The under-representation of women in parliaments continues to be an issue of concern. A common view on how to rectify this problem is the introduction of proportional representation voting systems to increase the numbers of female representatives. In particular, it is the multi-member aspect of the electoral system that is relevant to the selection of female candidates. Arguably, the more members per electorate, the better it is for women's chances for election.

In Ireland, for example, the number of members ranges from three to five. Research indicates that the number of women candidates in the three seat districts was substantially less than in the other districts and in terms of election, women fared worse in the three seat districts than in the others.(1) The cases of France and Italy also highlight the importance of district size in the selection and election of women. In the 1986 election in France, under proportional representation, the majority of districts had three representatives or less. The outcome was that women received 5.7 per cent representation, only 0.4 per cent more than they had received under a non-proportional system used in the 1981 election. In Italy, where the district magnitude is, on average, much larger than in France, the percentage of women in the Italian Chamber of Deputies was 12.8 per cent in 1987.(2)

Table 1: Female candidates in Tasmanian House of Assembly elections 1980-1998 (Number and %)

The 1998 Tasmanian election offers an interesting comparison of what happens to women's selection and election when district magnitude is reduced in a proportional representation system. On 23 July 1998, the Tasmanian Parliament passed a Bill to reduce the size of the House of Assembly by 10, from 35 to 25. The existing five divisions, which had seven members each following the 1959 election, have been reduced to five members each.(3)

Women and politics in Tasmania

While the representation of women in Tasmania's House of Assembly stood at a record 31.4 per cent prior to the 1998 election, this strong showing is a recent phenomenon. While Hare-Clark(4) has been in place from 1909, it was not until 1955 that the first two women were elected and there remained only two women in the Assembly until 1964. No women were present again until 1976, and by 1986 there were four women. By 1992 the number had increased to seven (twenty per cent), and in 1996 there were 11 women.

Since 1980 there has been a gradual increase in the percentage of female candidates standing for the House of Assembly. While the size of Parliament has now been reduced, the number of women candidates in 1998 was comparable with the 1996 figure.

An interesting point is that the increase of women in the House of Assembly has coincided with the increase in the number of women Green candidates and their consequent representation.(5) After the 1996 election, three out of four Green members were women. The reduced size of the Assembly could mean however, that minority groups such as the Greens would have significantly less chance of representation, due to the increased quota necessary for election (increased from 12.5 per cent to 16.7 per cent). By extension, based on past experience in Tasmania, this might lead to a reduction in the numbers of women elected.

Looking at the 1998 results in Table 2, it is evident that both the number and percentage of female representation have decreased, although perhaps not as drastically as commentators expected. The Greens kept one elected representative, who is a woman, but the Greens' total representation was reduced by three.

The Australian Labor Party substantially increased its number of female candidates in 1996 (perhaps as a result of the Party's quota rule), although women only gained five of the 14 Labor seats. In 1998, the number of female candidates decreased by four, while the number of women elected decreased from five to four.

The Liberals ran six women candidates in the 1996 election, three of whom were elected. In 1998, the number of female Liberal candidates remained at six, while the number of Liberal women elected decreased to two. One Liberal female sitting member was unsuccessful, no doubt a result of the combined decrease in the size of the Assembly and the overall election loss (there was a swing against the Liberals of 3.1 per cent).

Overall, seven women were elected in 1998, the same number as in 1992 despite the reduction from 35 to 25 elected members. This translates to 28.0 per cent, 3.4 per cent lower than in 1996.

Comparing Tasmania and the ACT

The ACT Legislative Assembly is the only other parliament in Australia elected under a Hare-Clark system. In some respects, the Tasmanian situation is now closer to that of the ACT, where there are two five-seat electorates and one seven-seat electorate. Only two women were elected in the 1998 ACT election (despite an increase in the number of female candidates standing), and both were from the electorate with seven members. Prior to this election however, the representation of women in the ACT Parliament was relatively high (35.3 per cent).

Like Tasmania, the Greens in the ACT stood more female candidates than the two major parties. In contrast to Tasmania, the Greens in the ACT have

never gained more than two seats and in the 1998 ACT election, they lost a seat, although their vote remained virtually unchanged at 9.1 per cent. However, it is not self-evident that the higher quota required in two of the three ACT electorates has precluded independents or minor parties from being elected. Two independents were elected, one from each of the five member electorates, and received 15.3 and 7.9 per cent of first preferences, while the Greens failed to gain a second seat.(6)

Conclusion

Proportional representation is regularly touted as being the key factor in 'fixing' the under-representation of women in Australian parliaments.(7)

What is evident from this brief analysis of the Tasmanian election is that while the size of electorates does matter, it is not the only factor important to increasing women's representation. Decreasing the size of the Tasmanian divisions from seven to five did not lead to a drastic reduction in the representation of women, despite the decrease in the number of Green candidates elected. While the Greens' presence in Parliament has enhanced the representation of women in the past, even in a proportional system minor parties cannot be expected to provide the gender balance. Rather, the onus is also on the major parties to enlist and support high profile female candidates.

Endnotes