Bills Digest No. 11 2001-02
Intelligence Services Bill 2001
WARNING:
This Digest was prepared for debate. It reflects the legislation as
introduced and does not canvass subsequent amendments. This Digest
does not have any official legal status. Other sources should be
consulted to determine the subsequent official status of the
Bill.
CONTENTS
Passage History
Purpose
Background
Main Provisions
Concluding Comments
Endnotes
Legislation Attachment:
Legislation - Arguments For and Against
Contact Officer & Copyright Details
Intelligence Services Bill
2001
Date Introduced: 27 June 2001
House: House of Representatives
Portfolio: Foreign Affairs
Commencement: 28 days after Royal Assent
To
- provide a legislative basis for the Australian Secret
Intelligence Service (ASIS) and, to a more limited extent, the
Defence Signals Directorate (DSD)
- establish a joint parliamentary committee to oversee both the
Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) and ASIS.
The Australian Intelligence
Community
The 'Australian Intelligence Community'
comprises:
- the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO)
- the Australian Secret Intelligence Service (ASIS)
- the Defence Signals Directorate (DSD)
- the Office of National Assessments (ONA)
- the Defence Intelligence Organisation (DIO), and
- the Defence Imagery and Geospatial Organisation (DIGO)
Broadly, ASIO, ASIS and DSD collect intelligence
which is analysed by ONA, DIO and DIGO. ASIS collects intelligence
outside Australia whereas ASIO collects intelligence inside
Australia. ASIS collects human intelligence (humint) while
DSD collects signals or communications intelligence
(sigint). While ASIS merely collects intelligence ASIO may
also advise government(s) regarding security threats and take
action to address those threats. DSD also advises government(s)
regarding security of electronic information.
In layman's terms ASIO and ONA exist under the
auspices of the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet
(PM&C), ASIS under the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade
(DFAT) whereas DSD, DIO and DIGO under the Department of Defence
(DoD). In general terms, the activities of all these intelligence
agencies are subject to scrutiny by the Inspector-General of
Intelligence and Security (IGIS).
ASIS
History
The Australian Secret Intelligence Service
(ASIS) was established on 13 May 1952 by an Executive Council
Minute appointing Alfred Deakin Brookes. For twenty years, little
was known within government or the community regarding the
existence or operation of ASIS.
Its Charter of 15 December 1954 described ASIS's
role as 'to obtain and distribute secret intelligence, and to plan
for and conduct special operations as may be
required'.(1) ASIS was expressly required to 'operate
outside Australian territory'. A Ministerial Directive of 15 August
1958 indicated that its special operations role included conducting
'special political action'.(2) It also indicated that
the organisation would come under the control and supervision of
the Minister for External Affairs rather than the Minister for
Defence.
At the time, ASIS was substantially modelled on
the United Kingdom Secret Intelligence Service (UKSIS) also known
as MI6. ASIS was at one time referred to as MO9.
On 1 November 1972 ASIS was sensationally
exposed by The Daily Telegraph.(3) This paper
ran an expose regarding recruitment of ASIS agents from Australian
universities for espionage activities in Asia. This article was
followed by a more in depth piece in The Australian Financial
Review on the 'Australian intelligence community' (ASIO, ASIS,
the Joint Intelligence Organisation (JIO), now the Defence
Intelligence Organisation (DIO) and the Defence Signals Division
(DSD), now the Defence Signals Directorate).
The article in The Australian Financial
Review stated that '[t]he ASIS role is to collect and
disseminate facts only. It is not supposed to be in the analytical
or policy advising business though this is clearly difficult to
avoid at times'.(4) The Ministerial Statement of 1977
stated that the 'main function' of ASIS was to 'obtain, by such
means and subject to such conditions as are prescribed by the
Government, foreign intelligence for the purpose of the protection
or promotion of Australia or its interests'.(5)
On 25 October 1977 the Prime Minister declared
the existence of ASIS and its functions following a recommendation
by the Hope Royal Commission (see below).(6)
Hope Royal Commission(s)
On 21 August 1974 the Whitlam Government
appointed Justice Robert Hope to conduct a Royal Commission into
the structure of security and intelligence services, the nature and
scope of the intelligence required and the machinery for
ministerial control, direction and coordination of the security
services. The Hope Royal Commission delivered eight reports, four
of which were tabled in Parliament on 5 May 1977 and 25 October
1977. Aside from the observation that ASIS was 'singularly well run
and well managed', the report(s) on ASIS were not released. Results
from the other reports included the Australian Security
Intelligence Organisation Act 1979 and the establishment of
the Office of National Assessments (ONA) and the passage of the
Office of National Assessments Act 1977.
On 17 May 1983 the Hawke Government reappointed
Justice Hope to conduct a second Royal Commission into ASIS, ASIO,
ONA, DSD and JIO (now DIO). The inquiry was to examine progress in
implementing the previous recommendations; arrangements for
developing policies, assessing priorities and coordinating
activities among the organisations; ministerial and parliamentary
accountability; complaints procedures; financial oversight and the
agencies' compliance with the law. As with the first Hope Royal
Commission, the reports on ASIS and DSD, which included draft
legislation on ASIS, were not made public.
Sheraton Hotel
On 30 November 1983 ASIS was once again shot
into the limelight following a bungled training exercise in the
Sheraton Hotel in Melbourne. The exercise was to be a mock
surveillance and hostage rescue of foreign intelligence officers.
It involved junior officers who had undergone 3 weeks prior
training and who were given considerable leeway in planning and
executing the operation. Ultimately, in executing the operation,
the trainees used considerable force, brandished semi-automatic
assault weapons, distressed a number of the staff and guests and
physically assaulted the Hotel Manager.
Within 2 days the Minister for Foreign Affairs
announced that an 'an immediate and full investigation' would be
conducted under the auspices of the Hope Royal Commission. A report
was prepared and tabled by February 1984. It described the exercise
as being 'poorly planned, poorly supervised and poorly
run'(7) and recommended that measures be taken in
training to improve planning and eliminate adverse impacts on the
public.
Following the incident, The Sunday Age
disclosed the names, or the assumed names, of five of the officers
involved. The journalist noted that 'according to legal advice
taken by The Sunday Age there is no provision that
prevents the naming of an ASIS agent'.(8) While not
included within the public version of the report, the Hope Royal
Commission did prepare an appendix which would appear to have dealt
with the possible security and foreign relations consequences of
disclosure of participants names by The Sunday Age.
Subsequently, in A v Hayden, the High Court held that the
Commonwealth owed no enforceable duty to ASIS officers to maintain
confidentiality of their names or activities.(9)
At the time of the Sheraton Hotel incident, the
extant Ministerial Directive permitted ASIS to undertake 'covert
action', including 'special operations' which, roughly described,
comprised 'unorthodox, possibly para-military activity, designed to
be used in case of war or some other crisis'.(10)
Following the incident and the recommendations of the Hope Royal
Commission, the covert action function was apparently
abolished.(11)
Internal Inquiries
Between 1989 and 1991 ASIS came under scrutiny
following allegations relating to its role and activities in Papua
New Guinea. It was alleged that ASIS had been involved in training
Papua New Guinean troops to suppress independence movements in
Irian Jaya(12) and Bouganville.(13) (In 1997
it was alleged that ASIS and DSD had failed to collect, or the
Government had failed to act upon, intelligence regarding the role
and presence of Sandline mercenaries in relation to the
independence movement in Bougainville.(14))
In 1992 two reports were prepared on ASIS by
officers within the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet and
Office of National Assessments for the Secretaries Committee on
Intelligence and Security (SCIS) and the Security Committee of
Cabinet (SCOC). The Richardson Report in June examined the roles
and relationships of the collection agencies (ASIO, ASIS and DSD)
in the post cold war era. The Hollway Report in December examined
shortfalls in Australia's foreign intelligence collection. Both
reports endorsed the structure and roles of the organisations and
commended the performance of ASIS.
Samuels and Codd Royal
Commission
Towards the end of 1993 ASIS became the subject
of media attention after allegations were made by former ASIS
officers that ASIS was unaccountable and out of control. One
newspaper alleged that 'ASIS regularly flouted laws, kept dossiers
on Australian citizens ... and hounded agents out of the service
with little explanation'. In particular it alleged that agents were
being targeted in a purge by being threatened with criminal charges
relating to their official conduct, reflecting a pattern which
suggested to some that ASIS or a senior ASIS officer had been
'turned' by a foreign intelligence service.(15)
On 21 February 1994 Four Corners ran a
program which aired the key allegations. Two former ASIS officers
made claims regarding cultural and operational tensions between
ASIS and DFAT. They claimed that embassy staff had maliciously or
negligently compromised activities involving the running of foreign
informants and agents and the defection of foreign agents to
Australia. They claimed that their grievances were ignored and that
they were 'deserted in the field' and made scapegoats by ASIS.
The officers and the reporter (Ross Coulthart)
also made brief claims regarding operational activities and
priorities. The officers personally claimed that ASIS advice had
been ignored by DFAT. The reporter repeated claims regarding ASIS
operations aimed at destabilising the Aquino Government in the
Philippines. He also made claims regarding ASIS assistance to UKSIS
in the Falklands conflict, in Hong Kong and in Kuwait for the
benefit of British interests and potentially to the detriment of
Australian interests.
Ross Coulthart also made allegations regarding
intelligence held by ASIS on Australians. He claimed that 'ASIS
secretly holds tens of thousands of files on Australian citizens, a
database completely outside privacy laws'.(16) This
allegation was investigated and denied by Royal Commissioners
Samuels and Codd (see below),(17) but the Minister did
acknowledge that ASIS maintained files. He said that these were
'essentially of an administrative nature' on Australian persons and
organisations.(18)
The bulk of the personal statements by the
officers concerned their private grievances. They raised two issues
of public interest regarding the effect of secrecy on the operation
of grievance procedures and the extent to which the Minister for
Foreign Affairs and Trade was aware of or in control of ASIS
operations. The reporter directly raised the issue of the
appropriateness of ASIS operations particularly with respect to
priority setting in overseas postings and operations, cooperation
with foreign intelligence services, and the privacy of Australian
persons and organisations. By implication, the program queried the
extent to which ASIS is or should be accountable to the Minister,
to Government and to Parliament.
The following day, the Shadow Minister for
Foreign Affairs called for an independent judicial inquiry into the
allegations. He expressed particular concern about the nature of
ASIS cooperation with foreign agencies and the defects in ASIS
grievance procedures.(19) He later called for the
inquiry to examine the 'poisoned relationship between ASIS and
[DFAT]'.(20) The Democrats spokeswoman called for a
standing parliamentary committee.(21)
On 23 February 1994, the Minister announced a
'root and branch' review of ASIS. The Government appointed Justice
Gordon Samuels and Michael Codd to inquire into the effectiveness
and suitability of existing arrangements for control and
accountability, organisation and management, protection of sources
and methods, and resolution of grievances and complaints. The Royal
Commission reported in March 1995.
Samuels and Codd found that certain grievances
of the former officers were well founded. They appeared to support
the officers' concerns regarding the grievance procedures:
Bearing in mind the context in which the members
of ASIS work, it is not surprising that there should develop a
culture which sets great store by faithfulness and stoicism and
tends to elevate conformity to undue heights and to regard the
exercise of authority rather than consultation as the managerial
norm.(22)
However, Samuels and Codd observed that the
information published in the program was 'skewed towards the
false',(23) that 'the level of factual accuracy about
operational matters was not high',(24) and, quoting an
aphorism, that 'what was disturbing was not true and what was true
was not disturbing'.(25) They concluded that the
disclosure of the information was unnecessary and
unjustifiable and had damaged the reputation of ASIS and Australia
overseas.(26) They rejected any suggestion that ASIS was
unaccountable or 'out of control'. They said, 'its operational
management is well structured and its tactical decisions are
thoroughly considered and, in major instances, subject to
external approval'.(27) They recommended that complaints
regarding ASIS operations continue to be handled by IGIS but that
staff grievances be handled by the Administrative Appeals
Tribunal.(28)
In addition to their recommendations, Samuels
and Codd put forward draft legislation to provide a statutory basis
for ASIS and to protect various information from disclosure. The
Samuels and Codd Bill, like the bulk of the reports, was not made
public.
DSD
History
While Justice Hope recommended that ASIS should
be publicly acknowledged and that the relevant chapter of the Royal
Commission Report be published, he did not take the same approach
with respect to DSD. Thus, while the Prime Minister was prepared to
describe the functions of DSD, the relevant chapter was not made
public. He said:
[DSD] is an organisation concerned with radio,
radar and other electronic emissions from the standpoint both of
the information and the intelligence they can provide and of the
security of our own Government communications and electronic
emissions.(29)
In its own words, DSD's purpose is to 'support
Australian Government decision-makers and the Australian Defence
Force with high-quality foreign signals intelligence products and
services'. It provides the 'policy departments and assessment
agencies' with information 'that is not available from open
sources'.(30) A Ministerial Directive in November 1986
described one of its functions as 'to collect, produce and
disseminate foreign signal intelligence to meet the national
requirements of the Commonwealth'.(31) Another of its
functions is to 'provide material, advice and assistance' to
Commonwealth departments 'on matters relevant to the security and
integrity of official information the loss or compromise of which
could adversely affect the national security'. It focuses on
information that is 'processed, stored or communicated by
electronic or similar means'.(32)
Recent Controversy
On 23 May 1999, the Sunday program
aired a cover story on DSD.(33) The program aired
allegations regarding the existence and operation of
Echelon, a computer automated satellite surveillance
network under the 'UKUSA alliance' involving Australia, the United
States, Britain, Canada and New Zealand.
(34)Specifically, it was alleged that Britain had used a
similar agency in Canada to undertake surveillance for domestic
political purposes. It was also alleged that Echelon
intelligence had been used by the United States to obtain
commercial advantages for domestic companies negotiating for
contracts with Indonesia. The implication was that the network
could be or had been used by the larger parties to gain information
for their interests potentially to the detriment of Australian
interests.
Concern was expressed in the program regarding
the focus on commercial interests and the potential for breaches of
privacy for Australian citizens. It raised a public interest issue
regarding DSD and the fact that 'its intrusive surveillance powers
are not restrained by an act of parliament' and that its operations
are not subject to parliamentary scrutiny.
Secrecy
Threshold Questions
One threshold question for the early inquiries
was the need for intelligence services. The First Hope
Royal Commission made the following comment on the need for
ASIS:
Australia needs intelligence of quality,
timeliness and relevance ... For Australia to maintain a degree of
self-reliance in its international posture, we must have our own
information, our own intelligence ... it would be naïve to
imagine that overseas governments will always tell us everything
they know about a particular matter.(35)
This view was either not questioned in
subsequent inquiries or accepted on its merits.
A more enduring question has been the extent to
which the intelligence services should be protected by secrecy or
be subject to the standard requirements of public accountability.
Initially, the government adopted a bright-line test relating to
the extent of secrecy. The Prime Minister's Ministerial Statement
of 1977 contained the following announcement:
ASIS's capacity to serve Australia's national
interest will continue to depend upon its activities being fully
protected by secrecy. The Government will therefore adhere strictly
to the practice of refusing to provide details of ASIS's activities
nor will it be prepared to enter into any discussion on the
Service.(36)
However, with sporadic but intense media
interest in the existence and activities of ASIS, this view became
difficult to justify. Thus, by 1995 the Minister for Foreign
Affairs had taken a substantially softer approach to the issue:
[W]hile we judge that it is now an appropriate
time to be more forthcoming than we have been in the past, there is
still a self-evident need for certain kinds of information relating
to ASIS ... to remain secret so as to protect national security,
the safety of individuals, and Australia's international relations.
This especially includes information that could identify ASIS
officers, sources and methods; places of ASIS deployment and
operation; areas and issues of intelligence interest; and the
purpose or objectives of individual operations, be they past,
current or projected.(37)
Ultimately, while the government has
traditionally adopted a 'neither-confirm-nor-deny' approach,
circumstances have ensured that at least some aspects of
intelligence services' operations are questioned by the media and
by parliamentarians. Obviously, the disclosure of information by
former officers and journalists has prompted the most significant
public debate. However, as a result of the Hope Royal Commissions,
some disclosure and scrutiny has also been prompted by the ability
of Parliament to review ASIS appropriations, ANAO audit reports and
IGIS annual reports. There has also been an arrangement whereby
ASIS provides briefings to the Opposition. In addition, the courts
have indicated that at least some activities and decision making
within the intelligence services agencies will be susceptible to
judicial scrutiny (see below).
The Courts
Criminal Law
In the confidential Fifth Report,
Justice Hope apparently asserted that '[w]e should not allow the
use of any euphemisms to cloud the central issue'. He acknowledged
that 'ASIS exists to conduct espionage against foreign countries
and that, to do so successfully, ASIS must probably infringe the
laws of those countries and certainly be prepared to do
so'.(38)
This observation raises two issues: the extent
to which conduct overseas may constitute an offence within
Australia and the extent to which officers can be protected from
liability.
Protection of Secrecy
In Sankey v Whitlam the High Court held
that the Commonwealth could, on national security grounds, withhold
information from a court if the court was satisfied that the public
interest in confidentiality outweighed the public interest in
disclosure.(39)
In A v Hayden, a majority of the High
Court held that a court would not enforce a private
obligation of confidentiality where that would obstruct the
criminal justice system.(40) The case involved actions
by officers involved in the Sheraton Hotel incident seeking to
prevent the Commonwealth from disclosing their names and activities
to the Victorian Government for the purposes of prosecution under
Victorian law. The Commonwealth had argued that it had the power to
disclose this information regardless of a confidentiality provision
in ASIS employment contracts. The Court held that, in the absence
of a contrary statute, the public interest in the administration of
justice required that criminal behaviour should be prosecuted,
thereby permitting the Commonwealth to disclose the
information.
Thus, while the Commonwealth may be able to
withhold information regarding ASIS officers and their activities
ASIS officers have no redress against the Commonwealth for
disclosure of this information and therefore their exposure to
criminal liability. Any contractual provision which sought to
restrict the Commonwealth was void or voidable.
Immunity of Officers
In A v Hayden clear statements were
also made regarding the Commonwealth's capacity, once information
had been obtained, to protect ASIS officers against criminal
prosecution. Mason J rejected the notion that ASIS officers could
be authorised to break the law:
It is possible that the promise was given, and
the arrangements for the training exercise made, in the belief that
executive orders would provide sufficient legal authority or
justification for what was done. It is very difficult to believe
that this was the Commonwealth's view - superior orders are not and
have never been a defence in our law - though it is conceivable
that the plaintiffs may have had some such
belief.(41)
In anticipation of further proceedings in that
case, he added 'the point needs to be made loudly and clearly, that
if counter-espionage activities involve breaches of the law they
are liable to attract the consequences that ordinarily flow from
breaches of the law'.(42)
Similarly Murphy J rejected the notion that the
government could authorise an illegal act. As he noted, the rule of
law requires that '[t]he executive power of the Commonwealth must
be exercised in accordance with the Constitution and the laws of
the Commonwealth'.(43) Thus, the Commonwealth could not
authorise a person within Australia to commit an offence against
Australian law. But, significantly, he was also prepared to state
that '[n]either the Commonwealth nor any of its Ministers,
officers, agents ... can lawfully authorise the commission by
anyone in another country of conduct which is an offence
against the laws of that country and is not authorised by
international law'.(44) While these comments do not
necessarily represent the common law, they suggest that
any question of illegality could present a major obstacle
to the functioning of ASIS.
Extraterritorial Jurisdiction
Generally offences are presumed to be local and
territorial.(45) Australian statutes are presumed to
extend only to the territorial limits of Australia, unless a
contrary intention is expressed.(46) Specifically, they
are presumed not to extend to cases governed by foreign
law.(47) Neither are they presumed to extend to actions
of foreigners overseas.(48) The presumption can be
rebutted, but only by express intention or by necessary implication
from the nature, purpose and policy of the
legislation.(49) Thus, while the Crimes Act
1914 is generally expressed to operate 'beyond the Commonwealth and
the Territories'(50) there are few offences that are
expressly intended to capture offenders
overseas.(51)
International law recognises a jurisdiction
where a valid nexus exists between the alleged criminal conduct and
the state. The nexus will exist where the offence occurs within the
territory or where the offender is present within the territory
('territorial jurisdiction') and where the results of the conduct
are felt within the territory ('extra-territorial jurisdiction').
It may also recognise a jurisdiction based on the offender's
nationality ('nationality principle'), the victim's nationality
('passive personality principle') and the need to protect the
interests of the state (the 'protective principle'), but there is a
degree of uncertainty.(52)
These principles are generally recognised in
domestic jurisprudence, within the limits implied above. So, for
example, the common law explicitly recognises the categories of
'territorial jurisdiction'(53) and 'extra-territorial
jurisdiction'.(54) Except in relation to the
Commonwealth, it would not ordinarily recognise the 'passive
personality principle'.(55) Neither would it ordinarily
recognise the 'protective principle', although there have been
cases in which, having recognised an extraterritorial jurisdiction
over a principal offence, it has recognised a jurisdiction over
inchoate offences, such as attempt and conspiracy. This has
occurred on the basis that intended results or the intended victim
was within the territory and it was necessary to protect 'peace,
order and good government'.(56)
More recently, the common law appears to have
recognised an extraterritorial jurisdiction over ordinary and
inchoate offences where there is a 'real and substantial link'
between the offence and the territory. This approach has been
adopted in Canada in relation to overseas offences(57)
and has recently been endorsed in Australia in relation to
interstate offences in Lipohar and
Winfield.(58) In this case the High Court found
that a conspiracy formed outside South Australia, which would have
a 'real and substantial link' with the State of South Australia,
was an offence known to the law of South Australia.(59)
Taken literally this suggests that any conduct
anywhere which has a 'real and substantial link' with a
person or place in Australia is an offence which may be prosecuted
if it is an offence in Australia.
Clearly, this creates some uncertainty, but it
may be a conclusion which follows from the decision in Lipohar
and Winfield. In addressing this uncertainty, various
jurisdictions have sought to confine these
principles.(60) The Model Criminal Code Officers
Committee, in drafting the categories of extraterritorial
jurisdiction, suggested that an extended extraterritorial
jurisdiction ought to apply to domestic rather than international
cases.(61) For present purposes, the approach in
Lipohar and Winfield might imply that acts of ASIS staff
members or agents overseas, and related acts within Australia,
could attract criminal liability even if the relevant criminal laws
were not expressed to apply extraterritorially.
In addition to these general observations it
should be noted that the provisions in the Criminal Code
dealing with bribery of foreign public officials expressly forbid
Australian people from giving a benefit to a foreign public
official to obtain a 'business advantage'.(62)
It is unclear whether this encompasses the sort of general
advantages that may be obtained by ASIS overseas which serve the
interests of Australia's national economic well-being.
Judicial Review
In theory, ASIS and DSD could be subject to
judicial review.(63) Essentially, the key issue for a
judicial review court is the requirement that actions of a
government agency must be authorised by law. This issue, and other
issues such as the requirements of natural justice, depend on the
nature of the actions, their impact on persons and organisations in
Australia and the legislation, if any, governing the processes that
that an agency must follow.
A judicial review court may examine the
compliance of an agency with its statute. Thus, in Church of
Scientology v Woodward the High Court was prepared to examine
the actions of ASIO for their consistency with the ASIO Act. The
Act prohibits ASIO from obtaining, correlating, evaluating or
communicating intelligence unless it is 'relevant to security'.
While a minority held that the question of relevance could not be
examined by a court,(64) the majority held that it was
justiciable, albeit that a plaintiff might be handicapped:
It is one thing to say that security
intelligence is not readily susceptible of judicial evaluation and
assessment. It is another thing to say that the courts cannot
determine whether intelligence is "relevant to security" and
whether a communication of intelligence is "for purposes relevant
to security". Courts constantly determine issues of relevance and
questions of relevance ... Intelligence is relevant to security if
it can reasonably be considered to have a real connexion with that
topic, judged in the light of what is known to ASIO at the relevant
time. This is a test which the courts are quite capable of
applying. It is a test which presents a formidable hurdle to a
plaintiff and not only because a successful claim for [public
interest immunity] may exclude from consideration the very material
on which the plaintiff hopes to base his argument - that there is
no real connexion between the intelligence sought and the
topic.(65)
Thus, while the activities of ASIO (and ASIS)
may be subject to judicial review, it is virtually impossible for a
plaintiff to succeed unless there is some evidence of bad faith or
some basis for concluding that the decision to obtain or
communicate the particular intelligence was 'manifestly
unreasonable' or 'so devoid of any plausible justification' that no
reasonable person could have come to it in the
circumstances.(66)
The Parliament and the
Public
Parliamentary accountability was a key issue in
the Samuels and Codd Royal Commission. Samuels and Codd considered
that '[i]f the Parliament is to approve ASIS's charter by lending
it statutory authority, the Parliament should also be able to
review the manner in which that authority is
exercised'.(67) Nearly all of the stakeholders were in
favour of ASIS being accountable to Parliament, however, there were
differences of opinion as to how that should be effected. Options
included a minimal approach based on ministerial accountability, an
intermediate approach featuring briefings to key stakeholders and a
more comprehensive approach involving a joint parliamentary
committee.
Briefing the Opposition
The Hope Royal Commission recommended that the
Prime Minister and Opposition Leader 'arrange as convenient between
them' to discuss intelligence and security issues 'from time to
time'.(68) By contrast the Samuels and Codd Bill
provided that the Director-General provide briefings to the
Opposition Leader and relevant Shadow Minister(s) 'regularly and as
of right' and 'at least every six months'.(69) This was
consistent with parliamentary accountability, the need for
bipartisanship and the convention that 'the alternative government'
is informed of the activities of public sector
agencies.(70) The Bill also provided for the Opposition
to be given a full annual report of ASIS.
Parliamentary Committee
ASIS argued that a parliamentary committee would
foster a more positive attitude among parliamentarians that would
assist bipartisanship and officer morale and would enable ASIS, via
the committee chairperson, to have a public voice on policy issues.
Other submissions suggested a committee could provide an
opportunity to improve public awareness and understanding of ASIS
and to test parliamentary and public opinion. The Shadow Minister
for Foreign Affairs was inclined to support a committee although he
noted that it might leave the Opposition 'a bit hamstrung by ...
prior knowledge'.(71) It was also argued that 'because
ASIS has relatively little scope to affect the rights of
Australians, oversight by a ... committee would have little to
contribute to the public interest'.(72)
The Democrats considered that a committee was
essential, subject to confidentiality. PM&C and the Department
of Finance (DoF) were equivocal. PM&C recommended an expanded
regime of briefings for the Shadow Ministry. DoF recommended the
tabling of an expurgated Annual Report.(73) Samuels and
Codd clearly favoured a committee:
We prefer the establishment of a standing
parliamentary committee with a broad charter enabling it to review
the activities, expenditure and administration of ASIS. It would be
able to initiate its own inquiries, but not into operationally
sensitive matters. The committee would exercise its functions
principally through the medium of hearings in camera. It would have
sufficient access to information to assure effective oversight, but
under secure conditions designed to maintain operational integrity
and subject to rules preventing the release of information without
authority.(74)
They indicated that their draft Bill would
prohibit the committee from inquiring into:
operationally sensitive matters or reporting in
a way which would disclose the identity of ASIS ... officers and
sources, operationally sensitive information or information that
would be likely to prejudice national security or ... foreign
relations.(75)
While they indicated that the Chair would be a
Government appointee having 'a casting as well as a deliberative
vote', the usual rules would apply to 'allow the combined
non-government parties in the Senate to initiate inquires over the
objections of Government'.(76)
Inspector-General
Following the Second Hope Royal Commission, the
Hawke Government created the office of the Inspector-General of
Intelligence and Security (IGIS). Hope had recommended that the
IGIS primarily monitor ASIO's (and ASIS's) 'compliance with the
law, the propriety of its actions and the appropriateness and
effectiveness of its internal procedures',(77) and,
secondarily, look into complaints. The IGIS was intended to
'protect the rights of Australian citizens and residents against
possible errors or excesses by the intelligence and security
agencies and to guard against breaches of Australian
law'.(78) It was not meant to 'check on the
general effectiveness and appropriateness of the agencies'
operations'.(79)
The Inspector-General of Intelligence and
Security Act 1986 (IGIS Act) gives the IGIS power to inquire
into ASIS's and DSD's compliance with domestic law, ministerial
directions or guidelines, or human rights and the propriety of
particular activities undertaken by ASIS or DSD. But, the IGIS may
not do so without ministerial approval except to the extent that
Australians are affected or Australian laws may be
violated.(80)
The Samuels and Codd Royal Commission
recommended that the IGIS have additional powers to conduct audits
of ASIS. They recommended the adoption of 'a system of
retrospective auditing of the Service's compliance with Australian
law and with approved rules and operational procedures' to be
undertaken by IGIS.(81) They suggested that this would
'furnish further assurance to the Minister, and to a parliamentary
committee ... that the rules are being followed and the procedures
applied'.(82) This system began initially as an
administrative arrangement between the IGIS and the relevant
agencies. In 1999, it was accorded statutory
recognition,(83) following a recommendation of the
IGIS.(84)
It is worth noting that the aggrieved officers
in the Four Corners program alleged that the IGIS had
insufficient knowledge or skills to penetrate or understand ASIS
files.(85) While there may be doubts as to the
credibility of this information, which was tested before the
Sameuls and Codd Royal Commission, it may suggest caution
before it is assumed that the IGIS has complete access to and
awareness of ASIS or DSD activities.
Legislation
Partly as a response to concerns over legality
of ASIS actions and accountability for ASIS appropriations, the
First Hope Royal Commission recommended that ASIS be the subject of
legislation. Justice Hope considered that legislation would give
ASIS a 'proper role' and 'establish it as part of the family of
government' thereby improving its efficiency and effectiveness and
morale among its officers.(86) The confidential
Fifth Report apparently contained draft legislation which,
among other things, defined the functions of ASIS.(87)
However, one of the key obstacles was the legislative treatment of
covert actions and a proposal that unlawful activities be capable
of being authorised by secret regulations.(88)
The Samuels and Codd Royal Commission also
recommended that ASIS have a statutory basis. ASIS was a key
proponent of legislation, its main objective being to ensure that
sources, staff and methods were given adequate protection, its
secondary objective being to raise the standing of ASIS in the
community. However, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the
Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, the Attorney-General's
Department (AG's) and PM&C were more equivocal.
Arguments in favour of legislation were that it
would provide greater accountability, safeguards and guarantees
against misuse and misdirection, it would provide 'protection' for
staff, it would provide protection against disclosure of sensitive
information and officer's names and it could provide ministerial
powers for search warrants, etc. Arguments against legislation
suggested it would involve further public acknowledgment of ASIS
that could complicate foreign relations, its objectives could be
achieved by other means, its key provisions would need to be 'so
vague as to be virtually meaningless' and it could fail to resolve
the issue of public accountability and indeed raise false
expectations.
AG's suggested that sufficient legal basis was
provided by the sections 61 and 67 of the Constitution. Moreover,
it argued that it would not be in Australia's interests 'to confer
'legitimacy' on the precise means by which such activities were to
be conducted'.(89) AG's proposed an alternative
involving legislation to establish a parliamentary committee and
amendments to the Crimes Act 1914 to protect official
information.(90) PM&C proposed a Ministerial
Statement to Parliament detailing the functions and powers of
ASIS.(91)
Within Parliament, the Coalition indicated that
they would support legislation 'to establish the framework for
ASIS'.(92) The Democrats emphasised the importance of
parliamentary accountability and saw legislation as 'the only
realistic basis' for a committee.(93)
Samuels and Codd provided a summary of the
arguments for and against legislation which is included as an
attachment at the end of this Digest. They recommended that
legislation be adopted because it was 'desirable in principle' and
would be 'of benefit in practice'.
ASIS carries out important functions in the
national interest. Its operations are usually sensitive and
potentially controversial. It is no longer appropriate that the
formal conferral of authority for the exercise of these functions
should be the exclusive province of the executive arm ... The
existence of ASIS should be endorsed by Parliament and the scope
and limits of its functions defined by
legislation.(94)
While the legislation would ultimately serve
various purposes, the most compelling argument for legislation was
seen to be the fact that by 'defining key elements of the
arrangements for control and oversight', the legislation 'should
help to dispel the persistent mythology that ASIS is unaccountable
and out of control'.(95) Arguably, the focus was on the
form of the legislation rather than its substance. As Samuels and
Codd acknowledged '[l]egislation as we envisage it, would merely
confirm in a formal way matters which are, with no serious
exception, on the public record already'.(96)
Ultimately, the draft legislation Samuels and
Codd proposed was based on the Hope Bill, the ASIO Act and the
Intelligence Services Act 1994 (UK). Alongside these
precedents one might include the Government Communications Security
Bureau Bill (NZ). It may also be instructive to consider the ONA
Act and possibly also the controlled operations provisions applying
to Commonwealth law enforcement officers in the Crimes Act
1914.
Funding
When ASIS was publicly acknowledged in 1977 the
Prime Minister announced that its funding would in future 'be the
subject of a one-line appropriation like ASIO'.(97)
Thus, while Annual Reports from the Department of Foreign Affairs
and Trade do not detail the expenses associated with ASIS, the
Budget Papers have traditionally included a single line for
appropriations to ASIS (within the Foreign Affairs and Trade
portfolio):
Estimated Expenses ($m) 1998-99 -
2002-2003(98)
|
1998-99> |
1999-00> |
2000-01> |
2001-02> |
2002-03> |
|
ASIS (Departmental)
|
37.8
|
42.5
|
42.6
|
42.7
|
43.5
|
Placed in context, this expenditure would seem
to represent a significant proportion of the budget for the
'Australian intelligence community'. To illustrate, compare the
following tables drawn from the budget papers for the 1998-99 and
1999-2000 Budgets.
Estimated Expenses ($m) 1997-98 -
2001-2002(99)
| > |
1997-98> |
1998-99> |
1999-00> |
2000-01> |
2001-02> |
|
Security and Intelligence Services
|
118.1
|
113.8
|
125.7
|
120.0
|
115.1
|
The 'Security and Intelligence Services' line
item includes:
the operations of the Australian Security
Intelligence Organisation, the Australian Secret Intelligence
Service and the Office of National Assessments. These agencies
collect and assess information relevant to protection against
threats to Australia's national interests. Other activities include
the physical and technical security at overseas posts,
counter-terrorist training and equipment and the operations of the
Office of the Inspector-General of Intelligence and
Security.(100)
Estimated Expenses ($m) 1998-99 -
2002-2003(101)
|
1998-99> |
1999-00> |
2000-01> |
2001-02> |
2002-03> |
|
Foreign Affairs and Trade (ASIS)
|
37.8
|
42.5
|
42.6
|
42.7
|
43.5
|
|
Attorney-General's (ASIO)
|
60.9
|
65.9
|
63.7
|
58.3
|
58.4
|
|
Prime Minister and Cabinet (ONA)
|
7.3
|
6.8
|
6.7
|
6.8
|
6.9
|
|
Total
|
106
|
115.2
|
113
|
107.8
|
108.8
|
On 22 May the Attorney-General announced that
the 2000-2001 Budget would include an extra $12.0 million over four
years to allow ASIO to assist departments and agencies to improve
their information security and to allow the Attorney-General's
Department to improve its own security practices.(102)
The commitment responded to recommendations by the IGIS following
the 1999 arrest of Jean-Philippe Wispelaere, a former DIO officer,
on charges of attempting to sell highly classified material.
Expense Measures ($m) 2001-02 -
2004-05(103)
|
2001-02> |
2002-03> |
2003-04> |
2004-05> |
Total> |
|
Attorney-General's Department
|
|
|
|
|
|
- Improving Security within the AIC
|
0.7
|
0.6
|
0.6
|
0.6
|
|
|
Attorney-General's (ASIO)
|
|
|
|
|
|
- Improving Security within the AIC
|
2.5
|
1.8
|
1.9
|
1.9
|
|
|
|
0.6
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
|
|
Foreign Affairs and Trade (ASIS)
|
|
|
|
|
|
- Improving Security within the AIC
|
0.9
|
0.7
|
0.7
|
0.8
|
|
|
Total
|
4.7
|
3.1
|
3.2
|
3.3
|
14.3
|
The Government will provide additional funding
to the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation, the
Australian Secret Intelligence Service and the Office of National
Assessments to undertake physical security improvements within
these agencies. The Department of Defence will absorb and the
Attorney-General's Department will offset the cost of implementing
security enhancements
Appropriations ($'000)
2001-02(104)
|
Appropriation Bill
(No.1)> |
Appropriation Bill
(No.2)> |
|
Foreign Affairs and Trade (ASIS)
|
45 369
|
-
|
|
Attorney-General's (ASIO)
|
64 790
|
4 284*
|
|
Prime Minister and Cabinet (ONA)
|
7 131
|
46
|
|
Prime Minister and Cabinet (IGIS)
|
634
|
-
|
|
Total
|
117 924
|
4 330
|
* Equity injection
P ALIGN="JUSTIFY">Broadly, the measures in this Bill may be
grouped into the following categories:
- provisions describing and delimiting functions and activities
of ASIS and DSD
- provisions protecting ASIS and DSD officers and
information
- administrative and machinery provisions relating to ASIS,
and
- provisions defining the role and powers of the parliamentary
joint committee.
Functions, Activities and
Protection
Proposed Part 2 deals with the
functions and activities of ASIS and DSD and the limitations on
performance of those functions and activities.
Proposed sections 6 and
7 describe the functions of ASIS and DSD
respectively.
One function of ASIS is to 'obtain
intelligence about the capabilities, intentions or activities of
people or organisations outside Australia' and, by logical
extension, to 'communicate such intelligence' and to
'liaise with intelligence or security services or other
authorities of other countries'. Another is to 'conduct
counter-intelligence activities'.
One function of DSD is to obtain intelligence
information in the form of '[guided or unguided]
electromagnetic energy [or] electrical, magnetic or acoustic
energy' and to 'communicate such intelligence'.
Another function is to provide Commonwealth and State authorities
with assistance in relation to the 'security and integrity of
information [in electronic form]', and in relation to
cryptography and communications technologies.
Ministerial Discretion and Control
These functions are subject to expansion and
delimitation by the Minister:
Proposed subsection
6(2) allows ministerial expansion of ASIS
functions.
- ASIS may undertake 'other activities' as directed by
the Minister 'relating to the capabilities, intentions or
activities of people or organisations outside Australia'.
The Minister may only direct ASIS to undertake
'other activities' if:
- s/he has consulted Ministers 'who have related
responsibilities'
- s/he is satisfied that arrangements exist to ensure that
'nothing will be done beyond what is necessary'
considering the purposes of the direction
- s/he is satisfied that arrangements exist to ensure that
'the nature and consequences of acts done ... will be
reasonable' considering the purposes of the direction
Proposed sections 8-10 provide
for ministerial control over activities of ASIS and DSD.
- The Minister must specify the circumstances in which
authorisation must be obtained before ASIS or DSD undertakes
'particular activities or classes of activities'.
The Minister may only issue an authorisation if
s/he is satisfied that:
- the activities will be 'necessary for the proper performance of
a function' of ASIS
- arrangements exist to ensure that 'nothing will be done
beyond what is necessary for the proper performance of a
function' of ASIS or DSD
- arrangements exist to ensure that 'the nature and
consequences of the acts ... will be reasonable' considering
'the purposes for which they are carried out'
- The Minister may issue general directions regarding the
performance of functions.
Cooperation
Proposed section
13 provides for cooperation between relevant
authorities.
Subject to ministerial arrangements or
directions, ASIS or DSD may cooperate with local or 'approved'
overseas authorities 'so far as facilitates the performance of
their functions'.
Broad Limitations
Various measures impose broad limitations on
ASIS or DSD functions and activities:
- ASIS-DSD may only perform functions in the interests of
Australia's 'national security', 'foreign
relations' or 'national economic well-being' as they
are affected by 'the capabilities, intentions or activities of
people or organisations outside Australia'.
- ASIS-DSD may not 'undertake any activity' unless it is
'necessary for the proper performance of [their]
functions' or 'authorised under or required by another
Act'.
- ASIS-DSD may not perform functions of a police or law
enforcement nature except in limited circumstances incidental to
the performance of another legitimate function.
- ASIS-DSD may only communicate intelligence information
concerning Australians in accordance with rules developed to ensure
that privacy of Australians is preserved 'as far as is
consistent with the proper performance by the agencies of their
functions'.
- ASIS must not, in performing its functions, 'plan for, or
undertake, paramilitary activities or activities involving violence
against the person or the use of weapons'
Personal Liability
Proposed section
14 immunises staff, agents and other persons from
criminal liability.
A 'staff member or agent' of an agency
(ie, ASIS or DSD) is not subject to any civil or criminal
liability for any act done outside Australia in the
'proper performance of a function' of the agency. A
'person', whether a staff member or not, is not liable for
any act done inside Australia which is complicit or
directly connected with an otherwise criminal act done outside
Australia provided the act was done by the person in the
'proper performance of a function' of the agency.
Staff Grievances
Proposed section 37 requires
the Director-General to establish procedures to deal with
grievances or classes of grievances of employees and former
employees. The procedures must involve 'initial consideration by
the Director-General of ASIS (or delegate)' and Grievance Review
Panels chaired by 'independent Chairs' to review these initial
determinations. The Director-General must implement these decisions
as far as it is within his or her power.
Confidentiality
Proposed sections
39 and 40 make it an offence for
present or past staff members, agents or consultants to disclose
information prepared in connection with or relating to the
performance of ASIS or DSD functions. The maximum penalty is 2
years' imprisonment.
Perhaps significantly, these provisions do not
capture third parties such as journalists who may acquire
information from staff members, agents or consultants of ASIS or
DSD.
Proposed section
41 makes it an offence for any person to
disclose without consent any information indicating the identity of
past or present ASIS staff members or agents. The maximum penalty
is imprisonment for 1 year.
A person may disclose information from which the
identity of a staff member or agent could reasonably be inferred if
that information has been made public by means of authorised
broadcasting or reporting parliamentary proceedings 'other than
proceedings of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on ASIO and
ASIS [PJC]'.
Thus, a person may reproduce information from
broadcasts or parliamentary hansard, but s/he may not reproduce
information from broadcasts or transcripts of the PJC. Nor would
s/he seem to be able to reproduce information from reports of the
PJC. Strictly speaking, even though the PJC is itself prevented
from publishing information on the identity of officers without
authorisation (see below under the heading Parliamentary Committee:
Offences), proposed section 41
only permits disclosure of information made public by means of
'broadcasting or reporting proceedings [of the Chambers or other
Committees]'.
This may be a significant departure from the
long standing common law(105) and
statutory(106) rule that reporting of proceedings in
parliament are covered by parliamentary privilege.
Comment
A number of points may be made about how these
provisions may operate in practice. The comments below are drawn
from the language of these provisions in the context of the issues
and concerns raised by the media and canvassed in the inquiries
discussed above.
Functions
First, the expression 'intelligence' is not
defined. For present purposes it might be assumed to mean
'processed information' or information which has been tested for
credibility and assessed for relevance.(107) Borrowing
from the ONA Act, 'intelligence' may at least be taken to mean
information of political, strategic or economic significance to
Australia.(108) However, borrowing from the ASIO Act, it
would seem that there is a distinction between obtaining
intelligence and 'correlating' or 'evaluating' the intelligence
that is obtained.
Gathering Commercial Intelligence
Second, the phrase 'national economic
well-being'(109) is not defined. It would seem to
include intelligence of economic significance to Australian
governments. It may even include intelligence of commercial
significance to Australian companies. The importance of economic
intelligence has been increasingly recognised by ASIS and the
Government. For example, in 1977 the First Hope Royal Commission
observed:
In the past, intelligence has been believed to
be of most relevance in the field of defence and related policy
areas. It is, however, not only a matter of defence. More and more,
intelligence is relevant to the formation of national policies in a
number of other areas; this is a trend that will
continue.(110)
On the recent Sunday program on DSD it
was observed that 'now that the cold war is over the focus now is
towards economic intelligence'(111) and that 'all
countries have to re-examine their traditional relationships
because in the world of economic competitiveness countries no
longer have allies they only have interests'.(112)
Gathering Intelligence on Australians
Third, the phrase 'capabilities, intentions
or activities of people or organisations outside
Australia'(113) may be interpreted widely. ASIS and
DSD could gather intelligence on Australian persons or
organisations to the extent that they live or operate overseas.
Arguably, the agencies would be open to gather intelligence on
Australians and Australian organisations in Australia
regarding their capabilities or intentions outside
Australia. If this is correct, there would seem to be a
significant overlap with the functions of ASIO.(114)
This is a significant issue. Both the Four
Corners program on ASIS and the Sunday program on DSD
have alleged that intelligence is being gathered on Australian
citizens.
It should be noted that the Government
Communications Security Bureau Bill 2001 (NZ) expressly prohibits
the Government Communications Security Bureau (GCSB), its employees
or its agents from targeting domestic
communications.(115) In addition, GCSB may not, without
a warrant, undertake interceptions involving physical
trespass.(116) In all other circumstances GCSB may only
intercept communications if they are 'produced, sent, or received
by, or sent to, a foreign organisation or a foreign person' and
'contain or may reasonably be expected to contain foreign
intelligence' or intelligence relating to persons or organisations
essentially unconnected with New Zealand.(117) GCSB is
under a general obligation to take all reasonable steps to minimise
the likelihood of intercepting third party
communications(118) and any person who obtains an
irrelevant communication must destroy any copies, etc as soon as
practicable and it is an offence to knowingly fail to do
so.(119)
Significantly, the Rules on Sigint and
Australian persons prevent deliberate interception and
dissemination by DSD of communications made by Australians within
Australia.
It should be noted that ASIS and DSD's
compliance with the privacy rules described above will, under
amendments to the IGIS Act, be canvassed in the IGIS Annual
Report.(120)
Special Operations
Fourth, the process for issuing directions for
'other activities'(121) may operate
permissively. Clearly, the Minister must be satisfied that
satisfactory arrangements exist to ensure that actions and
consequences will be necessary and reasonable. But aside from
reinforcing the need for procedural checks and balances
ministerial directions provide a purposive licence limited only by
reasonableness or proportionality. Arguably, the ends justify the
means.
Clearly, the direction may not permit violence
or the use of weapons, but it would seem to permit activities which
otherwise interfere with target capabilities, intentions or
activities. It would also seem to permit activities which
overlap with the functions of DSD, SAS, &c. an implication
drawn from the requirement for the Minister to consult with
'other Ministers who have related responsibilities',
including the Minister for Defence.(122)
It should be noted that the controlled
operations provisions of the Crimes Act 1914 operate far
more narrowly that the provisions proposed in this Bill. These
provisions empower the Australian Federal Police Commissioner and
the Chairperson of the National Crime Authority to issue
certificates authorising 'controlled operations' relating to
narcotic offences. The power is subject to statutory controls as to
when certificates can be granted, their form, content and duration.
A certificate serves to protect or 'immunise' law enforcement
officers from criminal liability for narcotic goods offences. The
authorising officers must report to the Minister 'as soon as
practicable' after deciding to issue a certificate and the Minister
must report to Parliament.
A parliamentary committee recently recommended
that the range of offences, list of authorising officers and
grounds for certificates be expanded. These recommendations are
incorporated within the Measures to Combat Serious and Organised
Crime Bill 2001.(123)
Focus on Issues of National Concern
Fifth, the focus on 'national
security', 'foreign relations' or 'national
economic well-being'(124) may be significantly
limiting. ASIS may only obtain intelligence to the extent that the
target capabilities, intentions or activities affect
'national security', 'foreign relations' or
'national economic well-being'. It may only communicate
intelligence information or conduct 'counter-intelligence
activities' or 'other activities' on similar bases.
In particular, the focus may restrict
cooperation with other intelligence agencies. While ASIS may
cooperate with 'approved' authorities 'so far as facilitates
the performance of its functions', it may only do so to the
extent that 'national security', 'foreign
relations' or 'national economic well-being' are
affected by target capabilities, intentions or activities.
Thus, ASIS could not engage in joint operations or communicate
intelligence information where the target person, organisation or
information bore no relationship to Australia. In theory both of
these activities serve the interests of foreign relations but the
test is whether the relations themselves are affected by
the target capabilities, intentions or activities.
It is worth noting that in the Intelligence
Services Act 1994 (UK) issues of national security, etc are
not limited by reference to target capabilities, intentions or
activities.
Use of Force
Sixth, the phrase 'must not plan for, or
undertake ... activities involving violence against the person or
the use of weapons'(125) may be interpreted
permissively. The prohibition does not expressly forbid the use of
violence or weapons. It forbids ASIS from 'planning for or
undertaking activities involving violence or weapons'
rather than 'performing acts involving violence or weapons' or
simply 'using violence or weapons'. The Oxford Dictionary defines
'undertake' as to 'enter upon, commit oneself to, an
enterprise'.(126)
Clearly, ASIS cannot plan to perform
acts of violence or use of weapons. Arguably, it might not even be
able to plan for the contingency in which violence or
weapons are used. Moreover, ASIS cannot enter upon or commit itself
to an operation involving violence or weapons. But unforseen
circumstances may necessitate the use of violence or weapons.
Intelligence gathering might rarely involve violence or the use of
weapons. However, violence or weapons might be an incident of
counter-intelligence or 'other' activities. A staff member
might be permitted to use violence or weapons in the
course of such an activity at least where the conduct was not
contemplated or involved at the outset.
Significantly, the immunity for criminal and
civil acts is not limited to non-violent acts. A staff member or
agent would be immunised from criminal and civil liability in
respect of any act which was done in the 'proper
performance of a function' of ASIS. Thus, violence or use of
weapons could be immunised if done in the 'proper
performance of a function'.
Immunity Arrangements
Seventh, it is significant that the immunity
applies to 'staff members' and 'agents'. 'Staff
member' is defined as an employee or consultant of ASIS or a person
made available by another person to perform services for ASIS.
'Agent' is not defined. In theory it could be taken to include
foreign civilians or intelligence officers, contractors, etc.
It should be noted that the immunity
arrangements under the controlled operations provisions in the
Crimes Act 1914 do not currently extend beyond law
enforcement officers. However, amendments proposed by the Measures
to Combat Serious and Organised Crime Bill 2001 include measures
which would extend immunity to all persons authorised to
participate in controlled operations but would exclude conduct that
would involve a sexual offence or an offence involving death or
serious injury.(127)
It should also be noted that the immunity
arrangements under the Intelligence Services Act 1994 (UK)
require that any criminal acts are specifically authorised by the
Secretary of State.(128) The authorisation process
essentially mirrors the process described above regarding
ministerial discretion to control 'particular activities or
classes of activities' and, to a lesser extent, the process
regarding ministerial directions to permit 'other
activities'. In effect, ASIS and UKSIS officers are immunised
for actions which are consistent with proper performance of the
agency's functions. But, whereas ASIS officers have a general
immunity, UKSIS officers have a limited immunity. UKSIS officers
are immunised only in relation those actions which have been
brought under ministerial control.
A related point is that whereas the
authorisation provisions in the Intelligence Services Act
1994 (UK) are limited as to time, the provisions in this Bill are
less constrained. Thus, while the British Secretary of State may
only authorise activities for six months,(129) subject
to requirement to specify the duration of an authorisation, the
Australian Minister may authorise activities for significantly
longer periods.
Another related point is the effect of immunity
on extradition. The Extradition Act 1988 provides for the
extradition of persons from 'extradition countries'. An
'extradition country' includes a country which is prescribed as
such by regulations (following the making of an extradition
treaty).(130) A valid extradition application must
include an arrest warrant, a statement of each extradition offence
and a statement of the acts or omissions alleged.
In addition, ultimately the application would
need to satisfy a court that:
- an accused: the person in question is 'accused' of an
offence overseas(131)
- an extradition offence: the offence is indictable or
is covered by an extradition treaty(132)
- dual criminality: the conduct is an offence overseas
and in Australia(133)
- not a political offence: the offence is not a
political offence(134)
- no 'extradition objection': there is no valid
objection to extradition(135)
- consent: the Attorney-General has exercised a
discretion consenting to extradition, and
- rule of speciality: the person will only be prosecuted
for the offence in the application.
Arguably, an ASIS officer or agent who was
immunised by Australia could not be extradited to a foreign country
for an offence under the foreign law. Alternatively, if they could
be extradited, they would be able to claim immunity for proper
performance.
Counter Intelligence
Seventh, the functions of ASIS clearly include
'counter-intelligence' a role traditionally understood to be
reserved for ASIO. Apparently, Justice Hope took the view that ASIS
should not merely obtain and communicate intelligence but should
have a more proactive function, including a role in
counter-espionage. It has been suggested that this approach was in
conflict with the view taken by ASIS and the Department of Foreign
Affairs.(136)
Grievance Procedures
Eighth, the Grievance Review Panels 'chaired by
independent Chairs' may be far weaker that the model recommended by
Samuels and Codd. As indicated, Samuels and Codd recommended that
complaints continue to be handled by IGIS but that staff grievances
be handled by the Administrative Appeals Tribunal.(137)
While determinations are binding on the Director-General, the
'independence' of the 'independent Chairs' is not defined.
It is worth noting that the Intelligence
Services Act 1994 (UK) establishes an independent tribunal
responsible for examining complaints regarding the UKSIS or the
Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ). It is comprised of
between 3 and 5 persons having legal qualifications and 10 years
experience and examines whether UKSIS or GCHQ 'has obtained or
provided information or performed any other tasks in relation to
the actions or intentions of the complainant' and if so whether,
'applying the principles applied by a court on an application for
judicial review' they had reasonable grounds for doing
so.(138) It may issue various remedies including an
order that the surveillance stop and that all records be destroyed
and/or that compensation be paid to the
complainant.(139)
Oversight and Control
Aside from a broad ministerial power to veto
activities or classes of activities and aside from ministerial
assessments of procedural checks and balances there may be few
concrete limits on the range of activities or actions that may be
undertaken by ASIS or DSD. As indicated ASIS cannot plan or commit
itself to activities that use violence or weapons, but there may be
scope to permit the use of force in exceptional circumstances. ASIS
and DSD must act within the parameters of 'national
security', 'foreign relations' or 'national
economic well-being', but these are fairly broad and
indeterminate notions.
Likewise, ASIS or DSD must not undertake
activities unless they are necessary for the 'proper
performance' of its functions, but this is a loose and
potentially subjective concept. The ASIO Act requires the
Director-General to take all reasonable steps to ensure that
nothing is done beyond what is 'necessary for the purposes of the
discharge of its functions' and that the organisation is 'kept free
from any influences or considerations not relevant to its
functions' and that nothing is done that might support a suggestion
that the organisation is 'concerned to further or protect the
interests of any particular section of the community' or is
concerned 'with any matters other than the discharge of its
functions'. Even in the absence of a statutory requirement for
'proper performance', such a limitation could probably be
implied into the role and function of the
Director-General.(140)
Administrative and Machinery
Provisions
Proposed Part 3 establishes
ASIS and deals with the role of the Director-General.
Proposed Part 5 deals with ASIS staff. Most of the
measures proposed are standard machinery provisions. However, two
areas are of potential interest to parliamentarians.
Relationship Between the Director-General and Minister
Proposed section
18 states that the Director-General controls ASIS
and is responsible for its management, under the Minister. S/he
must advise the Minister on ASIS matters. As indicated, the
Minister may reserve the right to approve any intelligence
gathering activity and, in theory, may withhold approval in
relation to particular persons or organisations. The Minister may
issue directions to ASIS regarding the performance of any functions
or activities and s/he may authorise activities or acts of ASIS or
of a specific staff member.
By contrast with the ASIO and ONA Acts, the Bill
does not attempt to deal with potential interference by the
Minister with the exercise of functions by the
Director-General:
- ASIO may communicate intelligence to appropriate persons or
authorities(141) and provide advice to Ministers,
authorities and other prescribed persons.(142) The
Minister may not override the opinion of the Director-General
'concerning the nature of the advice that should be
given'.(143) Nor may s/he override the
Director-General's opinion concerning the appropriateness of
targeting a particular person without a written direction
containing reasons which is copied to the Inspector-General and the
Prime Minister.(144)
- ONA may provide reports and assessments to 'appropriate
Ministers and other appropriate persons'(145) and, on
request, may prepare and provide these to 'a Minister or prescribed
Commonwealth officer'.(146) The Minister may not issue
directions regarding 'the content of, or any conclusions to be
reached in, any report or assessment'.(147)
One obvious reason for the difference is that
ASIO and ONA are intended to identify and address security threats
and to provide information and advice to Australian agencies. ASIS
merely obtains information on external matters that might affect
Australia generally. It is not empowered to provide information and
advice to Australian agencies.
However, the comparison does raise the question
of the extent to which ASIS should be protected from ministerial
interference in the selection of targets and the extent to which
DSD should be protected from ministerial interference in the
provision of advice.
Opposition Briefings
Proposed section 19 provides
that the Prime Minister may authorise the Director-General to
'brief' the Opposition Leader 'about ASIS'. The
briefing may be at the behest of the Opposition Leader, the Prime
Minister or, in theory, the Director-General. No limit is imposed
on the range of matters that may be covered in briefings which
might conceivably cover functions, expenditure or administration
and even priorities and operational matters.
Parliamentary
Committee
Establishment and Functions
Proposed Part 4 provides for
the establishment and functions of the PJC.
Proposed section
29 permits the PJC to review administration and
expenditure of ASIO or ASIS and 'any matter' referred to it by a
responsible Minister or a House of Parliament.
However, the PJC may not review:
- 'sources of information, other operational assistance or
operational methods available'
- 'particular operations that have been or are being proposed to
be undertaken'
- information provided by a foreign government which does not
consent to disclosure
- 'an aspect of the activities of ASIO or ASIS that does not
affect an Australian person'
- the privacy rules developed by the responsible Ministers for
ASIS or DSD.
Nor may the PJC conduct inquiries into
individual complaints.
Procedure, Offences and Administration
Schedule 1 provides for the
procedure, offences and administration of the PJC.
Part 1 deals with
procedure.
The PJC cannot compel the production of
'operationally sensitive information' or information which that
'would or might prejudice' national security or foreign
relations.(148) 'Operationally sensitive
information' basically relates to the first three dot points
above.(149) Generally the PJC may require any person to
appear before it, except for staff members or agents of ASIO or
ASIS or the IGIS. Moreover, the PJC may not require the attendance
of the Director-General of either agency except in
relation to matters that have been referred to the PJC by the
responsible Minister or a House of Parliament.(150)
The responsible Minister for ASIS or ASIO may
prevent or restrict the provision of evidence or documents to the
PJC if s/he is of the opinion that this is necessary to prevent the
disclosure of 'operationally sensitive
information'.(151) This opinion is subject to an
privative clause: it 'must not be questioned in any court or
tribunal'.(152)
The PJC may not disclose or publish without
consent any evidence or document given or produced by any
person.(153) For evidence or documents given by ASIO or
ASIS staff members, consent may only be given by the relevant
Director-General.(154) Moreover, the PJC may not
disclose or publish any evidence or document without the
Minister's consent. The Minister may object to disclosure or
publication if s/he considers it contains:
- information indicating the identity of past or present staff
members or agents
- information which that 'would or might prejudice'
- national security or foreign relations
- the performance by the agencies of their functions.
Similar rules apply to the disclosure of
information in reports to Parliament.(155)
In both cases, the Director-General of the
relevant agency may authorise the PJC to disclose or publish
information relating to the identity of staff members or
agents.(156)
Offences
Part 2 deals with offences.
It is an offence to disclose or publish, without
authorisation, evidence or documents given to the
PJC.(157) The maximum penalty is 2 years'
imprisonment.
A person may disclose information which has
'already been lawfully disclosed or published'. There is no
indication of what constitutes 'lawful' disclosure or publication.
As noted above, under the heading Functions, Activities and
Protection: Confidentiality, disclosure or publication of
information regarding the identity of a staff member or agent which
has been drawn from broadcasts, transcripts (or reports) of the PJC
is ordinarily not lawful. But presumably, disclosure or
publication of information relating to sources, operations,
methods, etc. which has been drawn from the same source would
be lawful.
A witness before the PJC may claim as of
right the privilege against
self-incrimination.(158) It is worth noting that this
privilege cannot ordinarily be claimed as of right in
proceedings of other committees. Specifically, while a witness has
'technical' privilege against self-incrimination in respect of
subsequent court proceedings, by virtue of the prohibition on
questioning or impeaching parliamentary
proceedings,(159) s/he ordinarily would not have any
legally enforceable right not to answer a question put by a
parliamentary committee.
A witness is also offered express and strong
protection against interference.(160)
It is an offence for a member or staff member of
the PJC to make a record of, disclose or communicate any
information, or produce any document, acquired because of their
involvement with the PJC unless it is for a purpose connected with
PJC work.(161)
Administration
Part 3 deals with
administration.
Two significant elements are the requirements
that the PJC conduct inquiries in camera unless authorised
by both relevant Ministers to conduct hearings in
public,(162) and that the PJC make security arrangements
acceptable to the relevant Directors-General.(163)
- Brian Toohey and William Pinwill, Oyster: The story of the
Australian Secret Intelligence Service, Heinemann, Melbourne,
1989, p. 288.
- Toohey and Pinwill, op. cit., pp. 291-292.
- Richard Farmer, 'School for Aust. spies: Top-Secret Espionage
Ring Exposed', The Daily Telegraph, 1 November 1972. See
also Max Suich, 'Untangle the intelligence web', The Australian
Financial Review, November 3, 1972.
- Max Suich, 'Untangle the intelligence web', The Australian
Financial Review, November 3, 1972, p. 3.
- Mr Malcolm Fraser, 'Royal Commission on Intelligence and
Security', Ministerial Statement, House of Representatives,
Debates, 25 October 1977, p. 2339.
- Ibid.
- Royal Commission on Australia's Security and Intelligence
Agencies, Report on the Sheraton Hotel incident, February
1984, p. 68.
- Paul Daley, 'The Sheraton Shambles', The Sunday Age, 7
November 1993.
- (1984) 156 CLR 532.
- Royal Commission on Australia's Security and Intelligence
Agencies, Report on the Sheraton Hotel incident, February
1984, p. 17.
- Commission of Inquiry into the Australian Secret Intelligence
Service, Report on the Australian Secret Intelligence Service
(Public Edition), March 1995 (hereinafter Samuels and Codd),
p. 2.
- Comments by Brian Toohey on Late Night Live program of
28 September 1989.
- Comments by Brian Toohey on Late Night Live program of
12 February 1990.
- Comments by Warren Reed, former ASIS intelligence officer in
Four Corners program of 14 July 1997.
- Brad Crouch, 'ASIS "Like the KGB"', The Sunday
Telegraph, 26 December 1993.
- Statement by Ross Coulthard in Four Corners program of
21 February 1994.
- '[ASIS] does not maintain 'tens of thousands of files'
containing dossiers about Australian citizens, as alleged in the
media': Samuels and Codd, op. cit., p. xxiii.
- The Minister said: 'ASIS does have some files, as one would
expect in an organisation of that nature, even though its brief
extends to activities outside the country rather than inside. They
are essentially of an administrative nature': Senator Gareth Evans,
Answer to Question Without Notice, Senate, Debates, 22
February 1994, p. 859.
- Hon. Andrew Peacock, MP, 'ASIS', Press Release by Hon.
Andrew Peacock, MP Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs, 22
February 1994.
- Hon. Andrew Peacock, MP, 'ASIS Inquiry Must Address Relations
with DFAT', Press Release by Hon. Andrew Peacock, MP Shadow
Minister for Foreign Affairs, 23 February 1994.
- Senator Vicki Bourne, 'Four Corners: ASIS Out of
Control', News Release, No. 94/41, 22 February 1994.
- Samuels and Codd, op. cit., p. xxxi.
- Ibid, p. xx.
- Ibid, p. xxiii.
- Ibid, p. xxiii.
- The commissioners stated that 'evidence presented to us of
action and reaction in other countries satisfies us that the
publication was damaging': Ibid, p. xx.
- Ibid, p. xxiii.
- Ibid, pp. xxiii-xxiv.
- Mr Malcolm Fraser, op. cit.
- Defence Signals Directorate, 'Introduction to DSD', at http://www.dsd.gov.au/background2.html.
- Defence Signals Directorate, 'Government Directive', November
1986, at http://www.dsd.gov.au/directive2.html,
para 3(b).
- Ibid, para 4(a).
- Ross Coulthard, 'Big Brother is listening', Sunday, 23
May 1999, at
http://news.ninemsn.com.au/sunday/cover_stories/transcript_335.asp.
- Apparently, Echelon sites, containing satellite dishes
and automated computer processing facilities are located at
Kojarena near Geraldton, Western Australia; Shoal Bay, near Darwin;
Waihopai, near Blenheim, South Island New Zealand; Yakima, in
Washington; Sugar Grove, West Virginia; Sabana Seca, Puerto Rico;
Leitrim, Canada and at Morwenstow and London in Britain: Duncan
Campbell, 'Careful, they might hear you', The Age, Sunday
23 January 1999 at http://www.theage.com.au/daily/990523/news/news3.html.
- Royal Commission on Intelligence and Security, Third
Report: Abridged Findings and Recommendations, April 1977, p.
6.
- Mr Malcolm Fraser, op. cit.
- Senator Gareth Evans,
Ministerial Statement, Australian Secret Intelligence Service,
Senate, Debates, 1 June 1995, p. 716.
- Toohey and Pinwill, op. cit., p. 198.
- (1978) 142 CLR 1.
- (1984) 156 CLR 532.
- Ibid, per Mason J at p. 550.
- Ibid.
- Ibid, at p. 562.
- Ibid (emphasis added).
- MacLeod v Attorney-General (NSW) [1891] AC 455, per
Halsbury LC, at p. 458-459; Thompson v The Queen (1989)
169 CLR 1, per Deane J, at p. 33, R v Keyn (1876) 2 Ex D
63, at pp. 68, 117, 152, 160-161, 239 Huntingdon v Attrill
[1893] AC 150 per Watson LJ, at pp. 155-156.
- Jumbunna Coal Mine NL v Victorian Coal Miners'
Association (1907) 6 CLR 309 at p. 363 and Morgan v
White (1912) 15 CLR 1 at pp. 3-9.
- Wanganui-Ragitikei Electric Power Board v Australian Mutual
Provident Society (1934) 50 CLR 581 at 601. See also Air India
v Wiggins [1980] 2 All ER 593 per Scarman LJ at p. 597.
- Meyer Heine Pty Ltd v The China Navigation Co Ltd
(1966) 115 CLR 10 at p. 23.
- This is discussed in Dennis Pearce and Robert Geddes
Statutory Interpretation in Australia (3rd Ed),
pp. 97-99.
- Crimes Act 1914, section 3A.
- A similar jurisdiction has been asserted in Australia, but only
in relation to war crimes, hostages and torture: War Crimes
Amendment Act 1988, Crimes Act 1914, Part IIIA (ss
50AA-50GA), Crimes (Torture) Act 1988, section 7;
Crimes (Hostages) Act 1989, section 7.
- See generally Ivan Shearer in S. Blay, R. Piotrowicz and B.M.
Tsamenyi, Public International Law: An Australian
Perspective, Oxford University Press, Melbourne, 1997, pp.
161-192, at pp. 165-179; Matthew Goode, 'The Tortured Tale of
Criminal Jurisdiction', Melbourne University Law Review,
1997, vol. 21(2), pp. 411-459 at pp. 413-414.
- Broken Hill South Ltd (Public Officer) v Commissioner of
Taxation (NSW) (1937) 56 CLR 337 per Dixon J at 375;
Mynott v Barnard (1939) 62 CLR 68 per Latham CJ at 75 and
Starke J at 89; Helmers v Coppins (1961) 106 CLR 156. See
also Union Steamship Co of Australia Pty Ltd v King (1988)
166 CLR 1.
- Ward v R (1980) 142 CLR 308.
- Lipohar v The Queen; Winfield v The Queen [1999] HCA
65 (9 December 1999), per Kirby J, at para 178. This is because
individuals do not have any particular status as residents of a
State or Territory in contrast to the Commonwealth of Australia
which is a unique legal entity having its own criminal jurisdiction
and being recognised in international law.
- Liangsiriprasert v United States [1991] 1 AC 225 at
251; R v Manning [1999] QB 980 at 1000; Lipohar,
op cit, per Gleeson CJ at para 35; per Gaudron, Gummow and Hayne JJ
at para 123; per Callinan at para 269. Although the approach in
Liangsiriprasert was criticised in Goode, 1997(b), p. 436
and Lipohar, op cit, per Kirby J, paras 175-176. The
previous cases were Board of Trade v Owen per Tucker LJ,
at 625-626 (conspiracy to defraud); Department of Public
Prosecutions v Doot [1973] AC 807, per Wilberforce LJ at pp.
817-818 and Salmon LJ at pp. 832-833 (conspiracy to defraud);
DPP. v Stonehouse [1977] 2 All ER 909 (attempt). See also
comments in R v Hansford (1974) 8 SASR 164, per Wells J at
p. 195; McNeilly v The Queen (1981) 4 Australian Criminal
Reports 46; R v Millar [1970] 2 QB 54; R v
El-Hakkaoui [1975] 2 All ER 146 discussed in Goode, 1997(b),
op cit, at pp. 433-436. Aside from Liangsiriprasert
all of these cases could be viewed as examples of
crimes where some element of the principal offence occurred within
the territory.
- Libman v The Queen [1985] 2 SCR 178.
- Lipohar, op cit, per Gleeson CJ at para 35; per
Gaudron, Gummow and Hayne JJ at para 123; per Callinan J at para
269.
- As in some other cases, there was no particular concern with
the ambit of the law (ie that the offence may have occurred outside
South Australia) but a real difficulty with the law itself (ie that
there was no offence in South Australia of a conspiracy outside
South Australia to commit a crime).
- For example, section 5C the South Australian Criminal Law
Consolidation Act provides that an offence against the law of
South Australia will be committed if all the elements exist and
there is a territorial link between an element and the State. The
territorial link exists where the offender is within the State or
where an element of the offence 'is or includes an event occurring
in the State'. Similar provisions have been enacted in New South
Wales (Crimes (Application of Criminal Law) Amendment Act
1992), Tasmania (Criminal Law (Territorial Application)
Act 1995) and the Australian Capital Territory (Crimes
(Amendment) Act 1995).
- '[I]t can be argued that the quite extensive geographical
extensions to the criminal jurisdiction of a State and Territory
advocated in this Discussion Paper are more clearly appropriate to
intra Australian cases and not international cases', Model Criminal
Code Officers Committee of the Standing Committee of
Attorneys-General, Chapter 4: Damage and Computer
Offences and Amendments to Chapter 2: Jurisdiction - Discussion
Paper, January 2000, p. 177 at http://law.gov.au/publications/Model_Criminal_Code/damage.pdf
[1/9/00].
- See generally Criminal Code, Division 70.
- This judicial review would be an action taken under section 39B
of the Judiciary Act 1901 and section 75 of the
Constitution rather than the Administrative Decisions (Judicial
Review) Act 1977. This is because ASIO, and ASIS under the
Intelligence Services (Consequential Provisions) Bill 2001, are
exempt from AD(JR) actions: Administrative Decisions (Judicial
Review) Act 1977, Schedule 1, paragraph (d).
- Two judges said that, in the absence of bad faith or
infringement of personal rights, such a question was not
justiciable. They said that the issue of relevance either could not
be assessed in isolation from other information that was or
could become available to ASIO or was beyond the expertise
of judges. They also said that the scrutiny of ASIO operations was
dealt with exclusively in the ASIO Act and, in any event, judicial
proceedings would be frustrated by claims of secrecy or public
interest immunity.
- Church of Scientology v Woodward (1982) 154 CLR 25 at
pp. 59-61.
- Associated Provincial Picture Houses v Wednesbury
Corporation (1948) 1 KB 223 see also Prasad v Minister for
Immigration and Ethnic Affairs (1984-1985) 6 FCR 155, per
Wilcox J, at p. 169.
- Samuels and Codd, op. cit., p. xxx.
- Royal Commission on Intelligence and Security, Third
Report: Abridged Findings and Recommendations, April 1977, p.
13.
- Samuels and Codd, op. cit., p. 40.
- Ibid.
- Statement made by the then Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs,
Mr Peter Reith, MP: Samuels and Codd, op. cit., p. 53.
- Ibid, paraphrasing arguments put to the Royal Commission, p.
55.
- Ibid, p. 54.
- Ibid, p. xxx.
- Ibid, p. 61.
- Ibid, pp. 62-63.
- Ibid, p. 93.
- Ibid, p. 95.
- Ibid, p. 95.
- Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security Act
1986, subsection 8(4).
- Samuels and Codd, op. cit., p. xxx.
- Ibid, p. xxx.
- Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security Act
1986, particularly section 9A inserted by Schedule 5 of the
Australian Security Intelligence Organisation Legislation
Amendment Act 1999.
- '[T]he government has accepted my recommendation that these
inspections be accorded specific statutory recognition, and will
shortly introduce amendments to the IGIS Act which will achieve
this. The amendments will also, if enacted, empower me to report on
matters arising from those inspections if necessary: Letter from Mr
Blick, Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security to Ross
Coulthard, 12 March 1999, at http://www.igis.gov.au/000001.PDF
- In one news story, officers alleged that 'even ASIS files [the
IGIS] has access to are sufficiently encrypted so he does not fully
understand what he is reading': Brad Crouch, 'Our spies are a
"laughing stock"', The Sunday Telegraph, 16 January
1994.
- Samuels and Codd, op. cit., p. 24.
- Ibid, p. 5.
- Toohey and Pinwill, op. cit., pp. 207-209.
- Samuels and Codd, op. cit., p. 29.
- Ibid, p. 29.
- Ibid, p. 28.
- Ibid, p. 29.
- Ibid, pp. 29-30.
- Ibid, p. 34.
- Ibid, p. 35.
- Ibid, p. 36.
- Mr Malcolm Fraser, op. cit.
- Budget Paper No. 1: Budget Strategy and Outlook
(1999-2000), Statement 5: Expenses, p. 5-34.
- Budget Paper No. 1 (1998-99), p. 4-33.
- Budget Paper No. 1 (1998-99), p. 4-34.
- Budget Paper No. 1: Budget Strategy and Outlook
(1999-2000), Statement 5: Expenses, p. 5-34.
- The Hon. Daryl Williams AM QC MP, 'Improving Security within
Government',
Media Release, 22 May 2001.
- Budget Paper No. 2, Part 2: Expense Measures Since the
2000-01 MYEFO, Table 1 Expense Measures since the 2000-01
MYEFO at
http://libiis1/CorpPlan/Budget2001-2002/papers/bp2/html/4_expense.htm#P4_0.
- Budget Paper No. 4: Agency Resourcing (2001-02),
Appropriation Bill (No. 1) 2001-02, Schedule - Services for which
money is appropriated at
http://libiis1/CorpPlan/Budget2001-2002/papers/bp4/html/06_b1_tables.htm.
- Stockdale v Hansard (1839) 112 ER 1112.
- Parliamentary Papers Act 1908.
- Justice Hope commented that intelligence is processed
information in the sense that a lot of different items of knowledge
have been put together, tested against each other for credibility
and a judgment made on the balance as to the truth ... about some
particular situation. It is also assessed as relevant to the
customer; otherwise it would not be provided in 'finished' form':
Royal Commission on Intelligence and Security, Third Report:
Abridged Findings and Recommendations, April 1977, pp.
1-2.
- One of the functions of ONA is to 'assemble and correlate
information relating to international matters that are of
political, strategic or economic significance to Australia': ONA
Act, paragraph 5(1)(a).
- Proposed section 11.
- Royal Commission on Intelligence and Security, Third
Report: Abridged Findings and Recommendations, April 1977, p.
6.
- Mike Frost, former Canadian intelligence officer, on
Sunday, 23 May 1999, op. cit.
- Wayne Madsen, former United States National Security Agency
staffer, on Sunday, 23 May 1999, op. cit.
- Proposed sections 6, 7 and
11.
- For example, under the ASIO Act, a function of ASIO is to
'obtain, correlate and evaluate intelligence relevant to security'
(paragraph 17(1)(a)). 'Security' means the protection of Australia
and Australians against espionage, etc (definition of 'security'
section 3, paragraph (a)). It also means 'the carrying out of
Australia's responsibilities to any foreign country'
(definition of 'security' section 3, paragraph (b)). 'Australia's
responsibilities' to foreign powers are not defined in the ASIO
Act, but might reasonably include protection of foreign countries
and citizens against espionage, etc by Australian citizens or
residents.
- Government Communications Security Bureau Bill 2001,
proposed section 14.
- Ibid, proposed section 15.
- Ibid, proposed section 4, definitions of
'foreign organisation' and 'foreign person'.
- Ibid, proposed section 19.
- Ibid, proposed section 24.
- Intelligence Services (Consequential Provisions) Bill 2001,
Schedule 2, proposed section
35(2B).
- Proposed paragraph 6(1)(e).
- Proposed paragraph 6(2)(a).
- See generally, Jennifer Norberry, Measures to Combat Serious
and Organised Crime Bill 2001, Bills Digest No. 14
2000-2001.
- Proposed subsection
11(1).
- Proposed subsection
6(4).
- The Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd Edition,
Clarendon.
- See generally, Norberry, op. cit.
- Intelligence Services Act 1994 (UK), section 7.
- Ibid, section 7(6)(a).
- Extradition Act 1988, section 11.
- A court may be unwilling to extradite a person who is merely
'under investigation' (Moglia v The Republic of Italy) or
'strongly suspected' (Kainhofer v Austria (1994) 124 ALR
665). Although in the latter case, on appeal, the High Court held
that for the purposes of the Extradition Act 1988, 'terms
which relate to the criminal procedure of other countries should
not be interpreted so as to confine its reach to cases in which a
step in the foreign procedure accords precisely with a step in the
procedure of Australian courts': Director of Public
Prosecutions v Kainhofer (1985) 185 CLR 528, at p. 529
(Headnotes).
- That is, where the maximum penalty is death or imprisonment for
more than 12 months: section 5.
- Extradition Act 1988, sections 7(d), 16(2) and
19(2)(c). This requirement is also included in extradition treaties
that define 'extraditable offences'.
- That is, an offence of a political character because of the
circumstances in which it is committed or otherwise, not including
specific offences such as hijacking or hostage taking
(Extradition Act 1988, section 5).
- In addition to the 'political offence' exception, the Act
provides other grounds for objection (Extradition Act
1988, section 7):
- accused is really sought for prosecution or punishment
according to his or her race, religion, nationality or political
opinions
- accused may be prejudiced at his or her trial, or punished,
detained or restricted in his or her personal liberty by reason of
race, religion, nationality or political opinion
- the overseas offence would only have constituted an offence
under Australian military law rather than the general criminal law,
and
- the accused has been pardoned, acquitted or punished for the
offence already
- Toohey and Pinwill, op. cit. pp. 199-200.
- Samuels and Codd, op. cit., pp. xxiii-xxiv.
- Intelligence Services Act 1994 (UK) Schedule 1,
paragraph 3.
- Ibid, paragraph 8.
- In Church of Scientology v Woodward Mason J commented:
'I should have thought that this would have been the responsibility
of the Director-General even if the statute had been silent upon
that point': 154 CLR 25 at p. 58.
- ASIO Act, paragraph 17(1)(b).
- Ibid, paragraph 17(1)(c).
- Ibid, subsection 8(4).
- Ibid, subsection 8(5).
- ONA Act, paragraph 5(1)(b).
- Ibid, subsection 5(2).
- Ibid, subsection 5(4)
- Proposed item 1.
- See the definition of 'operationally sensitive information' in
proposed section 3.
- Compare the difference in language between proposed
items 2(5) and 3(4). In the former, the
power to obtain information from 'persons' exists in relation to a
matter that the PJC is 'reviewing or that has been referred to the
[PJC]'. In the latter the power to obtain information from the
Director-General(s) is limited to a matter 'that has been referred
to the Committee'. Thus, if the PJC has initiated an inquiry of its
own motion, as opposed to the inquiry being initiated by a
reference, it has the power to compel persons but it does not have
the power to compel the Director-General(s).
- Proposed item 4.
- Proposed item 4(4).
- Proposed item 6(2).
- Proposed item 6(2)(a).
- Proposed item 7.
- Proposed items 6(4) and
7(2).
- Proposed item 9.
- Proposed item 9.
- Bill of Rights 1689, Article 9; Parliamentary
Privileges Act 1987, section 16(1).
- The offences in the Bill for interference with a witness carry
a maximum penalty of 5 years' imprisonment or a fine of 300 penalty
units or $3 300 (a penalty unit is currently $110: Crimes
Act 1914, section 4AA). By contrast similar offences in
section 12 of the Parliamentary Privileges Act 1987 carry
a maximum penalty of 6 months' imprisonment or $5 000 for an
individual and $25 000 for a corporation.
- Proposed item 12.
- Proposed item 20(2).
- Proposed item 22.
'The arguments in favour of legislation are that
it would:
- give legislative authority of the type which should exist for
the activities of all significant, continuing government
agencies;
- restrict ASIS activities to functions authorised by the
legislature and establish appropriate arrangements for
accountability, thus providing the opportunity to refute the common
misconception that the Service is a 'loose cannon';
- confer legitimacy on ASIS in the eyes of the community, and
reduce the suspicion surrounding its activities;
- provide increased protection for ASIS officers, sources,
methods and product;
- provide stability and continuity for the organisation, with
consequent improvements in staff morale;
- bring ASIS into line with ASIO and with intelligence services
in most other parliamentary democracies.
The arguments against legislation for ASIS are
that:
- it is simply unnecessary or, alternatively, the specific issues
requiring legislative treatment do not justify comprehensive ASIS
legislation;
- it would be likely to raise expectations in the community - as
to accountability and the flow of information - which could not be
met;
- it could not be framed with sufficient specificity to be of
practical value without also causing undesirable international
repercussions;
- it would invite intrusive parliamentary debate on the
existence, role and function of ASIS; and
- it would represent a significant move away from the
'neither-confirm-nor-deny' policy which is essential to
security.'
Samuels and Codd Royal
Commission(1)
1. Samuels and Codd, op. cit., pp 33-34.
Nathan Hancock
1 August 2001
Bills Digest Service
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