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Consideration of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill 1996
Table of Contents

GOVERNMENT SENATORS' REPORT

4.0 TERMS OF REFERENCE

(a) Whether the various State Industrial jurisdictions can or will provide adequate protection for workers employed under State Agreements.

The submissions and evidence identifies that each State Government has enacted legislation that provides for particular forms of agreements to be entered into. There is a wide variety of minimum standards underpinning those agreements, a wide variety of protection for parties negotiating and entering into agreements and finally a wide variety of protection for workers employed under those agreements.

This Term of Reference questions whether the State jurisdictions “provide adequate protection for workers employed under State Agreements”.

The question of what is adequate protection for workers is debatable and not an absolute concept. Consequently, it is not appropriate for this Committee to judge individual State's jurisdiction. The Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill under consideration by this Committee does not, nor would it be appropriate for it to override the State jurisdictions and impose different protections for workers employed under State Agreements than those currently provided for.

The existing range of protections for employees currently under State Agreements is a consequence of the legislation enacted by each Sovereign State Parliament. As observed by ACCI:

    … It is simply not appropriate to sit there and state that, because there are differences, that is inappropriate.

    These Parliaments are elected and answerable to electorates. Industrial legislation was a feature of each State election campaign. An electorate spoke in terms of electing both Governments. The appropriate way to deal with these issues is through joint Federal/State discussions. We, for our part, have been attempting to initiate those discussions for some years. This Government has taken that step. The previous Government simply refused to do anything. [55]

The Committee was also advised that a likely future development was for the Victorian State Government to cede its powers on industrial relations to the Federal Government. This was explained as follows:

    Mr John - Not if the situation that the Victorian Government appears to be considering, and considering actively, in conjunction with the Commonwealth comes about. From my understanding of public statements and discussions that we have had with the Minister for Industrial Relations, the Commonwealth's desire to have either complementary legislation to reflect the decisions that it has taken in federal legislation implemented by the various states, if they were put into place, then the Commonwealth would be able to enforce its guarantee.

    Senator Sherry - If that happens, given your discussions with the Victorian Government. do you have any idea of the timing of such a proposal by the Victorian Government?

    Mr John - I can only refer to the statements that Mr Birrell has made to the Victorian Parliament. They indicate that detailed consideration of a referral of powers will occur later this year. The focus that the Victorian Government is now taking is on both the content of the Government's workplace reform package and the passage of that package through the Federal Parliament. [56]

This development would be an important step forward in the Government's desire to harmonise Australian industrial relations' systems.

Section 152

The Opposition Senators make much of the fact that s.152(2) and (3) provides that a Federal award is not binding on any employee whilst their employment is regulated by a State employment agreement.

This provision is entirely consistent with the Government's policy released prior to the election “Better Pay for Better Work” which states:

    13.2 As a general principle employees and employers should have the right to choose the jurisdiction and nature of the legal relationship that they wish to enter. Employees who enter into an agreement under State law with their employers should not have to suffer that contract being negated by an application by a union for Federal coverage by the AIRC. However, employees who are covered by the Federal award and wish to remain under the award will continue to remain under the Federal system.

Employees currently employed under Federal awards have the choice to remain. Should however an employer dismiss an employee under a federal award for refusing to enter into a State employment agreement, that employee is protected from such action by being entitled to access the unfair dismissal jurisdiction at the AIRC.

Equally, the State jurisdictions generally have provisions prohibiting an employer forcing an employee into accepting a State employment agreement against their will.

Opposition Senators also express concern that the principle of s152 is that a State agreement would override a Federal award and argue that this is a radical reversal of normal industrial relations practice. This however, ignores the fact that prior to amendments in 1993, the Federal Industrial Relations legislation included a provision s41(1)(d) that, as explained by ACCI:

    Mr Hamilton - Firstly, I wish to address the very important issue of State enterprise agreements and Section 152. Those amendments have to be seen in the proper context. The context is that from 1904 until 1992 the balance between Federal and State systems was regulated by a section which looked exactly the same. Section 41(1)(d) and Section 111(1)(g) provisions, which provide a balance between Federal and State systems, were totally unchanged from 1904 until 1992. Even with those provisions there was a gradual drift from state to federal systems given the fact that a Federal tribunal was deciding the extent of its own, in effect, coverage. The inevitable result was a drift from State to Federal.

    In 1992, for the first time since 1904, the balance between Federal and State systems was changed by the Federal Government as a response to requests from trade unions. The change was directed at the Victorian industrial relations system as an attempt to override and nullify amendments made to the Victorian industrial relations system - a direct challenge to that system. Those 1992 amendments brought about a period of intense conflict between Federal and State systems.

    This Bill here starts to restore a process of a cooperative relationship between Federal and State systems which is absolutely essential if we are to bring about a harmonised process of joint Federal-State legislation and one national system based on joint Federal-State legislation. Without that sort of cooperative environment, that result would be impossible. An important element of the Bill is the way in which Federal and State Governments will cooperate in their legislation and tailor legislation.

    The other thing that it has done is that the important principle of promoting agreements is given full recognition so that if we are to promote agreements we have to accept that agreements should be given primacy over awards, whether Federal or State. So the two key elements of this Bill are, firstly, a very positive attempt to restore cooperative relationships. A reversal of the period of intense conflict brought about 1992 legislation which was a direct response to requests from trade unions - legislation which was unprecedented given that the relevant provision had been in place since 1904 at the very inception of a Federal arbitration system. It was quite astonishing legislation. [57]

The Chamber of Commerce and Industry of Western Australia also explained the critical need, met by Section 152, of allowing small unincorporated employers access to agreements:

    Mr McCarthy - Workplace agreements under the Federal Bill are restricted to constitutional corporations. Currently, a Federal award can issue overriding State awards and State agreements through the conciliation and arbitration powers. If the Bill issues, then corporations can get workplace agreements whereas others cannot. We will have Federal awards issuing, albeit with more scrutiny and care than at present, and small employers disadvantaged.

    I can take the example of one particular industry - a large industry in Western Australia, the agricultural industry - and alert you to the proportion of union members in that sector. Of a labour force of 21,526 - these are statistics from the ABBS; I can get the official source, if you like - the number of union members is 737. That is 3.42 per cent of the workforce.

    So, in that sector, which has a large proportion of non-incorporated bodies, you have the prospect of a union, as a registered organisation, getting a Federal award, notwithstanding the fact that it only has 3.42 per cent of the workforce as union members, that Federal award applying to all employers and employees who are respondents to that award, and the non-incorporated bodies then not having the opportunity to get individual agreements - which may be highly desired by the employee and the employer - because State agreements will not override Federal awards in the absence of the Section 152 that is proposed in this Bill. So what you have, in the absence of 152, is a trap that employers - particularly smaller, non-incorporated employers - get into and cannot get out of. [58]

(b) The implications for the Australian Economy

Very little was put by the union movement in evidence to the Committee on this Term of Reference. The ACTU did not elaborate on their written submission on the economic impact of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill.

Many employer submissions however, did focus on the critical need for further labour market reform and the economic necessities for this.

An economist from the Chamber of Commerce and Industry of Western Australia in evidence to the Commission, explained:

    Ms Cusworth - The labour market reform process which this Bill is a very important part of is itself only a part of an ongoing process of micro-economic reform which has been pursued across Australia for a number of years by Governments of various political persuasions, and at various levels of Government. Labour market deregulation is probably the most important of all of that micro-economic reform agenda. It must be seen not as an end in itself but primarily as a means to an end. The objectives of the whole process are to enhance productivity growth and hence to secure rising living standards for the Australian community as a whole and to assist in reducing the still unacceptable high levels of unemployment which persist across Australia. [59]

This position was equally supported by the Business Council of Australia in evidence:

    The Business Council is seeking reform of the industrial relations system to promote and facilitate the sorts of employer relations that are the best way of improving competitiveness. What we are talking about is the high productivity, high wage route of harnessing the competencies, the ideas and the commitment of all the people in an enterprise to pursue customer needs in the best way possible. This requires an industrial relations framework which is decentralised and flexible but subject to a basic safety net and hence conducive to enterprises and their employees working out effective and cooperative arrangements that balance the needs of both the business and the people that work in it. We are coming to a position of supporting the Workplace Relations Bill because we see it as a mechanism for achieving the sort of reform that we want. It is not an ideological attachment to the issues but a practical one of its being, in our view, an effective way of improving Australia's living standards and, in particular, the level of unemployment which, at 8½ per cent or so is, in our view, quite unacceptable. [60]

(c) Whether the provisions of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill will fulfil Australia's international obligations and whether the provisions of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill will affect Australia's international relations.

With respect to this Term of Reference there were competing opinions put to the Committee. Submissions opposing the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill generally adopted the position that in some part the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill was contrary to Australia's international obligations in that it breached one or other of the ILO's conventions. Much of this argument however, is flawed in that it is based on the assumption that this Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill, in isolation, must satisfy all of Australia's ILO's convention obligations.

As explained by the Department of Industrial Relations in its submission to the Committee, it is quite appropriate that Australia meet its ILO convention obligations through a combination of legislation both State and Federal.

Evidence for the view that the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill is not contrary to Australia's international obligations was provided by a number of organisations including ACCI:

    Senator Ferguson - Much was said in the ACTU's submission about the ILO convention in relation to the promotion of collective bargaining as one of our international obligations which must be met. I suggested to them that perhaps there were other international obligations, such as individual human rights and freedom of association, that needed to be taken into consideration when determining whether or not the legislation fulfilled their obligations. Have you any further comments to make on the issue of the promotion of collective bargaining?

    Mr Noakes - I did not hear the ACTU remarks this morning, but I have had an opportunity to read their submission. I think it is incorrect in a number of respects on these issues. I said in my opening remarks that, in my view, the criticisms made of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill in that sense were misplaced. Conventions 87 and 98 are the principal ones which Australia has ratified and is bound to observe. The appropriate article of convention 98, which is the most important one, states:

    Measures appropriate to national conditions shall be taken, where necessary, to encourage and promote the full development and utilisation of machinery for voluntary negotiation between employers and employers' organisations and workers' organisations, with a view to the regulation of terms and conditions of employment by means of collective agreements.

    That needs to be taken in the context of the system which is in place. It is incorrect to attempt, as the ACTU submission does, to apply criticisms made of the Employment Contracts Act in New Zealand to our present system and our proposed new system.

    This Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill, in my view - and I speak as a member of the Committee which oversees this convention within the ILO - puts a greater emphasis on collective agreements than it does on individual agreements and on the whole collective process through awards and certified agreements. So it is not possible to say - which it might be possible to say about the New Zealand legislation - that collective and individual arrangements are put on an equal footing. I do not believe that they are put on an equal footing in the provisions of this Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill. In any case, the interpretation of these provisions is a rather difficult business and it does require, as I have said, a study of the total system rather than a simple extrapolation of one part of it. [61]

What is clear from a number of submissions on this point is that there are also doubts about Australia's existing Industrial Relations Act 1988 on this same question and there were also doubts about Australia's previous industrial relations legislation.

(d) The effect of similar provisions in other countries

It is not possible to respond to this Term of Reference with any accuracy given there is no directly comparable set of industrial relations provisions operating in any other country.

Parties both for and against the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill drew parallels with the United Kingdom, New Zealand and the United States of America. However, none of these countries have the same combination of awards by the established AIRC as a safety net underpinning a choice of individual or collective agreements as is proposed by this Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill.

Arguments that the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill promotes a system like New Zealand ignore the fact that this Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill maintains the awards system which was abolished in New Zealand. Secondly, the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill provides for compulsory arbitration which again was abolished in New Zealand.

Similarly, any comparison between the industrial relations system proposed by this Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill with that currently operating in the United States of America ignores the continued retention of the Australian Industrial Relations Commission and the continued existence of the award system under this Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill.

    Mr John - The Bill advances an industrial relations systems that, while evolving, continues the connections with Australia's industrial traditions. Some, even amongst VECCI's membership, would argue, and argue strongly, that it does this to a greater degree than is required because of what is the critical importance of allowing businesses to gain access to a system of industrial regulation that is fair, yet will produce the competitive performance that must be achieved for Australia and Australians to prosper. The Bill does not abolish the award system. The Bill is not comparable to the New Zealand Employment Contracts Act.

    The Bill does not allow for the introduction into Australia of United States-style bargaining. The Australian Industrial Relations Commission is continued in existence; its role and influence continue to be a major force in determining standards under which thousands of Australians will work. No other country in the world has such an institution. The Bill continues to recognise and respect the role of trade unions in the operations of the industrial relations system that it creates. Australian unions continue to have a more advantageous position than that that is accorded to New Zealand unions, for instance, under the Employment Contracts Act or US unions under various legislative provisions in that country.

    The Bill retains a far more comprehensive set of minimum standards covering wages and conditions of employment than that which applies in either the US or New Zealand. In what for many is the most important area, wages, equivalent outcomes to those available under the relevant award are guaranteed. Even if an award does not apply in a particular area, the Bill creates a means of deeming the application of an appropriate one so that employees are able to access the basic guarantee that the Bill acknowledges.” [62]

It was submitted that individual agreements overseas have led to low wage outcomes. This ignores the provisions of s.170XF, 170XG, 170XP, 170XQ, 170XW and 170XX which all provide that as a minimum for any type of employee under an agreement, be the individual a full time or part time employee, a piece worker, casual, junior, trainee or apprentice that as a minimum condition of employment, their wages under any agreement will be no less than the wages that would have been earned over the same period under the award.

Similarly, when looking at any international experience it must be remembered that this Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill provides further minimum conditions for any employee entering into an agreement as prescribed in Part VIE -Minimum Conditions of Employment for Employees under Agreements (Page 155 of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill) of four weeks of recreation leave with pay, no less than 12 days of personal carer's leave with pay, no less than 52 weeks of parental leave or adoption leave without pay after 12 months continuous service, long service leave on terms and conditions, no less than those that would have applied, equal pay for work of equal value without discrimination on the grounds of sex and payment for jury service.

This was clarified in evidence:

    Senator Crane - Thank you for clearing up that point. There is one last point that I want to raise on this, one that I have raised a number of times during the hearing. I would like to hear the department's view on this. It relates to - within the allowable matters - the responsibility of the Commission and Section 89A(2)(b) and onwards, which refers to ordinary time hours of work. Subsection 2(c) refers to rates of pay generally while subsection 2(d) refers to piece rates, tallies, et cetera. I will not read it all out because I am sure you are more familiar with it than I am, and everybody at this table has heard it a few times.

    The point I am coming to relates to the underpinning of the various methods of employment provided in this Bill by those particular clauses from the point of view of wages or payment. We then go to 170LG, minimum conditions, which states:

    For the purpose of this Part, the minimum conditions are those set out in Part VIE.

    Part VI contained on Pages 152-153 of the Bill. It says:

    Employees under an agreement are entitled to wages over a period no less than the wages that would have been earned over the period under the award.

    Then it goes on and deals with a number of sections - 170XF, 170XG, et cetera, which I will not go through. But it refers to pieceworkers, casual employers, casual pieceworkers, et cetera. As far as I am aware, looking at this particular Bill and each component of employment, you go back to the underpinning of what they will be paid and back to those clauses there, which are set by the Commission in terms of negotiating or coming to that particular position.

    I just wanted to get confirmation from you regarding my understanding of the provisions as to setting of pay. Whether it be a casual workers, a piece worker, somebody employed under an agreement, a certified agreement, et cetera, it has to come back to those standards that are set to the relevant award.

    Mr Stewart-Crompton - This is correct, Senator.” [63]

(e) Extent to which the proposed legislation impacts on the national skills accreditation, traineeships, apprenticeship system and vocational education systems, and whether State legislation will be complimentary to the Federal Act.

The Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill provides for new arrangements for trainee, apprentices and vocational placements and retains junior rates of pay in awards.

Provisions within the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill will promote the new Modern Australian Apprenticeship and Traineeship System (MAATS) by allowing, through either awards or agreements, an appropriate rate of pay derived from awards consistent with the mix of training time and productive work. This was highlighted by a document tabled during the hearings which, in part, stated:

    … for example, if the award apprenticeship pays $250 a week and the MAATS apprenticeship involves 10 per cent less time in productive work, then the minimum pay under a workplace agreement would be $255 a week -- $250 x 0.90

    And if the MAATS apprenticeship involved 10 per cent more time in productive work, the minimum pay would be $275 a week -- $250 x 1.10. [64]

The basis for these wage arrangements are existing award rates including the National Training Wage Award. Recent announcements by the Minister for Vocational Education and Training, Dr Kemp of a wage guarantee for apprentices and trainees under Agreements such that they will receive at least the current national training wage minimums whether they are employed under Australian Workplace Agreements or Certified Agreements confirms this.

While rates of pay for trainees in accredited training and apprenticeships is derived from the applicable award rate, it is apparent that some trainees or apprentices whose mix of training includes limited amounts of time spent in productive work may be disadvantaged in terms of their income. For this reason the Government has announced income support arrangements to underpin MAATS trainees and apprentices. These support arrangements are a wage subsidy which will ensure, regardless of the training and productive work mix, the apprentice or trainee will receive no less than the applicable National Training Wage Award rate of pay.

(f) Whether any proposed power exercised by the Australian Industrial Relations Commission would be better exercised by another Federal Government body and whether further consequential amendments will be needed to other Acts to achieve this

This Term of Reference is the reverse of the next Term of Reference.

(g) Whether any proposed powers exercised by another Federal Government body would be better exercised by the Australian Industrial Relations Commission, and whether further consequential amendments will be needed to other Acts to achieve this

The Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill moves the role of the Industrial Relations Court of Australia to the Federal Court. The bulk of work previously conducted by the Industrial Relations Court was unfair dismissal proceedings and the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill envisages the majority of these will now be dealt with by the Australian Industrial Relations Commission. This is entirely appropriate as there is general support from all parties for the Commission be the principal body to arbitrate on unfair dismissal matters. The Commission's power and functions will be enhanced to allow it to deal with the majority of unfair dismissal matters.

Currently there are duplicate remedies with respect to sex discrimination in employment. The Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill will repeal these “equal pay provisions of the current Act and complaints on this basis will be able to be pursued under the Sex Discrimination Act 1984.

(h) The impact on small business of the proposed legislation and extent to which the proposed institutional arrangements provide adequate support for small business in dealing with industrial matters.

Organisations representing small business were strongly in favour of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill. The majority of all employer organisations making submissions and providing evidence to the Committee identified that the bulk of their membership represented small business.

ACCI having explained to the Committee their strong support for the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill commented:

    The submission we have made is supported, as is indicated, by virtually every major employer organisation in this country. So far as ACCI is concerned, that is most of the organisations listed in our submission, we have in excess of 350,000 employers represented through our organisations. 90% of those employers are small business. Every survey we have done shows 90% -

    Senator Ferguson - What do you call small business? Under what number of employees?

    Mr Noakes - Small businesses under 20 - that is the figure we have used. We probably represent a majority of the small businesses in the country. As has been indicated they support the submission we have made. [65]

By way of further example of the support by small business for the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill, the submission by the Australian Retailers Association (Submission No. 512) identifies at Page 2 of their submission that of their 12,000 members throughout Australia, employing three quarters of the Australian retail workforce, 11,500 of those members are small retailers employing less than 20 people.

The support provided to small business through institutional arrangements within the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill include:

    (a) The requirement of the effects on the viability of a business to be taken into account in any compensation order following an unfair dismissal application - Section 170CH(7)(a).

    (b) The amendments to the unfair dismissal provisions so that strict conformance with formal procedural fairness is no longer a separate requirement but included as only one aspect in a “fair go all round” test. The discouragement of speculative claims by the introduction of the $50 filing fee and the potential for costs to be ordered for an employee who vexatiously pursued a claim that should have been settled.

    (c) The establishment of the Employment Advocate and the functions prescribed in the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill under Section 83BB(b) to provide assistance and advice especially to employers in small business about their rights and obligations under the Act and providing advice to employers in connection with AWAs about the relevant award and statutory entitlements and about relevant provisions of the Act.

(i) The extent to which proposed budget cuts will reduce the capacity of the AIRC to perform its role

Until the Government's budget is handed down no conclusion can reasonably be made on this Term of Reference.

(j) Whether the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill as a whole or in part is constitutional

Firstly it is not uncommon for legislation at some point in its life to face a challenge in the High Court on the basis of its constitutionality. In fact, the current Industrial Relations Act more specifically the amendments made by the Industrial Relations Reform Act 1993 are currently the subject of a challenge by the States in the High Court on the question of its constitutionality.

In our view, the observation made by the ACTU in their submission is correct, at Paragraph 376 at Page 104 of that submission that:

    It is not possible for the ACTU or any other party making submissions to the Inquiry or for the Senate itself to reach a conclusion about constitutionality, this is of course a matter for the High Court of Australia to determine.

Notwithstanding this observation the ACTU argued in its submission that there remains doubt about the constitutionality of some aspects of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill. A number of academics and lawyers also questioned the constitutional validity of some aspects of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill although their position on this is not unanimous, for example:

    Senator Foreshaw - Can I take you to a couple of matters that are not dealt with specifically in your submission. I would appreciate your comments on them. The current Act prescribes the definition of an industrial dispute --it has essentially been that definition for many years--that is, it is about matters pertaining to the relationship between employers and employees, and there are some other comments as well. From my reading of the proposed Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill, the definition of industrial dispute is not actually changed. However, in relation to proposed Section 89A--this is the section where the number of what are known as allowable items for the purposes of awards will be reduced to 18--after 18 months any additional matters or clauses that are in awards that do not relate to any of those matters will automatically be removed.

    The first point I wanted to get your comment on, both in a legal sense and in a more general sense, is the impact this proposed section will have upon industrial relations and industrial disputation in the future. Proposed Section 89A, which says:

    For the following purposes, an industrial dispute is taken to include only matters covered by subsections (20 and (3)--

    and then those 18 matters. Is this provision--which, by legislation, limits what the scope of an industrial dispute can be--valid or constitutional?

    Prof McCallum--The constitutional power, the labour power, allows the Government to establish machinery to prevent and settle interstate labour disputes by conciliation and arbitration. It gives the parliament leeway. The parliament created compulsory arbitration. It could have created only voluntary arbitration. It could content itself with only conciliation. The Government can, or the Parliament can if it so chooses, limit the powers of the Commission to settle only specified industrial disputes, which is in effect what Section 89A does. I see no difficulty in that provision being constitutionally valid.” [66]

Similarly, a number of submissions argued that the constitutional question is being pursued simply to create a climate of uncertainty but that this is insufficient reason to block the passage of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill, for example, as explained by ACCI:

    I would simply make the observation that, if all Federal Labor legislation about which there had been a suggestion of constitutional doubt had not been proceeded with for that reason, then there would be no Federal Labor legislation at all. Every substantial piece of legislation has been challenged and this is an inescapable fact of life under our constitution and our Federal system. Putting that aside, we do believe that the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill is soundly based in a constitutional sense, and we will elaborate on that if the Committee wishes. [67]

In the circumstance the contest of opinion cannot be resolved by this Committee. Consequently, there is the view that the question must be resolved in favour of the submission made by the Department at Page 182 indicating that the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill had been “developed in close consultation with the Attorney General's Department”. And further that “the Department notes that the Secretary to the Attorney General's Department has advised the Committee that it has no concerns that the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill is unconstitutional”.

(k) Extent to which State legislation on Unfair Dismissals compliments or will compliment the proposed Federal Act

The Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill approaches unfair dismissal in a manner consistent with the approach taken in most State Industrial Commission jurisdictions. The Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill envisages that the Australian Industrial Relations Commission will only deal with dismissals in the traditional Federal sphere and not override State legislation providing remedies for State employees pursuing unfair dismissal claims.

The Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill envisages that the Federal and State systems will operate in a complimentary but independent manner.

To allow coverage of Federal award or agreement, employees without reliance on the external affairs power, the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill provides for the exercise by the Australian Industrial Relations Commission and Federal Court of Australia of powers conferred by the State. States have been asked to support this by complimentary legislation conferring such powers upon the Federal tribunal. As explained in the Department's submission at Page 156 the communique from the Labor Minister's meeting noted:

    In particular, State and Territory Ministers agreed to consider favourably, complimentary legislation in the areas of unfair dismissals, voluntary unionism and agreements.

    Ministers reported a more practical scheme for unfair dismissals with greater national consistency whilst ensuring general confines with the international standards.

In summary, State legislation will adequately compliment the proposed unfair dismissal provisions within the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill.

(l) Whether the provisions of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill provide a fair balance between the rights of employers and organisations of employers and the rights of workers and unions

The Opposition Senators argue that the provisions in the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill making available the options to enter into Australian Workplace Agreements by individual employees in a number of ways prejudices the rights of employees or was imbalanced in favour of employers.

Throughout the submissions, and evidence before the Committee, the provisions of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill safeguarding employees' rights with respect to Australian Workplace Agreements were identified.

Firstly, the provisions in the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill that prescribe the minimum conditions for Australian Workplace Agreements:

  • Take home pay no less than the wages that would have been payable under the award - Section 170XF, 170XG, 170XT, 170XQ, 170XW and 170XX.
  • Four week recreational leave with pay - Section 170XI and 170XS.
  • At least 12 days of personal carer's leave with pay if the employee is sick or caring for a family member or absent because of death of a member of the family - Section 170XJ and 170XS.
  • At least 52 weeks unpaid parental or adoption leave - Section 170XK and 170XS.
  • Long Service Leave on terms and conditions no less than would have otherwise applied - Section 170XL and 170XS.
  • Equal pay for work of equal value without discriminating on the grounds of sex - Section 170XM and 170XT.
  • Paid jury service - Section 170XN and 170XS.

The Opposition Senators argue that without vetting of the agreement entered into, employees may not receive these minimum entitlements. However, this overlooks the fact that the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill expressly provides in Section 170VG that the employer must ensure that the AWA includes conditions on all the relevant matters dealt with by the minimum conditions (these are set out above) and that the conditions in the Australian Workplace Agreements are not less favourable to the employee than the minimum conditions and the AWA identifies the relevant award for the purposes of the minimum conditions.

The Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill provides a further safeguard specifically in Section 170VG (3) that if the employer breaches this provision then the Australian Workplace Agreement is taken to include a term to the effect that the employee is entitled to the minimum conditions in any event.

In effect, the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill provides that regardless of the content of the Australian Workplace Agreement, the employee is always entitled to the minimum conditions of the existing award take home pay and the other minimums identified above.

As explained in the submission by the Chamber of Commerce and Industry of Western Australia (Submission No 409 at Page 12):

    The Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill will allow employers that are corporations covered by awards to enter into Australian Workplace Agreements (AWAs) directly with their employees.

    These must meet the statutory minima and be filed with the Employment Advocate.

This process has additional safeguards for employees compared to employing someone under an award, as demonstrated in the following chart:

Under an Award Under an Australian Workplace Agreement
When an employee accepts a job the Contract of Employment may be verbal or written. An AWA must be in writing (170VF), signed and witnessed by the employee and employer (170VO(1)).
No obligation on the employer to identify the relevant Award.

No obligation for the Contract of Employment to contain any particular provision.

The employer must ensure the AWA includes the minimum conditions and its conditions are no less favourable than these and the AWA must identify the relevant Award for the purposes of the minimum conditions (170VG(1)), and the AWA must include a disputes procedure.
No obligation to inform an employee of any of their rights, Award or otherwise. The employer must give the employee an information statement (170VO(b)(iii)) which covers the statutory minimum entitlements, occupational health and safety law and the services of the Employment Advocate.
No right for the employee to appoint a bargaining agent.

No obligation on employer to recognise an agent.

An employee may appoint a person as their bargaining agent and the employer must recognise this agent. (170VK(1) and (2).
If Contract of Employment is written it does not have to be filed anywhere. An AWA does not operate unless it is filed (170VJ(1)) with the Employment Advocate. The employer must provide a declaration that the AWA complies with various provisions of the legislation. (170VO(1)(v)).
No additional protection for minors. If the employee is a minor a parent or legal guardian must give written consent to the employee making the AWA (170VO).
Even if Contract of Employment is written there is no obligation to give employee a copy. After receiving a filing receipt the employer must give the employee a copy of the receipt and of the AWA (170WH).

The Opposition Senators' report also echoes the concerns that employees will be forced into making agreements with their employer. These concerns however are addressed in detail by provisions of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill such as Section 170WG that prohibits an employer applying duress to an employee in connection with an AWA and creates an offence for an employer to knowingly make a false or misleading statement to persuade an employee to enter into an AWA. Further Section 170VX provides that a person who suffers loss or damage as a result of entering into an AWA under duress or as a result of relying on misleading statements can recover that loss or damage and that under Section 170BY the Court may in the circumstances, set aside or vary an AWA that was made in these circumstances.

Unfortunately, many of the submissions and evidence put to the Committee raising these concerns failed to recognise that these safeguards are already contained within the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill. As observed by Professor J E Isaac from the Department of Management and Industrial Relations, University of Melbourne (previously a Deputy President of the Australian Industrial Relations Commission) :

    16. Under the proposed legislation, workers covered by AWA will be protected by the safety net of the relevant award, which will contain substantially the same range of items as currently apply in most awards. To that extent the position is in essence not different from the present informal arrangement between employer and employee. [68]

Concerns about employees situations also acknowledge the fact that those employees, members of the unions will have access to those unions for guidance and assistance and the freedom of association provisions in the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill strengthen these rights. The Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill however goes further in the establishment of the Employment Advocate whose functions under Section 83BB are to provide assistance and advice to employees about their rights and obligations and to provide advice to employees in connection with AWAs, about the relevant awards and statutory entitlements and about relevant provisions of the Act.

The Employment Advocate also has a role to investigate alleged breaches of AWAs, Section 83BB(e) and provide free legal representation to employees pursuing breaches of AWAs, Section 83BB(g).

    Senator Childs - I would put it to you that the employee has rather second-rate advice because it does not cover the most important issues in a fair negotiation between equals.

    Mr Noakes - Senator, in very many instances the employee will have much more information and advice that he or she has now.

    Mr Noakes - Even if they are not in unions. Seventy-five per cent of them in the private sector are not in unions at the moment and they would not have access to any advice unless they pick up the phone and ring the award information service, and they will still be able to do that. But the provisions of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill will give them more protection and more advice in that respect than they have now, particularly if they are not union members. [69]

On the question of the procedural operation of the Employment Advocate we draw the Minister's attention to the comments of Professor McCallum and suggest these issues are worthy of further investigation.

    Professor McCallum -It is the last one, making the Employment Advocate truly independent. I would suggest some amendments. Firstly, that the Office of the Employment Advocate be appointed for a minimum of a five year term and not up to a five year term, with the power of renewal. Secondly, I would suggest that the Minister or the Government be required to go through some form of consultation. As the Bill presently stands, there are no designations of skill levels for the Office of the Employment Advocate. There is no requirement that the Office of the Employment Advocate have any skills in industrial relations or, especially speaking, as a lawyer. There is no requirement that this head of a prosecutorial agency should have adequate legal qualifications. May I suggest that the Committee give some thought to this.

    Thirdly, I would also prefer the office to be independent and not subject to directions from the Minister. At the moment, the Minister may direct the Office of the Employment Advocate in relation to any of its functions. If this was unacceptable to the Government I see no difficulty in a review council being established; a council with community and other neutral representatives which would have Government members on it, obviously; which could, as a review council, act as a filter between the political process and the Office of the Employment Advocate; and which could give appropriate directions. May I suggest to you that I think that the work of the Office of the Employment Advocate is going to be extraordinarily difficult - particularly as union membership declines in this country - and that it is imperative that, if we wish to protect low paid workers, more thought is given to the nature of this office.” [70]

RIGHT OF ENTRY

The majority Opposition Senators' report accepts the complaints raised by unions in their submissions that the Right of Entry provisions in the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill disadvantage unions and employees. The unions argued that the provisions of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill Section 286 that entitles a union to entry an employer's premises subject to receiving a written invitation from a union member to inspect records or view work or interview employees who are members or who are eligible to be members of the union and Section 286A which is a similar provision entitling the union with invitation from a union member to enter premises and hold discussion with employees will require the union to identify the names of its members to the employer and thereby allow discrimination to occur against those members and frustrate the union's access to employers' premises.

This argument was repeatedly put to the Committee by unions who chose not to refer to other sections of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill specifically Section 291A that allows the union to take such written invitation from their members to the Registrar of the Australian Industrial Relations Commission and he will then issue a certificate that will allow the union entry to the premises and express provisions in that Section that the certificate must not identify the employees making the request. This safeguard was continually overlooked by the unions in their submissions and evidence.

Examples of this misconstruing of the provisions of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill are for instance, in the ACTU evidence:

    The seventh major area of concern, and a very important issue, is limitation on union's right of entry. Under the legislation requiring individual - I stress individual - members to invite, in writing, union on to the employers' premises. This will obviously have the effect of limiting, if not eliminating, the rights of unions to go about their business in representing their workers. [71]

The majority of the union's written submissions equally omitted to mention Section 291A of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill. An example of this is the CFMEU (Construction and General Division) submission No. 529 which, at Pages 11 and 12 go to some length to compare the existing Section 286 with the proposed Section 286 and 286A and expressed concerns about the requirement for written invitation and at Point 4:

    Union is opposed to providing copies of the written invitation from employees to employers when requested by the employer. This would undoubtedly lead to the victimisation of many of our members.

The same omission of relevant parts of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill is found in Submission Nos. 1290, 437, 575, 774, 1001, 1249 and 1251 all made on behalf of various branches of the CFMEU.

Lack of knowledge of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill in part may explain this unwarranted concern about Right of Entry for example:

    Senator Crane - In your submission, Mr Seymour, you refer to `the elimination of the right of entry of union officials to the workplace'. Could I just draw your attention to Page 201 of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill, under Section 286, and also Page 151, under Section 291A. While acknowledging there are certainly some changes in the rules in terms of the right for unions to go into the workplace, there certainly is no elimination of the rights of unions to go into the workplace. Could you enlarge on what you mean? That is an absolute statement as if the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill says you can no longer go in there.

    Mr Seymour - I am at a disadvantage. I just got off a ship the other day. I have been away for eight weeks and I really have not had the time to read the whole Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill. As I understand -

    Senator Crane - If that is the case, could I just draw your attention to those two particular pages and give you the opportunity to have a look at them in your own time. You might want to come back to us. But in doing that, I just make the point that it certainly does not eliminate

    Mr Seymour - It restricts.

    Senator Crane - It alters. I do not even know if it would restrict. It means that two or more employees have to seek to make that happen. In one set of circumstances it is done one way and in another set of circumstances it is done another way. But just have a look at that and then maybe come back to us on it.

    Mr Seymour - We have members in this country where there is only one in a workplace. So what happens there?

    Senator Crane - Sorry. I should have said an employee or two or more employees. So it can be one.

    Mr Seymour - Right.

    Senator Crane - I just wanted to draw that to your attention. I think I will just leave it at that. Thanks, Madam Chair.” [72]

CONVENIENTLY BELONG

The Opposition Senators' report concentrates on concerns expressed by some employers in their submissions about the repeal of the “conveniently belong” rule which currently prohibits the registration of new unions where there is currently a union having coverage of particular employees.

The Opposition Senators' report seeks to emphasise some employers' concerns with respect to this and firstly mentions the submissions made on behalf of the Victorian Automobile Chamber of Commerce.

Careful reading of the Hansard indicates that the expression of concerns by the Victorian Automobile Chamber of Commerce is associated solely with their desire as an employer organisation to ensure they have the right to represent their members in the Industrial Relations Commission. This is clarified in final questioning by the Chair of Mr Redfern as follows:

    Chair -I have some final questions Mr Redfern, I just want to clarify the position that you have previously discussed with members of the Committee with respect to `conveniently belong'. In response to one question, you said you accepted `conveniently belong' then in another discussion you raised concerns and said you thought it was a matter that the Government should consider closely. Could you clarify for us precisely what position you believe the Government should take with respect to this issue?

    Mr Redfern -Perhaps our organisation - again it is difficult for employer organisations rather than a trade union in terms of that `conveniently belong' issue and I appreciate that it may have a greater significance - it is not concerned so much at the repeal of `conveniently belong' as we are but being able to preserve a position as a representative organisation. We have raised this with the Minister. We have indicated that we have a preference for seeing the `conveniently belong' rule remain on the basis on the basis that we want to continue to be able to adequately represent out membership. The Minister has given us an indication that there would be no erosion - I think that was picked up by Senator Crane - in terms of maintenance of rights for representation. The thrust of our submission is that, while we accept with some reservations the repeal of `conveniently belong' we do not want to see our representation rights eroded in any way, shape or form.” [73]

In short the VACC do support the repeal of the `conveniently belong' rule.

Similarly the Opposition Senators' report seeks to portray the Metal Trades Industry Association as not supporting the repeal of `conveniently belong'. However, the MTIA's Submission No. 1157 at Page 13 is unambiguous.

    Accordingly, while we do not press for the rule to stay, the effect of its abolition should be carefully monitored and, if necessary, reviewed in the event the consequences are adverse for employers we say this notwithstanding the proposals related to Section 118A.

On balance, the only parties voicing substantial objection to the repeal of `conveniently belong' are those who would be subject to the competitive forces this will create. These parties are of course existing registered unions.

By contrast, associations of employees who have not been able to become registered unions because of the existence of the `conveniently belong' rule are supportive of its repeal, for instance, the Victorian Principals Association indicate their support for this aspect of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill. [74]

WITHDRAWAL FROM AMALGAMATIONS

The Opposition Senators' report overlooks the provisions in the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill that provide the ability for pre-existing unions to voluntarily withdrawal from previous amalgamations.

These provisions contained within Division 7A being Section 253ZH through to Section 253ZV are touched upon only briefly in the Opposition Senators' report. Their failed to acknowledge that one of the major union organisations in the country, the Labor Council of New South Wales in its submission (No 1282) comments at Page 23:

    … it is most likely that other provisions contained within the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill will achieve the same objective by alternate means, eg, the provisions relating to dis-amalgamation and the removal of the `conveniently belong' test.

    These two areas of amendments will reduce, if not remove, the monopoly position of unions and lead to an increase in competition. This in turn will result in unions offering additional services to members and by necessitation, becoming more accountable, if this is not already the case.

The Labor Council then clarified their position in evidence before the Committee:

    Mr Sams - Page 23 of our submission deals with registered organisations under the heading “Autonomous Enterprise Branches”. It has been brought to my attention that there may be an impression created that the Labor Council of New South Wales supports the abolition of the `conveniently belong' test. That could be interpreted by Paragraph 4 under the heading `Autonomous Enterprise Branches'. I wish to make it very clear that the Labor Council's position is that it does not support the abolition of the `conveniently belong' test. We do, however, support the proposals in respect of the dis-amalgamation processes that the legislation contained. [75]

This is confirmed further in questioning by Senator Crane who asked for further clarification:

    Mr Sams - We support an opportunity at the option of the unions conducting democratically a dis-amalgamation post - 1991. [76]

The AWU-Queensland Branch also expressed no concern with the proposal suggesting though a different voting proposal should be considered. [77]

REGISTERED ORGANISATIONS - INVESTIGATION BY THE REGISTRAR

The Opposition Senators' report failed to acknowledge that there was support from one of the largest unions in Australia for those provisions of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill that expand the right for the Industrial Registrar to investigate registered organisations.

The Australian Workers Union in their Submission No 1232 at Page 8 state:

    On a positive note, this organisation applauds some sections of Schedule 15 of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill relating to the Registrar's expanded rights to investigate registered organisations, and their duty to provide more detailed financial records.

    Specifically, Section 280A (Registrar may conduct other investigations) and Section 280B (Investigations under Section 280 and 280A) are, in our view, positive initiative that can only lead to increased accountability of organisations and officials”.

SECONDARY BOYCOTT PROVISIONS

The provisions in the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill that would re-instate the pre-existing provisions of the Trade Practices Act Section 45D and E which prohibit secondary boycotts received strong support from all employers making submissions to this Committee.

The principle of prohibiting secondary boycotts is accepted within the provisions of the existing Industrial Relations Act 1988. However amendments in 1993 restricted access and the speed of access to those provisions which has been a source of frustration for employers. A stark example was presented to the Committee of the economic damage that can be caused by illegal industrial action in the case of E.P. Robinson Pty Ltd who has sustained economic losses of approximately $1M as a result of an industrial dispute. These losses occurred under the existing Federal legislation:

    Senator Chapman - Do you believe that the problems you have experienced could have been dealt with more expeditiously had Sections 45D and E of Trades Practices Act still been in place?

    Mr Robinson - Yes, certainly we believe that the ban on that wool would have been taken away. If the union was challenged or had sought their own legal advice that they could not do that - perhaps that walk out would not have occurred and we would not have had to have stood two people aside. [78]

The submission by the National Farmers Federation is indicative of employer support for Section 45D and E being reinserted into the Trade Practices Act. In their Submission No 1025 at Pages 22 - 25 a comprehensive explanation of the difficulties experienced and the need for these amendments within the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill is set out.

The Chamber of Commerce and Industry of Western Australia gave a practical example of the current legislation's faults:

    Mr Bull - The common law rights that previously existed have been fettered to such an extent that they are, again, virtually ineffective. If an employee, or a union or any person interferes with the contractual obligations of an employer, they can take no action unless they go to the industrial commission to obtain a certificate. They would have to wait at least three days before that certificate can be issued.

    Those three days are not cumulative. For example, the national coal stoppage we have today for 48 hours is immune from any action an employer can take. He cannot go under secondary boycotts, because the three days have not expired. He cannot take any action under industrial torts, because it is not a 72 hour stoppage, it is only a 48 hour stoppage. Next week the coal employees or the CFMEU can do exactly the same thing again - have a 48 hour stoppage - and the employers can do nothing about it. So what we have under the current legislation is the ability for unions to take instant industrial action and the employer can do nothing for three days; he has his hands tied behind his back. [79]

(m) Whether reporting mechanisms on the progress of Enterprise Bargaining are adequate and might need to be improved in licence of Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bills.

Section 358A inserted by the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill requires the Minister to table in Parliament a report three yearly on developments in bargaining and the making of agreements. The three year period for such reports would allow surveying of the parties to agreements and a greater frequency than this is likely to jeopardise the validity of the data collected in such surveys for the report. Such a period is also consistent with the increasingly extended term of agreements struck by the parties. Reports of this nature compiled for the Minister are also costly as identified by the Department for instance, such a report for 1994 cost the taxpayer $800,000.

The Employment Advocate will also be able to provide annual statistical information on AWAs and the Department itself will continue to monitor agreements through its existing Formalised Workplace Agreements Database.

(n) The impact of the proposed legislation on the balance between work and family responsibilities

A number of provisions of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill are particularly favourable to assist employees to reconcile the responsibilities of both their employment and their families. This was acknowledged by representatives of the Working Womens Centre:

    Senator Crane - I would like to raise a couple of issues in terms of this Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill. We always hear the emotional side of it come out about one hour or 10 hours, and all this sort of stuff, but are you aware that in the objects of the Act, under (i) it says:

    `Assisting employees to balance their work and family responsibilities effectively through the development of mutually beneficial work practices with employers;'

    and (j) says:

    `respecting and valuing the diversity of the work force by helping to prevent and eliminate discrimination on the basis of race, colour, sex, sexual preference, age, physical or mental disability, marital status, family responsibilities, pregnancy, religion, political opinion, national extraction or social origin'.

    They have been put in the objects of the Act for the first time and surely they go a long way to addressing a lot of the concerns that you have raised.

    Mrs Ridgway - Certainly, they do.

    Senator Crane - The other one or two points I will mention quickly, and Senator Chapman might follow these up. Firstly, are you aware that this Act, while we have all this about casual or part-time work, actually provides for permanent part-time work? Secondly, in terms of the so-called secrecy, the employees or the employer, whether they belong to a union or do not belong to a union organisation, can appoint whoever they like as their bargaining agent and the only person who cannot release information is the Employment Advocate. There is nothing to stop the employees or the employer releasing the details. Are you aware of that?

    Mrs Ridgway - I am aware of that. I think for many women it is quite a new process because they have relied on their union or a collective to do so. Many women will say, `Who do I employ?' `Who do I get to look at the contract or to help present the case for me?' I think that there needs to be a lot of information about that.

    Senator Crane - They can still have their union do it if they choose to.

    Mrs Ridgway -Yes, they can.

    Senator Crane - Or whoever they like.

    Mrs Ridgway - Yes. It is very encouraging.” [80]

The Opposition Senators' report also identifies that the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill in Section 89A(4) removes the power for the Industrial Commission to limit the number or proportion of employees that employers may employ in a particular type of employment and remove the power to set maximum or minimum hours of work for regular part-time employees.

The Opposition Senators' report echoes concerns raised by unions that removal of minimum hours for part-time employees would be to the disadvantage of those employees many of whom may be women. This view fails to recognise that confusion was created by union submissions that argued that removing the Commissions power to set minimum hours for part-time employees will somehow allow employers absolute discretion to decide when a part-time employee will work.

The two issues are separate as is explained by Professor Judith Sloan from the National Institute of Labour Studies at Flinders University,

    Professor Sloan -The second point is the deregulation of part-time work. As you know there are provisions in there which prevent the Commission from establishing ratio numbers of part-time workers and setting minimum and maximum hours. I would make the point that, as I read it, there is actually nothing to stop the Commission establishing processes whereby hours can be varied. I know that these provisions are in response to what I think has been an absolutely insidious aspect of the way the system has worked to the benefit of full-time workers and at the expense of part-time workers. So the attempt here is to push on very quickly to get the kinds of part-time working arrangements that suit the part-time workers as opposed to those which protect the full time workers. [81]

The same view was accepted by the Business Council of Australia:

    Mr Winley - Much too, has been made in comments and media reports of the Bill's proposal to remove the power of the Australian Industrial Relations Commission to set maximum or minimum hours of work for regular part time employees. It has been said that this amendment will act particularly to the disadvantage of women by allowing employers to alter their hours and patterns of work at will.

    Of course, close reading of the actual amendment dictates that it will do nothing of the kind. The amendment says only that the Commission will not be able to make awards that set maximum and minimum hours for regular part time employees. It does not say anything about the processes for changing people's hours of work. That is something that, presumably, awards will be able to cover if that is appropriate in a particular industry.

    More importantly, it is something that agreements can deal with. It is certainly something that individual contracts of employment deal with now. If someone works on a regular part time basis and there is a process involved for changing the part time hours or else there is a prohibition in changing part time hours, that will remain regardless of this amendment to the Act, because all this amendment does is talk about maximum and minimum hours.

    So suggestions that the amendment proposed in the Bill will suddenly lead to mayhem in changes of the individual hours of regular part time employees seems to me to be based on a misreading of what the amendment says and a failure to understand that the question of changing hours and the processes for changing hours are, in fact, not affected by that amendment.” [82]

Many awards impose a minimum number of hours for part-time employment, often as many as at least 20 per week. At this threshold level, employees are precluded from working one or two days (8 or 16 hours) per week. Consequently, employees under these awards can only be employed on a casual basis.

    Senator Chapman - I just wanted to follow up the concern you have expressed about the part-time work situation. Are you aware that under the current legislation and industrial relations system, the real problem is that there are restrictions on permanent part-time work - a minimum number of hours in a number of awards and also only a certain proportion of the work force allowed to be permanently part-time employed. What in fact has happened is an explosion in casual part-time work which does not allow for any of the protections and pro rata benefits and so on for women. That sector has exploded from 17 to 24 per cent in recent years.

    This legislation, by removing those restrictions will allow for permanent part-time work to be established under agreements with hours specified so that people will know what hours they are working and with pro rata leave and all of the other benefits. This improves the situation for women by allowing them certainty in relation to the nature of the part-time work in which they will be employed.

    Mrs Ridgway - I hope that does happen because it is what a lot of women want but I still believe employers will see a role for casual employees as well. It gives them a lot more flexibility in stopping and starting and meeting their needs. For the women we see, permanent part-time work with specified hours would be a wonderful thing.

    Senator Chapman - In fact the legislation, by allowing that, will improve the situation. Whatever the situation is now it can get better rather than worse.

    Mrs Ridgway - If it does that, that is great.” [83]

It is notable that the unions' submissions rarely mentioned the provisions of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill that will prevent limits being placed on the proportion of employees that an employer may employ in a particular type of employment.

The ACTU's own submission identified 52 Federal awards that have a limit on the number of part-time employees that can be employed compared to full-time employees. The ACTU's Attachment No. 4 to their submission sets out a number of examples of these, for example:

  • Clerks (Brewery) Consolidated Award 1985 - the maximum number of part-time (including casuals and temporary employees) shall not exceed 10% of the total number of full-time employees.
  • Federal Meat Industry Award 1981 - part-time employees shall not exceed one for every three full-time employees.
  • Hair Dressing and Beauty Industry (Australian Capital Territory) Award 1985 - a maximum of one part-time employee for every three full-time employees.
  • Nursing Staff (Repatriation Hospitals) Australian Nursing Federation Award 1991 - the number of part-time employees shall be limited so that in no case shall the proportion of part-time employees exceed 25% of the workforce.

These restrictions on the part employment force employers to engage persons on a casual basis instead. Casual employment as acknowledged in many union submissions is of a less certain nature and less family friendly because of this.

The Opposition Senators' report also fails to acknowledge that the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill provides Carer's leave for the first time as a minimum condition for agreements both Certified Agreements and Australian Workplace Agreements.

    Senator Abetz - Are there any aspects of the proposed Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill that you do support?

    Mrs Ridgway - Yes. There are some good parts of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill. In some ways, if we move to contracts for women who are currently training and not in the workplace, it will certainly free up the workplace for new positions to appear rather than have people stuck in permanent positions for a long time. I can see more career opportunities to move around and better career paths for women. I see that as a plus in the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill.

    I certainly was impressed to see the Carer's leave in there - to have 12 days Carer's leave is an improvement on many awards at the moment. So I thought that looked like a very good one.

    Senator Abetz -So the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill will in fact provide better conditions than people currently enjoy under awards. Is that what you are saying?

    Mrs Ridgway - In the Carer's aspect, for some awards, definitely, yes. [84]

Finally, it must be recognised that the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill by promoting more flexible awards will give greater scope for employers and employees to reach agreement on workplace arrangements that will cater for work and family needs.

(o) The impact of the proposed Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill on Youth Employment and Training

The main focus of the majority Opposition Senators' report in this Term of Reference was that the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill will retain junior wage rates for employees under awards as they currently exist.

There was a significant body of evidence provided that identified the potentially disastrous impact of increasing junior wage rates on junior employment levels. As outlined in the ACCI's submission (No 905) at Page 17.

    This is overwhelming evidence of the importance that a lower wage for juniors plays in securing the entry of young people into the workforce. This is particularly the case in for example, the retail industry, the predominant employer of young people, which is more price sensitive than other industries. It is essential that the Government be allowed to legislate to preserve junior rates. If those amendments are defeated, and employers are forced to pay adult rates to juniors the inevitable result will be a very substantial drop in the numbers of young people employed.

This potentially critical issue for junior employees was reinforced by the submission made by the Australian Retailers Association (Submission No 512) which notes at Page 3 that :

    According to unpublished ABS figures retailing employs some 284,000 young people (46% of all 15-20 year olds in the Australian workforce).

and further at Page 7:

    … ignoring the practical imperatives of the labour market and the relative competitive advantage of older and young employees, will place the jobs of large numbers of younger employees and potential employees at risk.

    As we have said in our media statements, around 220,000 junior jobs could be in jeopardy. We justified this on the basis of the age breakup set out earlier in this submission. Maybe some juniors would survive, ie, those in the 19 and 20 year old groups (however, there is no guarantee of that as they are typically 20% and 10% more expensive that 21 year old and older employees), but from all our discussions with members, those aged 18 and under in most cases simply would not be competitive as older employees.

This stark and substantial evidence cannot be ignored. The Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill, by retaining existing junior award wage rates, will protect the employment of youth.

Footnotes

[55] Evidence pp 80

[56] Evidence pp 2018

[57] Evidence pp 1971

[58] Evidence pp 1368

[59] Evidence pp 1359

[60] Evidence pp 1935

[61] Evidence pp 77

[62] Evidence pp 2013

[63] Evidence pp 2216 - 2215

[64] 'Wage arrangements for young people in training', Commonwealth Minister for Industrial Relations, June, 1996

[65] Evidence pp 78

[66] Evidence pp 896

[67] Evidence pp 73

[68] Submission by Professor J E Isaac Canberra, 1st August 1996, pp 5

[69] Evidence pp 100

[70] Evidence pp 890

[71] Evidence pp 35

[72] Evidence pp 641 - 642

[73] Evidence pp 152

[74] Submissions No. 71, pp 155

[75] Evidence pp 799

[76] Evidence pp 809

[77] Submission No. 1139, pp 28

[78] Evidence pp 515

[79] Evidence pp 1372

[80] Evidence pp 287 - 288

[81] Evidence pp 1761

[82] Evidence pp 1935

[83] Evidence pp 290

[84] Evidence pp 284

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