changes, they would be ineligible
for re-election unless they obtain Australian citizenship before the next
poll. It is also relevant to note that the Chief Minister made no attempt
to conceal this in evidence to the SLCLC and indeed volunteered the information.(60)
On the relaxation of the residency requirement for enrolment,
the Commonwealth Minister has said that the qualifying period for enrolment
on Norfolk Island 'far exceeds the one month that applies to the Commonwealth
and in all States and Territories on the mainland. Tasmania has a qualifying
period of 6 months'.(61) The NIG's position is that only those with a
demonstrable long-term commitment to the Island should participate in
its governance. It also objected on technical grounds that the expression
'ordinarily resident' which appears in proposed paragraph 39A(1)(c) is
'notoriously slippery' and had been rejected in the past by the Legislative
Assembly in favour of a quantitative formula.(62)
Opinion on Norfolk Island
One submission from the Island suggested there had been
'very few complaints' against the current electoral system.(63) The 1991
report of the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Legal and
Constitutional Affairs said that it had received 'some suggestions' that
the qualifying period of residency was too long.(64) A recent letter to
the local newspaper, The Norfolk Islander, from a Norfolk Island
resident of Pitcairn descent who spent 22 years on the mainland working
for the Defence Forces supported the introduction of a citizenship requirement
and called for the the qualifying period to be significantly reduced.(65)
One witness before the SLCLC inquiry, who was born on the Island in 1920
and supports the Bill, submitted that without a citizenship requirement,
only two more non-citizen Members would create a majority of five who
he claimed would:
have no allegiance whatsoever to Australia or are even
perhaps hostile to Australia. Such a situation could have very serious
repercussions in Australia as well as on Norfolk Island.(66)
The Chief Minister responded to this submission by saying
that the movement for independence was not strong and the Deputy Speaker
of the Assembly added that:
The vast majority of people in Norfolk Island want
to do what we are doing now, and that is to move along this path to
self government in which we look after own affairs and in which the
Commonwealth does not conduct excursions such as the Norfolk Island
Amendment Bill 1999 demonstrates...While these issues are around, they
are not the main thrust.(67)
A number of individual submissions from the Island to
the SLCLC inquiry echoed the NIG's opposition to the electoral measures,
while two brief submissions were lodged, one with a number of signatories,
in support of the Bill.
The NIG has been keen to stress that, while some support
for the Bill exists on the Island, its own opposition to the Bill represents
by far the weight of Island opinion. In particular it has stressed the
outcome of successive referenda about electoral and constitutional issues
conducted on the Island, twice in 1991 and then in August 1998 and May
1999. In the first three cases, what could loosely be called an anti-Commonwealth
'No' vote registered around 80%. Criticisms have been levelled at the
way referendum questions have been worded, and they have some validity.
The most recent referendum in May this year posed a far more specific
question:
"Do you agree with the Australian Federal Government's
proposal to alter the Norfolk Island Act so that
(1) people who have been ordinarily resident in the
island for 6 (six) months will in future be entitled to enrol on the
electoral roll for Legislative Assembly elections; and
(2) Australian citizenship will in future be required
as a qualification to be elected to the Assembly, and as a qualification
for people who in future apply for enrolment on the electoral roll for
Assembly elections".
Three things can be said about this referendum. First,
the question still combined two elements in one question, restricting
the options of those whose views may have differed between parts 1 and
2. Second, at a time when a more specific question was posed in more neutral
language, support for what might loosely be called the 'anti-Commonwealth'
position dropped by a noticeable margin. Thirdly, however, the 'No' vote
still exceeded 70% of the vote.
Third Party Opinion
The President of the Law Society of New South Wales wrote
a brief submission to the SLCLC inquiry, which conveyed comments from
Society officers 'experienced in constitutional and international law'.
It said that the citizenship and residency proposals appeared 'non-democratic
in effect', apparently abridging minority rights at international law
and diminishing the 'existing political and cultural rights of the Norfolk
Islanders in seeking to preserve their heritage while striving to attain
a sustainable form of self government'.(68)
Technical Ambiguity
Attention is drawn in the Main Provisions section of
this Digest to an apparent ambiguity in Item 10 which may require
clarification by amendment. One effect of item 9 appears to be that if
a person who is currently an Australian citizen ceases to be one, their
name will be removed from the electoral roll. Item 10, however, states
that item 9 applies to a person who seeks enrolment after commencement
of this Act. This could be interpreted as preserving the enrolment of
a currently enrolled Australian citizen who later loses or renounces that
citizenship.
It is not clear
which outcome is intended.
- Berwick Ltd v Gray (1976) 133 CLR 603.
- This section draws mostly on historical summaries found in Commonwealth
Grants Commission, Report on Norfolk Island, AGPS, 1997, pp.
14-16 and House of Representatives Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional
Affairs, Islands in the Sun. The Legal Regimes of Australia's External
Territories and the Jervis Bay Territory, AGPS, 1991, section 7.3.
- An article published in The Norfolk Islander of 24 April 1999
attributed this quote to 'a United Nations document more than 20 years
ago'.
- The qualifications for enrolment are set out in section 6 of the Legislative
Assembly Act 1979 (Norfolk Island). The basic residency requirement
is that a person has been present on the Island for 900 days in the
last 4 years prior to seeking enrolment. For those seeking re-enrolment
after disqualification (eg a period of absence from the Island), the
requirement is 150 days in the previous 240.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee, Proof Committee
Hansard, 5 July 1999, p. 7.
- Subsection 19(2) of the Principal Act states that the power of the
Legislative Assembly does not extend to the making of laws authorising
the acquisition of property on other than just terms, euthanasia, the
coining of money or the raising of a defence force.
- The Hon. Robert Ellicott MP, Debates, House of Representatives,
23 November 1978, p. 3312, Second Reading Speech.
- The Government of Norfolk Island ('NIG'), Submission No. 15 to Senate
Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee Inquiry into the Norfolk
Island Amendment Bill 1999, pp. 23-25.
- Ibid., p. 47.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee, Proof Committee
Hansard, 5 July 1999, p. 12.
- Ibid., p. 18.
- NIG, op.cit., p. 48.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee, Proof Committee
Hansard, 5 July 1999, p. 18.
- Section 19 of the Norfolk Island Act 1979 ('the Principal Act').
- See text at endnotes 41-42.
- After reviewing the Island's constitutional history the NIG said:
'The common thread in this historical process has been a dynamism, or
tension, arising from the equivocal nature of the Island's status. In
general, mainland authorities have tended to espouse integration with
Australian political units, whereas Islanders have consistently resisted
such an approach. NIG, op.cit., p. 16.
- See Commonwealth Grants Commission, op.cit., p. xiii and The Hon Alex
Somlyay MP, Our Pacific Territories: Coalition Election Statement,
Media Release, 30 September 1998 which both use the word 'unique'. See
also House of Representatives Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional
Affairs, op.cit., para 1.4.32.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee, Proof Committee
Hansard, 5 July 1999, pp. 22-23.
- The Hon. Robert Ellicott MP, Debates, House of Representatives,
23 November 1978, p. 3311, Second Reading Speech.
- NIG, op.cit., p. 3.
- See Senate Standing Committee for the Scrutiny of Bills, Ninth
Report of 1999, 26 May 1999 which includes the text of representations
from the NIG.
- NIG, op.cit., p. iii.
- Ibid.
- Motion on Norfolk Island Referendum agreed to, Debates, Senate,
25 May 1999, p. 5306.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee, Proof Committee
Hansard, 5 July 1999, p. 8.
- NIG, op.cit., p. 33.
- Ibid., p. 12.
- Commonwealth Grants Commission, op.cit., p. 183.
- Ibid., p. xvi.
- Senator the Hon. Ian Macdonald, Debates, Senate, 31 March 1999,
p. 3549, Second Reading Speech.
- Senate Standing Committee for the Scrutiny of Bills, op.cit.
- Ibid.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee, Proof Committee
Hansard, 5 July 1999, p. 12.
- NIG, op.cit., p. 21.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee, Proof Committee
Hansard, 5 July 1999, p. 2.
- Ibid., p. 4.
- Ibid., p. 18.
- Ibid.
- Ibid., p. 19 and 24.
- Ibid., p. 20.
- Senator the Hon. Ian Macdonald, Debates, Senate, 31 March 1999,
p. 3550, Second Reading Speech.
- NIG, op.cit., p. 51.
- Explanatory Memorandum, p. 3.
- Subsection 9(2) of the Principal Act.
- NIG, op.cit., p. 35.
- Ibid., p. 36.
- Ibid., p. 43.
- Ibid., p. 34.
- Question No. 717, Debates, Senate, 21 June 1999, p. 5889.
- House of Representatives Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional
Affairs, op.cit., para 7.12.4.
- NIG, op.cit., pp. 11-12.
- Statute Law (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act (No. 1) 1985.
- NIG, op.cit., p. 8.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee, Proof Committee
Hansard, 5 July 1999, p. 27.
- Australian Financial Review, 9 April 1999.
- The Norfolk Islander, 8 May 1999.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee, Proof Committee
Hansard, 5 July 1999, p. 1.
- NIG, op.cit., p. 13.
- Ibid., p. 24.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee, Proof Committee
Hansard, 5 July 1999, p. 7.
- Senator the Hon. Ian Macdonald, Debates, Senate, 31 March 1999,
p. 3550, Second Reading Speech.
- NIG, op.cit., p. 26.
- Mr Geoff Bennett, Submission No. 10 to Senate Legal and Constitutional
Legislation Committee Inquiry into the Norfolk Island Amendment Bill
1999, p. 2.
- House of Representatives Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional
Affairs, op.cit., p. 221.
- The Norfolk Islander, 3 April 1999.
- Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee, Proof Committee
Hansard, 5 July 1999, p. 12.
- Ibid., p. 23.
- President of the Law Society of New South Wales, Submission No. 11
to Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee Inquiry into
the Norfolk Island Amendment Bill 1999.
Sean Brennan
27 July 1999
Bills Digest Service
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