The Hon. Eric Abetz, Senator
for Tasmania
First Speech - 14/03/1994
It is with a true sense of pride and honour that I rise this afternoon to deliver
my first speech. I say pride and honour because to be chosen by one's state and
party to serve in this chamber is truly an honour. It is especially so when one
has been chosen to represent the best and most beautiful of the states by the
most dynamic political party this country has produced in the most important house
of this parliament. It is a bit like winning the trifecta.
My presence
here today was activated by the decision of Senator Brian Archer to retire. On
behalf of the people of Tasmania, I pay tribute to him for his work, and I wish
him and his wife Dorothy well in retirement.
Let me also take this
opportunity to thank the Clerk of the Senate and his staff, and senators of all
persuasions, for their kind assistance and guidance in acquainting me with this
house, its procedures and, above all, its maze of corridors.
I wish
to pay special tribute to my partner, friend and wife, Michelle, who has been
so supportive. In doing so, I acknowledge her presence in the gallery today, and
also her birthday.
I have referred to the winning trio of Tasmania,
the Liberal Party and the Senate, and I seek briefly to deal with each before
moving on to some personal and philosophical matters.
To represent
Tasmania, Australia's island state, is a pleasure. The only disadvantage is having
to spend so much time out of Tasmania.
Tasmania's natural beauty, its
non-polluting power generation, its decentralised nature, its industries, its
lifestyle and its friendly
people make it truly unique. Its still relatively
unpolluted condition needs to be maintained and improved upon to fully exploit
our very real and burgeoning agrifood export and tourism potential.
Our export trade is relatively modest in total figures, but on a per head of population
basis we hold our heads very high with a total export trade of $1.5 billion in
1992-93. That was a six per cent increase over the previous year. That was despite
the depressed commodity prices in the areas of zinc, wool and copper and the so-called
Keating engineered depression that `we
had to have'. In our exports
to the Association of South East Asian Nations we have seen rapid growth in the
last 12 months. Indeed, 65 per cent of our trade went to Asia compared with the
national average, which is below 60 per cent. Good relations with Asia are vitally
important to the future economic wellbeing of my state and, I venture to add,
our country as a whole. We have seen strong growth in the agrifood
sectors of meat, dairy, seafood, wine and fresh vegetables. Our economic focus
needs to adjust to include and fully utilise these new opportunities. I am sure
that under the sound guidance of the state Liberal government our position will
continue to improve. Tasmania has a proud record, yet successive
Labor governments have cut Commonwealth funding to Tasmania on a per capita basis
by over 30 per cent in the past decade compared with the Australian average of
a 16.4 per cent reduction. That slashing of funds is unfair, inappropriate and
has caused great budgetary difficulties to successive Tasmanian governments. The
honourable member for Blaxland, the now Prime Minister (Mr Keating), said in his
maiden speech: . . . the standard of living that people enjoy varies
in accordance with what government services are available to them.
His government's record in slashing funds to Tasmania has led to a decreased standard
of living for my fellow Tasmanians, who have the lowest income per head of population.
Funding to Tasmania ought to be on the basis that Tasmania is entitled
to all the rights and entitlements of a fully-fledged state. Funding simply on
a per head basis denies us, as a state, from enjoying all the infrastructure requirements
we need to effectively run our state in such areas as policing, health and education.
What I have just referred to is often passed over as dull economics,
and I agree to a certain extent that it is. Whilst the figures are important for
the welfare of our state and our nation, we as parliamentarians need to focus
beyond the figures. We need to focus on the impact of changing trends. My state's
zinc workers have declined in number. Woolgrowers have been devastated. And within
each of these industries there are families, mothers, fathers and children with
hopes and aspirations of their own that are thwarted, if not completely shattered.
Similarly, with our growth industries each opportunity should be
seen not only in export dollars and balance of payment terms, which are of course
vital, but also as lifting each individual's self-esteem, allowing people to make
a positive, useful and fulfilling contribution to the state and their fellow Tasmanians
and letting them realise their own dreams - be it a new car, a house, an engagement
or wedding ring or the opportunity of starting a family. A truly great Tasmanian,
Dame Enid Lyons, said in her maiden speech: . . . the problems of
government are not the problems of statistics but the problems of human values,
human hearts and human feelings. In all these economic matters, the
impact of decisions on individual family units, with their own dreams and aspirations,
should never be forgotten. As a Liberal, I can confidently say that
the Liberal Party is clearly the party of success and reform in Australian history.
Of late, federally, we have not performed so well, but that does not deny us as
Liberals, on this side of the house, the right to proclaim in our 50th year that
all amendments to our great constitution have been ones that we have supported
and initiated, that the vast majority of social reforms have been introduced by
us, that the golden era of Australia's history was under the guidance of the Liberal
Party and that we hold state and territory government in all but two places -
Queensland and the ACT. Ours is a history of success and reform.
Ours is a philosophy of dealing with individuals and assisting them to develop
their personal skills for the nation's good, as opposed to the dogma that all
individuals need to conform, be brought to the lowest common denominator and succumb
to the requirements of what the powerbrokers perceive to be the national good.
Ours is a
philosophy of standing positively for the free person, their initiative,
individuality and acceptance of responsibility. Unlike some who bleat
`social justice' and point the finger at everyone other than themselves I, like
so many other Liberals, have made a real and personal contribution in this area.
The reason for that is a belief in personal responsibility. My involvement with
the Jireh House Women's Shelter, Youth Accommodation Services of Tasmania and
a host of other community welfare organisations is, I believe, a prouder and more
sincere record than that of those who simply utter the words `social justice'
and then ask government to somehow magically fix it. Personal, individual action
speaks so much louder than words. As a senator, I am proud to be
a member of this most important house of our parliament. This house is the brake
on excesses of government and bureaucracy and a protection for the states. Our
Senate was given special powers by our founding fathers and we should never seek
to diminish those powers, as was recently mooted. The attempts by our Prime Minister
to denigrate our chamber with his trademark characteristic is of great concern.
I found in the front of Odgers' Australian Senate Practice the following quote
about the Senate from the Rt Hon. Sir Edmund Barton, our first Prime Minister:
We cannot fail to remember that the Constitution designed the Senate
to be a House of greater power than any ordinary second chamber. Not only by its
expressed powers, but by the equality of its representation of the States, the
Senate was intended to be able to protect the States from aggression. I also found in Odgers this quote from Senator the Rt Hon. Sir George Pearce,
who has the distinction of being the longest serving member ever of this chamber:
The Senate was constituted as it is, after long fighting, prolonged
discussions, many compromises, and many concessions on the part of the various
shades of political thought throughout the Commonwealth, and it stands there in
the Constitution in a position that has no equal in any Legislature throughout
the world. That position ought to be protected and employed for our
masters - the people of our various states. Each one of us in this
chamber is unique. We have been moulded and fashioned by a variety of factors.
I, of course, am no exception. As the youngest of six children of an immigrant
family that came to Australia in 1961 on an assisted passage, I say on behalf
of my whole family a wholehearted thank-you for that assisted passage and the
wonderful opportunities provided in this great country. The fact that the then
state Labor government arranged the migration also makes it responsible, to a
certain extent, for my presence here today. My parents sought to
instil in me a value system of service above self and dedication to tasks at hand
and provided me with a stable, loving, nurturing family home and a deep Christian
faith. It is that faith that makes me confident that my parents are watching today's
proceedings from a gallery a lot loftier than this place, in all its splendour,
could ever provide. Whilst not from a background of financial privilege, I am
from the most privileged of backgrounds, wealthy in values and wealthy in family
nurture and love. Educated in the state school system and the University
of Tasmania, I decided very early that the philosophy of the Liberal Party was
the one for me. Within days of starting at university, I received my bill for
compulsory student union membership. Inquiries told me that failure to pay would
lead to the withholding of results. What a blot on the life of our academic institutions.
The vice-chancellors and the university administrations stand condemned. The very
institutions that allegedly foster individual thought force all students, like
sheep, into compulsory student union membership under the threat of being denied
the fruit of their labours. I found that abhorrent. I still find it abhorrent.
I take this opportunity to congratulate the Court government in Western Australia
for its initiative and trust that other states will soon follow by abolishing
compulsory student unionism. The Australian Liberal Students Federation
championed the cause of voluntary student unionism and I joined the Liberal Party
at university. I am proud of the fact that I am a life member and a former president
of that organisation, which has produced so many of today's leaders. The experiences
gained, the lessons learned and the friends made will last a lifetime. My first taste of representative democracy was with my fellow students of
the University of Tasmania, who so kindly supported me, allowing me to top the
polls on many occasions. During my university years I was able to supplement the
then tertiary education assistance scheme with taxi driving, farm labouring and
a brief stint as a research officer to a truly fantastic former senator, Shirley
Walters. She has been a great inspiration to me and I am thankful that I can place
that on record today. After university, I was employed as an apprentice
and then as a lawyer for some five years. For the past eight years I have been
practising in partnership as a barrister and solicitor. Through my legal practice
I was fortunate to make contacts with all walks of life. That has been an enriching
experience and I am thankful for it. With that brief thumbnail sketch,
I seek in the remaining moments to discuss my personal philosophy and views on
some of the controversial issues of the day. I, with Woodrow Wilson, believe that
liberty has never come from the government. The history of liberty is the history
of the limitation of governmental power, not the increase of it.
Australia is largely a Christian nation. Eighty per cent of our population acknowledges
the Christian faith. I hope and pray for Australia's sake that it clings to its
Christian heritage and values. I believe in, and will defend, the fundamentals
of our constitutional structures, which have served Australia so well for nearly
a century. Like all documents, the constitution needs to be refined from time
to time. I acknowledge that it may require attention, but not the intrusive surgery
as suggested by some. I support our federalist system of government
and the rights of the citizens of each state to largely determine their own social
and local policies. I am concerned at the trend to internationalism in our domestic
law making. Sure, let us learn from our fellow world citizens; let us discuss
and debate their ideas, but we should never forgo our national sovereignty. The family unit is the fundamental and essential unit of our society. Strong
families build strong nations. Strong families provide shelter and nurture for
all their members from the rigours of day-to-day life. The family is a haven in
which to seek solace. In this, the International Year of the Family I cannot help
but feel that the celebrations are being hijacked. If we let down our families,
we let down our nation. I join with King George V, who was quoted by Dame Enid
Lyons as having said: The foundation of a nation's greatness is in
the homes of its people. Unfortunately, the rate of marriage failures,
youth suicides and delinquency and a lot of other social ills can be traced back
to the very real pressures being placed on the family unit. To succeed,
we all need dreams, goals, aspirations - a vision for the future. At the last
election I believe my party lost its focus from the dream and concentrated on
the detail. Our dream was real and it remains with me, as I am sure it remains
with all my colleagues. To use an analogy: we tried to sell a house to our fellow
Australians, a house that would have gone a long way to fulfilling their aspirations,
but we got bogged down in telling the people why our mortar was stronger and better
than Labor's. We were no longer selling the house, but the individual components
that go to make up the house and, accordingly, the people lost sight of our dream.
Australia needs a dream, a vision and goals to work towards. But
they will not be achieved unless we - Australians all - are prepared to make personal
sacrifices to achieve those goals. Government, of itself, cannot deliver our dreams.
At best, it can only facilitate and encourage. My ideal Australia is one where
social justice and fairness are paramount - measured not by dollars spent on welfare
but by support for those in real need and reward for those who work hard. As Oliver
Wendell Holmes Jr put it, `I have no respect for the passion of equality which
seems to me to be merely idealising envy'. I believe in equality of opportunity,
not in equality of outcome. My ideal Australia is one where every
Australian has the opportunity for employment; where family life flourishes, nurturing
and supporting all; where our industries - primary, secondary and tertiary - are
buoyant; and where our flag and national symbols are honoured by all. I believe
in an Australia where we have a set of values which would have Mother Teresa in
place of Madonna on the magazine covers; where we have a truly dynamic federalist
system of government with a diffusion of power and decentralisation; and where
there is a genuine support for the victims of domestic violence, youth homelessness,
suicide and other social ills. My ideal Australia is one where the
financial and environmental position of Australia is such that we can say to our
children, `We leave you with an inheritance and not a debt, and with a clean country,
not a polluted country'; where the aged and returned service people are properly
cared for in recognition of their contributions; where individual responsibility
for self and nation is embraced; and where there is true world peace and social
harmony. I could list others, and I have not listed in any specific order the
ones I have mentioned. Our dreams will be unfulfilled and our work worthless unless
we acknowledge the words of Sir Robert Menzies when he said: . .
. we believe that under the blessing of divine providence, and given goodwill,
mutual tolerance and understanding, energy and an individual sense of purpose
there is no task which Australia cannot perform and no difficulty which she cannot
overcome. With those ingredients there is no vision that need remain
unfulfilled. We, on all sides, need to provide that amalgam of qualities for our
country, Australia. It is to that task I dedicate my stay in this chamber.
I thank honourable senators for their courtesy.
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